A Dark Page in History: The Nanjing Massacre and Post-Massacre Social Conditions Recorded in British Diplomatic Dispatches, Admiralty Documents, and U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports [New, updated edition.] 0761870946, 9780761870944

About three weeks after Japanese troops captured Nanjing when the worst of the atrocities was over, American diplomats w

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A Dark Page in History: The Nanjing Massacre and Post-Massacre Social Conditions Recorded in British Diplomatic Dispatches, Admiralty Documents, and U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports [New, updated edition.]
 0761870946, 9780761870944

Table of contents :
A Dark Page In History
Contents
Preface
Introduction
Maps
1 The Fall of Nanjing
2 Reign of Terror
3 Conditions in the Fallen Capital
4 Violation of British Property and Interests
5 Royal Navy Reports of Proceedings
6 U.S. Naval Intelligence Reports
Appendices
USS Oahu Log Book, December 1937
Photographs of Executions by Japanese Armed Forces
Notes
Index

Citation preview

A Dark Page in History The Nanjing Massacre and Post-Massacre Social Conditions Recorded in British Diplomatic Dispatches, Admiralty Documents, and U.S. Naval Intelligence Reports New, Updated Edition

Edited and with an Introduction by

SUPING LU

Hamilton Books

Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

First edition copyright © 2012 by University Press of America, Inc. New material copyright © 2019 by The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. Publication of this book was supported by the B&R Book Program. 4501 Forbes Boulevard Suite 200 Lanham, Maryland 20706 6 Tinworth Street, London SE11 5AL, United Kingdom All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America British Library Cataloging in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Control Number: 2018965283 ISBN 9780761870944 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 9780761870951 (electronic) The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48—1984 Printed in the United States of America

Contents

Preface

vii

Introduction

ix

Maps 1 The Fall of Nanjing

1

2 Reign of Terror

17

3 Conditions in the Fallen Capital

49

4 Violation of British Property and Interests

75

5 Royal Navy Reports of Proceedings

99

6 U.S. Naval Intelligence Reports Appendices USS Oahu Log Book, December 1937 Photographs of Executions by Japanese Armed Forces Frank P. Lockhart, U.S. Consul General at Shanghai, Sent to Secretary of State Cordell Hull

133 173

187

Notes

203

Index

239

Preface

On January 6, 1938 about three weeks after Japanese troops captured Nanjing when the worst of the atrocities was over, American diplomats were allowed to return to the city to re-open their embassy. Three days later, British and German diplomats arrived by HMS Cricket on January 9. Since their arrival, the diplomats of the three countries continuously dispatched cables, reports, and documents reporting conditions in the city, including Japanese atrocities, reign of terror, economic situation, living conditions, and other aspects of social life. These diplomatic records prove to be a treasure trove of invaluable primary source material for research and study on the Nanjing Massacre from unique perspectives. I paid numerous visits to the U.S. National Archives in Washington D.C., and College Park, MD, the Public Record Office (British National Archives) in London, and Auswärtiges Amt Archiv (Foreign Ministry Archives) and Bundesarchiv (Federal Archives) in Berlin to retrieve these diplomatic documents. I first visited the Public Record Office in the spring of 2002. Every day I commuted by tube from Victoria Station to Kew Gardens, searching for British diplomatic documents in connection with the Nanjing Massacre for my book project, They Were in Nanjing: The Nanjing Massacre Witnessed by American and British Nationals, which eventually appeared in print in 2004. I discovered that, unlike the U.S. National Archives, which provides access to declassified diplomatic documents mainly in their original loose-leaf form, the Public Record Office offers only limited numbers of diplomatic dispatches, selected and arranged in bound volumes. The British diplomatic reporting system is different from that of the United States as well. John Moore Allison, American consul in Nanjing, primarily reported directly to Cordell Hull, then Secretary of State. If he cabled out dispatches to other posts in China, he would copy them to the Department of State. Consequently, a complete set of Allison’s telegrams were archived in Washington D.C. Whereas, Humphrey Ingelram Prideaux-Brune, Allison’s British counterpart, reported mainly to Robert George Howe, chargé d’affaires at the British Embassy in Shanghai. Howe would then decide what should be transmitted to the Foreign Office in London. As a result, London did not have everything Prideaux-Brune, and his successor, Ernest William Jeffery, sent out from Nanjing. Due to the fact that most of the diplomatic dispatches are numbered, I real-

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ized that I had obtained only a fraction of Nanjing’s dispatches from the British Foreign Office archives. The next logical place to track down the Nanjing cables would be the Nanjing and Shanghai British embassy archives. I consulted an archivist in the Public Record Office for clues to access those embassy files. After several unsuccessful attempts, he concluded that the embassy archives in that time frame were probably destroyed or lost after the Pearl Harbor Bombing when British diplomats in Nanjing and Shanghai were detained by the Japanese. Since we had exhausted the Foreign Office files, I pointed out that, because the British Embassy in Nanjing did not have radio facilities of its own in early 1938, the diplomats relied on Royal Navy’s radios to send out dispatches. Therefore, the Royal Navy’s archives might have the related records. Eventually, the archivist was able to locate some of the 1937-38 Royal Navy Yangtze patrol records in Admiralty archives. By combing through these files, I managed to retrieve some of the Nanjing’s telegrams, along with the proceedings recorded by the captains of British gunboats that anchored off Nanjing or patrolled nearby. I revisited the Public Record Office in 2008 and 2016, but did not find significantly more documents. Unlike the collection of Allison’s telegrams obtained from the U.S. National Archives II at College Park, MD, and published in A Mission under Duress: The Nanjing Massacre and Post-Massacre Social Conditions Documented by American Diplomats, what I retrieved from the Public Record Office is far from a complete set of British Nanjing diplomatic dispatches. However, these British documents prove to be another important source material that not only enabled me to draft the British chapter for They Were in Nanjing, but also help us understand the different facets of the Nanjing Massacre from British perspectives. Hence, this collection of British diplomatic dispatches and admiralty documents are too valuable to remain unpublished. A Dark Page in History, a collection of British diplomatic dispatches, admiralty documents, and U.S. naval intelligence weekly reports, was first published in 2012. Its Chinese translation appeared in print in 2017 in Nanjing. With more information available to be utilized for the Chinese translation, it is necessary to update the English version. In addition to updated and newly added annotations, included in the new edition are six maps, along with appendices consisting of USS Oahu December 1937 Log Book and a report by Frank Pruit Lockhart, US Consul-General at Shanghai, transmitting 13 photos of Japanese atrocities on September 16, 1938. Suping Lu University of Nebraska-Lincoln January 2019

Introduction Suping Lu

I After the Sino-Japanese hostilities broke out in North China as the result of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident on July 7, 1937, tension quickly built up down south in the Shanghai area. On July 24, a Japanese sailor was found missing. As the Japanese alleged that he had been kidnapped in a Chinese plot, it was feared that the incident would escalate. Crisis, however, was prevented, for the time being, when the missing sailor was found in Jingjiang (靖江), a city about 150 miles west of Shanghai. He had simply deserted with no plot involved.1 A few weeks later on August 9, a shooting incident, in which two Japanese marines and one Chinese soldier were killed near the entrance of the Hongqiao Airfield in a Shanghai suburb, eventually led to the outbreak of hostilities in Shanghai. Street fighting started on August 13. As both sides rushed in reinforcements, the conflict escalated to ferocious battles. The war continued for three months. The beginning stage witnessed Chinese troops on the offensive with four Chinese divisions battling several thousand Japanese marines in urban warfare. The situation dramatically altered on August 23, when two Japanese divisions landed north of Shanghai, and a large number of Chinese troops rushed northward to establish new defense lines. As a result, the focus of war shifted to rural areas with the Chinese on the defensive. In spite of Japanese naval and air attacks and bombardments which inflicted heavy casualties, Chinese soldiers fought persistently, defending their shrinking positions village by village, street by street, and house by house until early November, when Japanese reinforcements of the 10th Army under the command of General Heisuke Yanagawa landed at Hangzhou Bay south of Shanghai on November 5 and the 16th Division under General Kesago Nagajima landed near the mouth of Yangtze in the north a few days later. Chinese troops were forced to give up their positions and Shanghai fell on November 12, 1937. Due to miscommunication and poor organization that resulted in a chaotic and hasty retreat, Chinese troops failed to put up any effective defense west of Shanghai, while the Japanese Central China Expeditionary Forces under General Iwane Matsui swept the Yangtze valley in chase of the fleeing Chinese troops. As the Japanese advanced westward along three routes towards Nanjing, atrocities were reported to have taken place in Suzhou, Wuxi, Changzhou, Zhenjiang, and many other towns and villages Japanese soldiers had traveled through. After Japanese troops reached the Nanjing city gates on December 9, Gen-

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eral Matsui delivered an ultimatum to the Chinese Nanjing garrison commander, General Tang Shengzhi, demanding an unconditional surrender by noon the following day. General Tang issued no response. The Japanese launched final assaults by 2 p.m., December 10. Fierce bombardments, shelling, and bitter fighting continued for two days until city walls were breached at several points. Japanese soldiers swarmed into the city from the south later December 12. Nanjing, the Chinese capital, was brought under Japanese control on December 13, 1937. As they had done on their way to Nanjing through the lower Yangtze valley, Japanese soldiers committed atrocities in Nanjing and its vicinity. Mass executions were carried out at locations along the river outside the city walls and eastern and southern suburbs, as well as inside the city, while small-scale killings took place all over the city. Many of the victims were civilians, old and young, male and female. James Espy, an American vice consul who arrived in Nanjing on January 6, 1938, reported: the Japanese soldiers swarmed over the city in thousands and committed untold depredations and atrocities. It would seem according to stories told us by foreign witnesses that the soldiers were let loose like a barbarian horde to desecrate the city. Men, women and children were killed in uncounted numbers throughout the city. Stories are heard of civilians being shot or bayoneted for no apparent reason.2

Charles Yates McDaniel, an American journalist who stayed to report the battle and fall of Nanjing, recorded in his news dispatch what he witnessed on December 16, 1937: Before departing for Shanghai Japanese consul brought no-entry notices, which posted on embassy property. En route to the river, saw many more bodies in the streets. Passed a long line of Chinese, hands tied. One broke away, ran and dropped on his knees in front of me, beseeching me to save him from death. I could do nothing. My last remembrance of Nanking: Dead Chinese, dead Chinese, dead Chinese.3

According to the judgment reached in 1948 by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, the estimated “total number of civilians and prisoners of war murdered in Nanking and its vicinity during the first six weeks of the Japanese occupation was over 200,000,” and that “these estimates are not exaggerated is borne out by that fact that burial societies and other organizations counted more than 155,000 bodies which they buried,” though these “figures do not take into account those persons whose bodies were destroyed by burning or by throwing them into the Yangtze River or otherwise disposed of by the Japanese.”4 While killings were in progress, Japanese soldiers committed other atrocities such as raping, wholesale looting, and rampant burning. Japanese soldiers searched for women to violate them wherever they could be found. Death was frequent penalty for the slightest resistance on the part of a victim or the members of her family who sought to protect her. Even girls of tender years and old women were raped in large numbers throughout the city, and many

Introduction

xi

cases of abnormal and sadistic behavior in connection with these rapings occurred. Many women were killed after the act and their bodies mutilated. Approximately 20,000 cases of rape occurred within the city during the first month of the occupation.5

Wilson Plumer Mills, an American Presbyterian missionary in the city, described the horrors women in Nanjing had to endure: “your hearts would have been wrung as were ours had you seen some of the early morning crowds of women fleeing from one place to some other where they thought they would be a little safer than they had been from the terror that was theirs the night before. Literally thousands of cases of rape have occurred.” 6 Japanese soldiers were turned loose to maraud the city, breaking into any property at will to ransack and loot. It was reported that scarcely a single piece of property in the city had escaped entry and looting by soldiers. It made no difference whether the building or store was foreign property, or owned by a Chinese national, all had been entered and looted without discrimination. The American, British, French, German, and Italian embassy compounds were entered and articles ransacked and carried away.7 According to Miner Searle Bates, an American missionary professor in Nanjing, there was not a store that remained undamaged, and many stores were thoroughly plundered by Japanese soldiers with trucks.8 While killing, raping and looting intensified the reign of terror, widespread burning, along with littering bodies, presented the most visible and terrifying physical evidence of the carnage. Burning was committed at random throughout the city. Houses and buildings were burnt down on many streets. The southern part of the city, the business and commercial section, suffered the worst of the ravages by fire, with block after block of buildings and houses burnt down. Many blocks were left with only a dozen or fewer buildings still standing. 9 Hubert Lafayette Sone, another American missionary who remained in Nanjing, described the burning he had witnessed: The homes of many people have been burned, and shops and stores are still burning. Every day and night fires can be seen in the city. Nearly all of Taiping and Chung Hwa Roads have been burned. Nearly all the important business and shopping districts have been burned. The Chiang Tang Chieh Church and the Y.M.C.A. have been burned to the ground. So the people cannot all go home even when they might be able to. Many of the villages outside the city have been burned.10

II Two weeks after the hostilities broke out in Shanghai, on August 26, 1937, British ambassador, Sir Hughe Montgomery Knatchbull-Hugessen, was travelling by automobile from Nanjing to Shanghai for a discussion with the Japanese ambassador, Shigeru Kawagoe, about the possibility of a diplomatic solution to end the conflict in Shanghai. When his car, with Union Jack visibly displayed, reached the point about 50 miles west of Shanghai, two Japanese war planes attacked and sprayed the car with machine-gun bullets, severely wounding the

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Introduction

ambassador. The shooting incident instantly aroused Anglo-Japanese tension, and a diplomatic waggling ensued. With the ambassador hospitalized, the British Foreign Office dispatched Roger George Howe, former counselor of the British Embassy at Nanjing, to China to take charge of the embassy as chargé d’affaires.11 Howe immediately flew out of London and assumed his responsibility in early September as the top British diplomat in China until March 1938, when the new British ambassador, Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, arrived. After Shanghai fell to the Japanese, the Chinese Government announced on November 20, 1937, to move the national capital from Nanjing to Chongqing in West China. Some of the government agencies were on the move directly towards Chongqing. Others, however, including Communications, Finance, and Foreign Ministries, first relocated to Hankou in Central China. United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and a few other countries, while urging their citizens to evacuate Nanjing, advised their embassies to follow the Chinese Foreign Ministry to Hankou, where they would remain until further westward evacuation became necessary.12 Howe, however, indicated in mid-November that, since Great Britain had consulates-general in both Chongqing and Hankou, Shanghai would be the best location for the British Embassy.13 After the British relocated their embassy to Hankou for less than two weeks, on December 3, the embassy planned the move to Shanghai.14 Following a week long journey via Hong Kong, where Howe met with Ambassador Knatchbull-Hugessen who was recuperating there, Howe and his embassy staff arrived in Shanghai on December 9, 1937.15 While the bulk of the embassy personnel evacuated the Chinese capital, the British Embassy, as American and German Embassies had done, left a skeleton consular group in Nanjing. British Consul Humphrey Ingelram Prideaux-Brune, Military Attaché William Alexander Lovat-Fraser, and staff members Serjeant Parsons and Walter Henry Williams did not leave Nanjing until December 8, 1937, when they boarded British gunboat, HMS Scarab, and other British commercial vessels, which were anchored in the Yangtze near Nanjing. As the hostilities closed in, on December 8, the Japanese consul general in Shanghai informed the Western diplomatic community in Shanghai “that it was the earnest wish of the Japanese forces that all foreign nationals now remaining in Nanking should stay away from the actual zone of the fighting by evacuating that city without delay.”16 On the evening of December 8, Prideaux-Brune, who was in charge of the British Embassy, decided that all the remaining British nationals in Nanjing should evacuate to the ships on the river near Xiaguan. (p. 11) Subsequently, Prideaux-Brune, Lovat-Fraser, Parsons, and Colin Malcolm MacDonald, London Times correspondent, boarded HMS Scarab; Herbert Duthy Hilliard, customs commissioner, Philip Robert Shields of the International Export Company, and, Ivor E. L. Mackey of Butterfield and Swires Company embarked HMS Cricket; Paul Hector Munro-Faure and D. J. Lean of Asiatic Petroleum Company, and Norman Harry Price of the International Export Company went aboard Asiatic Petroleum Company’s SS Tienkwang; William Walter Ritchie, postal commissioner for Jiangsu Province, chartered Butterfield and

Introduction

xiii

Swires Company’s SS Wantung, with Harold Harry Molland, deputy postal commissioner, and some Chinese employees of the postal service on board; and Walter Henry Williams of the British Embassy, together with German diplomats, Dutch and Russian nationals, boarded Jardine Matheson & Company’s hulk Chinwo. (ibid) Thus, except Leslie C. Smith of Reuters, all the British subjects in Nanjing evacuated before the Japanese launched final assaults. Smith covered the siege and fall of the Chinese capital, as well as the initial stage of the massacre before he departed for Shanghai on December 15, 1937, by HMS Ladybird. It was quiet on December 9. Lovat-Fraser, accompanied by George Eric Maxia O’Donnell, the flag captain of HMS Scarab, landed at Xiaguan for a visit. The area was burning fiercely. In the evening, the British shipping concentration moved to a safe anchorage, about four and a half miles upstream from Nanjing at Sanchahe, in compliance with the Japanese demand of staying “away from actual zone of fighting.” On the evening of December 10, Lovat-Fraser, Prideaux-Brune and Hilliard, made another trip to Xiaguan, attempting to enter the city gate. The Japanese launched their final assaults around 2 o’clock that afternoon, and the shelling was so severe that it was impossible for them to get through. (p. 12) At about 2 p.m. on December 11, the British shipping concentration at the above-mentioned “safe anchorage” was shelled by Japanese batteries from the southern bank. As a result, the concentration hurriedly moved ten miles upstream for safety. (ibid) In addition to the shelling of the concentration, the Japanese, after capturing Wuhu on December 10, required all foreigners obtain passes before they were permitted to land at Wuhu. These concurrent incidents provoked Rear Admiral Reginald Vesey Holt, senior naval officer, Yangtze, to request a meeting with Captain O’Donnell, who was in charge of the British shipping concentration, in Wuhu and discuss the situation the following morning. At 4:30 a.m. on December 12, O’Donnell, Prideaux-Brune, and LovatFraser departed for Wuhu on China Import and Export Lumber Company’s SS Tseangteh, leaving HMS Cricket in charge of the concentration.17 As they got to Wuhu at about 7:30 a.m., and were transferred aboard HMS Ladybird, Japanese machine guns on the southern bank opened fire on SS Tseangtah, SS Suiwo and SS Shukwang which were nearby. Ladybird, while sailing for the shore in an effort to dissuade the machine gunners, came under fire from field artilleries. The Japanese fired over one hundred 6-inch howitzer shells at her, causing extensive damage to the ship, killing Terrance N. Lonergan, sick berth attendant, and seriously wounding Petty Officer Smallwood and Quartermaster Mathews. In the midst of chaos, O’Donnell took the wheel, and had one of his fingers shot off by a splinter.18 Subsequently, Lovat-Fraser and O’Donnell went ashore to protest to the Japanese local commander, Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto, to restrain the artillerymen from further firing. At this moment, while the remonstration and argument were in progress, HMS Bee, flying the flag of Rear Admiral Holt, came under

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artillery fire while approaching Wuhu harbor. Lovat-Fraser literally pulled artillerymen away to keep them from firing, and enable Bee to berth safely alongside Ladybird. (p. 59) Holt went ashore to join the remonstrating conference. Before a solution to the Wuhu incident could be reached, there came news of another bombing downstream. At about 1:30 p.m., Japanese planes attacked the British convoy, dropping bombs around SS Whangpu, SS Wantung, and Chinwo. Though there was no direct hit, the blast of bombs and shrapnel did a lot of damage to the superstructure of Chinwo. As a result, foreign passengers on SS Whangpu and Chinwo were transferred to HMS Cricket. Japanese planes conducted further raids on the convoy at 2:30 p.m. and 4 p.m. HMS Cricket and HMS Scarab fired shots to keep the planes from diving to drop bombs at a low altitude. Thus, there was no direct hit, with no further damage inflicted.19 USS Panay, however, was not as fortunate. At 8:30 a.m. on December 12, Panay, escorting Standard-Vacuum Oil Company’s convoy, which consisted of SS Mei An, SS Mei Hsia, and SS Mei Ping, to sail upriver from its previous anchorage about eleven miles above Nanjing, stopped alongside Cricket to transfer a wounded Chinese from SS Wokwang. James Joseph Hughes, the captain of Panay, informed the Cricket’s commanding officer, James Ian Murray Ashby, that “having observed shells bursting in the river some 600 yards astern of him, he was moving to an anchorage some 23 miles above Nanking.”20 Panay eventually dropped the anchor at 11 a.m., about 28 miles above Nanjing near Hexian, unaware of any immediate danger. At about 1:40 p.m., three large Japanese twin-engined planes flew overhead and dropped several bombs, two of which struck Panay, while another bomb hit Mei Ping, causing considerable damage to both ships. Immediately after the first attack, six single-engined planes dropped a total of twenty bombs on Panay. The casualties of the attacks on Panay were three deaths: Charles Lee Ensminger, storekeeper, 1st class, USN, Italian journalist Sandro Sandri, both of whom died on December 13 in Hexian, and Edgar William George Hulsebus, coxswain, USN, who died from his wounds on December 19 in Shanghai. Dozens were wounded, including Lieutenant Commander Hughes and Second Secretary John Hall Paxton of the U.S. Nanjing Embassy. At 3:54 p.m. USS Panay sank into the Yangtze River. The commander of U.S. Yangtze Patrol, Edward John Marquart, and the commander in chief of the U.S. Asiatic Fleet, Harry Ervin Yarnell, both cabled Rear Admiral Holt on the evening of December 12, requesting him to make contact with Panay because the gunboat ceased transmitting in the middle of a message at 13:35 p.m. that day. The following morning, Holt, Prideaux-Brune, Lovat-Fraser, HMS Ladybird’s commanding officer, Harry Douglass Barlow, and others attended the funeral for Lonergan in Wuhu. A message was received then, stating that Panay had been sunk by the Japanese the previous day, and that fifty-four survivors, many of whom were wounded, had reached Hexian on the northern bank.21 HMS Bee sailed for Hexian at noon on December 13, and called at the British concentration four miles below Wuhu to transfer Lovat-Fraser to SS

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xv

Tseangtah, while Prideaux-Brune stayed on Ladybird to maintain contact with Japanese authorities. As soon as Bee arrived at the sinking site, Holt sent out search squads to make contact with survivors and initiate rescue operations. (ibid) Meanwhile, USS Oahu hurried downriver at full speed and arrived at the Hexian waters at 10:16 a.m. on December 14, with instructions to assist the rescue efforts and take survivors to Shanghai. At 5:50 p.m. the same day, HMS Ladybird reached the sinking site as well, to join the rescue operation.22 The painstaking effort by Bee, Ladybird and Oahu crews, assisted by local Chinese, rescued all Panay survivors and brought them aboard Ladybird and Oahu. Ten seriously wounded cases on stretchers, including commanding and executive officers of Panay, were accommodated on Oahu, and the remainder of the survivors were divided up between Ladybird and Oahu. Oahu also received the bodies of Ensminger, Sandri, Carl Harry Carlton, master of SS Mei An, and an unknown Chinese quartermaster, in coffins draped with the Stars and Stripes.23 A convoy was formed with an escorting Japanese destroyer, HIJMS Kasasagi, leading the procession, Oahu second, followed by Ladybird, and directly astern of her the escorting Japanese torpedo boat, HIJMS Otori. The convoy started the downriver journey for Shanghai at about 1 p.m. on December 15. Oahu and Ladybird reached a location just above Nanjing near the southern bank around 4:30 p.m. Upon Japanese directions, the gunboats anchored there for the night.24 During their stay at Nanjing, three American and one British correspondents came on board: Frank Tillman Durdin of the New York Times, Arthur von Briesen Menken of Paramount Newsreels, and Archibald Trojan Steele of the Chicago Daily News were accommodated on Oahu, and Leslie C. Smith of Reuters on Ladybird. Previously on December 14, Lovat-Fraser boarded Ladybird in Wuhu, while Prideaux-Brune stayed on Bee. At about 7 a.m. on December 16, both Ladybird and Oahu left Nanjing, and after two days’ journey, the two gunboats arrived in Shanghai at 4:45 p.m. on December 17, 1937. (ibid) Together with the German consul, Georg Rosen, Prideaux-Brune stayed on board HMS Bee from December 18 to 20, at anchorage off Nanjing hoping that after war actions were over they could soon return to the city and resume their business in the embassies. But the chief of staff of HMS Bee was informed on December 18 by a Japanese consular representative “that at present neither the British or German Consular representatives who are on board Bee could be permitted to land as the Naval and Army authorities had decided that at present no foreigners would be allowed in Nanking.”25 Consequently, Prideaux-Brune and Rosen made arrangements to go to Shanghai. In spite of repeated requests and attempts, until December 31, the information obtained by the commanding officer of Bee was “that no foreigners had been allowed to land at Nanking and that according to the representative of the Japanese military commander none would be allowed to land before January

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Introduction 26

5.” British diplomats, however, were not allowed to land at Nanjing until January 9, 1938.

III On January 9, 1938, HMS Cricket arrived at Xiaguan port facilities around noon. She had onboard Consul Prideaux-Brune, Military Attaché Lovat-Fraser, and Wing Commander J. S. Walser, the temporary air attaché, along with the German Embassy staff. The British consul, military attaché and German officials landed in the afternoon, but the air attaché was not allowed ashore for the reason that the Japanese had not been notified by their authorities in Shanghai of his arrival. He was accommodated onboard HMS Bee, pending permission to land.27 Eventually, after rounds of negotiation, an arrangement was made for Walser to enter Nanjing on January 12. Two days after returning to Nanjing, Prideaux-Brune sent out his first dispatch on January 11 to Howe in Shanghai to inform him of their safe arrival and settling down in the embassy.28 On January 13, Prideaux-Brune reported in a long message more detailed information concerning the conditions inside the fallen Nanjing: Situation here is far more difficult and abnormal than we had anticipated. Atrocities committed during first two weeks after occupation of city were of a nature and on a scale which are almost incredible. Condition as regards military unruliness are slowly improving but isolated cases of murder and other barbarities continue. Within last three days houses occupied by Germans and Americans and flying respective national flags have been forcible entered by military and from one American house a Chinese was summarily removed without consulting U.S. Embassy.29

He indicated that the city was entirely dominated by the Japanese military, who were in a sinister mood and bitterly hostile to the British officials. According to Prideaux-Brune, Western residents in the city deserved high praise, especially their efforts to protect refugees in the Safety Zone, and there “can be no doubt their presence alone has secured comparative safety zone and many attacks on individuals were averted by their continued gallant intervention.” Meanwhile, Japanese military were “firmly opposed to the return of any foreigners except officials and it is obvious that in any case in circumstances above described it would be inadvisable and quite futile for any British subjects to return. Any revival of business activities must depend similarly on some measure of modification among Chinese and it is impossible to say when that may come.” (ibid) Lovat-Fraser expressed similar remarks on January 14 that Nanjing was “a dead city and possibility of trade for some time to come is negligible. Japanese military are in full control and their attitude to foreigners, particularly British, is definitely hostile. Military Attaché has been unable to gain any contact with Military.”30 Due to the fact that military attaché and air attaché made inspection trips to check on British property around the city, Prideaux-Brune was afraid that their

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aggressive behaviors would irritate the Japanese. Consequently, he was “anxious that Military and Air Attaché now on shore at Nanking should leave as they are only an irritant to the Japanese.”31 He felt that success “in all our local dealing with Japanese seems to depend first and foremost on avoidance of friction with military and gradual establishment of more amicable relations with them.”32 Eventually, arrangement was made for Lovat-Fraser and Wasler to leave by HMS Aphis on January 16, 1938, only a week after their arrival. Prideaux-Brune worked sing-handedly in Nanjing for the following two weeks, sending out one dispatch after another to report the conditions in the city: There has been no perceptible improvement in the local situation during the last week. City remains completely dead except as a centre of military activity. Troops are constantly coming and going and appear subject to no unified situation inside city. American Embassy has been much occupied during the past week by cases of soldiers forcing their way into American properties for purpose of abduction or looting. A strong protest has been made in Tokyo and I understand instructions have been sent for better protection to be afforded foreign properties. There have been no signs of any attempt to develop civil administration or to provide security for Chinese life and property. Half hearted attempts were made to persuade some of refugees in safety zone to return to their homes elsewhere in the city. Only a very few individuals risked experiment and they promptly met with disaster.33

While the general conditions did not seem to improve, the Japanese military were still resolutely opposed to the return of any foreigners to Nanjing other than diplomatic officials. (ibid) The revival of any ordinary business activities tended to be pessimistically slim. In addition to monitoring the situation in Nanjing, Prideaux-Brune collected information concerning the conditions of British property and interests in the city. Apart from Yangtze Hotel, which was a British property, and railway station, practically every house in Xiaguan was in ruins. 34 In the lumber yard of the British China Import & Export Lumber Company, buildings remained intact, but offices were ransacked. Lumber stocks seemed to be unharmed, but the Japanese helped themselves to small quantities of timber. He made presentations to the Japanese consulate general over the matter.35 In the International Export Company, he discovered that little “damage has been done but inhabitants have been frightened and ill-treated. Abduction of girls from compound continues as in the rest of the city.”36 Prideaux-Brune’s Nanjing mission was cut short when he departed for Shanghai by HMS Bee on January 29, 1938. Right before his departure on January 28, he briefly reported the Allison Incident, in which John Moore Allison, American consul, was slapped by a Japanese soldier while investigating a rape case taking place on the American property. On January 29, he gave a summary of the conditions in Nanjing as he observed when he left the city: Military lawlessness continues due to lack of any centralized control. Major instances are rape. Ronins (civil hangers on of army, adventurers and bra-

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Introduction voes) have appeared on scene and are likely to prove a source of further trouble. Problem of 250,000 Chinese civilian refugees is serious. Japanese have informed Zone Committee that refugees must be dispensed with before February 4th. Most of them have nowhere to go and no means of subsistence and any hasty action by Japanese authorities may lead to rioting and more atrocities. Japanese continue to resent violently any observation of their activities by foreigners. There is ill-feeling against United States and German Embassies. Situation in this respect is not rendered easier by ineptitude of Mr. Fukui in charge of Embassy Offices.37

After he returned to Shanghai, Prideaux-Brune, apart from drafting a full account about the Allison Incident, submitted a report describing the conditions of Chinese refugees under British protection. The British sheltered nearly 300 men, women and children on Jardine’s hulk Chinwo, which was bombed and damaged when Japanese war planes attacked the British shipping convoy on December 12, 1937. At the time of bombing, Chinese passengers were instructed to scatter around on the northern bank of the Yangtze and return to the ship at the signal. Those who returned were sent to Shanghai. Many others, however, were too frightened to come back. As time went on, people found their way back. They were confined to the hulk and lived on the ship under the supervision of the British gunboat. The dilemma this group of people posed to the British Embassy was that It is extremely difficult to know what to do with them for the time being, as the Japanese already have their suspicions about the inmates of the hulk and so strongly resent any attempts of foreigners to succour the Chinese. No Chinese is allowed to land at Nanking or to enter or leave the city (except in very few and special cases).38

Prideaux-Brune described another group of Chinese seeking shelter in the compound of the British Embassy. There were about two hundred men, women and children, some of whom were servants of the customs and postal officials. These people could not safely stay in their own houses. Some came in from Sajiawan and other adjacent villages. It was impossible to turn them out at present, because no “Chinese can move except in the Safety Zone, and none are safe except in an Embassy compound. We can only keep them until a general re-settlement of the civilian population is undertaken, with proper safeguards and protection.” (ibid) However, in Prideaux-Brune’s messages, there are only summarized descriptions of Japanese atrocities, with no detailed accounts of specific cases mentioned. The detailed atrocity descriptions found in the British Foreign Office archives are those written by American missionaries. The atrocity reports were smuggled out to Shanghai by American and British gunboats. Howe obtained them in Shanghai and dispatched them back to the Foreign Office in London. On January 15, 1938, Howe transmitted two reports he received from Charles Luther Boynton of National Christian Council of China. One is Wuhu General Hospital’s American missionary doctor Robert Ellsworth Brown’s wit-

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ness account of Japanese behaviors in Wuhu. The other is a report by Miner Searle Bates, an American professor on the University of Nanking faculty. Bates gave detailed description of what had happened in Nanjing during the first few days of Japanese occupation. On January 18, via a confidential bag, Howe sent further atrocity reports he obtained from Boynton: Bates’ letters to the Japanese Embassy from December 16 to 27, 1937, and Brown’s letter of December 30, 1937. On January 24, Howe forwarded Bates’ letter of January 10, 1938. In the letter, Bates told his friends: More than ten thousand unarmed persons have been killed in cold blood. Most of my trusted friends would put the figure much higher. There were Chinese soldiers who threw down their arms or surrendered after being trapped; and civilians recklessly shot and bayoneted, often without even the pretext that they were soldiers, including not a few women and children. Able German colleagues put the cases of rape at 20,000. I should say not less than 8,000, and it might be anywhere above that. On University property alone, including some of our staff families and the houses of Americans now occupied by Americans, I have details of more than l00 cases and assurance of some 300. You can scarcely imagine the anguish and terror. Girls as low as 11 and women as old as 53 have been raped on University property alone. On the Seminary Compound 17 soldiers raped one woman successively in broad daylight. In fact, about onethird of the cases are in the daytime.39

On January 27, 1938, two British diplomats, Ernest William Jeffery and Walter Henry Williams, arrived in Nanjing by HMS Aphis to take over the embassy business before Prideaux-Brune departed for Shanghai. As did PrideauxBrune, Jeffery constantly transmitted dispatches to the British Embassy in Shanghai to report the situation in Nanjing. He indicated on February 18 that the local Japanese military authorities still refused to allow merchants to come to Nanjing. Possibilities for trade appeared to be nil and early recovery unlikely. People who remained in Nanjing were extremely poor and cut off from surrounding country, which had been devastated.40 As the situation in the city gradually improved, Jeffery focused more on reporting the social conditions in and around the city, and negotiated with his Japanese counterpart over the British subjects’ property damage and loss claims. In May 1938, Jeffery reported that there were no signs as yet that the wealthier class of Chinese merchants and businessmen would return, The Japanese military had tightened their control: the Bund wharves remained a prohibited military area, and the city gates were still closely guarded. Any Chinese passing through was liable to be stopped, he and his belongings searched. While the Japanese authorities forbid the return of British and other nationals, Japanese civilians had come to Nanjing in surprisingly large numbers. At the end of March the Japanese Consulate General stated that there were over 800 Japanese residents, engaged in a wide variety of business.41 Three months later, however, the Japanese civilian population jumped to 1,504, with 827 males and 687 females. Meanwhile, Jeffery reported that in the

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surrounding country Chinese guerillas had been active, destroying roads and bridges, and on August 13 approached very close to Nanjing, having sharp engagements with Japanese troops. The Japanese military authorities still maintained absolute control in the city and over the city gates, but they had little apparent regard for the welfare of the Chinese and the development of trade. 42 Jeffery’s observation in November 1938 remained largely the same: The Japanese military control remains over Nanking. Sentries are posted at the town gates guarding road entrances, railway communication is controlled by the military, and the entire Bund frontage is still in the hands of either the naval or army forces. The Japanese Special Service Department exercises complete influence over the local Chinese Municipal Government. There are no signs that this military control may be relaxed in the near future; guerrilla units, apparently well armed, are active on every side of Nanking, and the Japanese troops have frequent engagements with them and suffer many casualties.43

Two British businessmen, allowed to visit Nanjing and Wuhu in August and September 1938 to inspect their businesses and assess prospects in the region, drafted reports on the conditions of Nanjing and forwarded the reports to the British Embassy. J. Kinloch reached Nanjing by HMS Cricket on September 3, 1938, and his impression of the city upon arrival was that it “must be a dead city as compared to its more flourishing days of the not so distant past, for one sees very little, even small everyday business being done e.g. itinerant food vendors, barbers etc. except in the most squalid and out of the way streets, where Japanese soldiers are not likely to be encountered.” He noticed that, under the Japanese control, the Chinese residents “looked downtrodden, listless and did not seem to care what the future (or the Japanese) had in store for them.” 44 T. S. H. Hoey, who visited Nanjing from August 25 to September 14, 1938, described the physical damage that remained evident: Apart from the Taiping Road area, damage in the city would appear to be about 20 to 25%, but unfortunately some of the better buildings have been destroyed. In the Taiping Road area, which according to foreign and Chinese sources, was first looted and then burned by the Japanese, damage appears to be about 90 to 95%. Even here some rebuilding in a rough fashion has taken place, and a number of shops are now occupied by Japanese. The burned out ground floors of many former Chinese shops are now being used as stabling for Japanese horses.45

During his tour of duty in Nanjing, another major workload Jeffery sustained was filing and processing property damage and loss claims for British subjects before he negotiated with the Japanese diplomats, and held the Japanese Government accountable for compensations. For nearly a century, British business and trading interests had expanded in the Yangtze valley area. By the 1930’s there were a substantial number of British companies, firms, and other facilities in Nanjing. During the Nanjing Massacre days, with widespread looting and burning, it was inevitable that British property and interests suffered enormous damage and losses. Discovered in the

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Foreign Office archives are a number of well-documented property damage and loss claims filed by British nationals. William Henry Donald, Harold Hodge Molland, Norman Harry Price, William Walter Ritchie, S. Sadhu Singh, and Walter Henry Williams filed claims for their property damage and losses with Japanese authorities through the British Embassy in Nanjing. Apart from detailed descriptions of the damage and losses they sustained, each of the claims is accompanied by an itemized list of the damaged or lost items with pound amount attached. Jeffery and Williams did a lot of work to investigate and verify the cases, and engaged themselves in negotiating with their Japanese counterparts for compensation. In addition to the formal claims filed through the Nanjing Embassy, Herbert Phillips, the British consul general in Shanghai, also handled many cases of property damage and losses suffered by other British subjects and British businesses in Nanjing.

IV After the 1840-42 Opium War, Great Britain forced China to sign a succession of unequal treaties that allowed foreign trade in a number of cities along the coast and the Yangtze as treaty ports where foreigners could live and do business. Ever since, the British Royal Navy had maintained a presence in China, in particular at treaty ports, patrolling China’s coastlines and some of the navigable waterways to provide protection for British subjects and their property, and make sure that British merchants had free access to those ports.46 By 1937, the Yangtze Flotilla ships that patrolled lower Yangtze were insect-class gunboats: HMS Aphis, HMS Bee, HMS Cricket, HMS Ladybird, and HMS Scarab. They regularly rotated and stationed at the ports of Shanghai, Zhenjiang, Nanjing, and Wuhu. The commanding officers of the stationed gunboats were designated for the duration of the stay as the senior naval officers (SNO) at Wuhu, Nanjing, Zhenjiang, or Shanghai. When the British diplomats were absent from a city, the SNO would function as acting consul to report local conditions. When Japanese troops launched the final assaults on Nanjing, HMS Cricket and HMS scarab were with several British commercial ships at Xiasanshan, about ten miles upriver from Xiaguan. HMS Ladybird, at anchorage off Wuhu, was attacked and damaged by Japanese artilleries on December 12, while flagship HMS Bee, with Rear Admiral Reginald Vesey Holt on board, sailed down river and reached Wuhu in the midst of the artillery attack. Bee left for the USS Panay sinking site at noon December 13, and stayed at the Hexian waters for the rescue mission. Bee did not reach Nanjing until 5:30 p.m. on December 18, though the gunboat, at the request of Japanese Rear Admiral Eijiro Kondo, had to move “to a position 2½ miles above Nanking as he states that a military operation is taking place tonight.” 47 At this juncture, Bee experienced a change of command. Holt departed, and Bee sailed upstream from Nanjing to Madang on December 22 to welcome the new commander, Harold Thomas Armstrong, who had been the commanding

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officer of HMS Cockchafer. Armstrong came on board on December 24 to take over as senior naval officer, lower Yangtze, as well as SNO at Nanjing when Bee returned to Nanjing on December 27. Bee did not leave for Shanghai until January 29, 1938.48 Upon arrival in Nanjing on December 27, Armstrong reported that the “situation on shore appeared quiet, but there were a number of large fires on both sides of the river.” He learned from the Japanese the following day that the Japanese military were “still very busy clearing up the city of armed Chinese,” and observed that “Nanking and Pukow were quite quiet but fresh fires were seen started throughout the day. It appeared that the Japanese were wantonly destroying Chinese property.”49 The Japanese authorities, however, did not allow Armstrong to land and enter the city. He made several attempts to land in order to inspect the British Embassy and other British property, but each time was refused permission.50 He was even threatened with rifles and roughly handled by sentries when he stepped out on the pontoon to pay a visit to the Japanese Rear Admiral Kondo.51 As a result, it was difficult for Armstrong to provide detailed account of the conditions inside Nanjing. On January 6, 1938, when the American consular group arrived to reopen the U.S. Embassy, Allison suggested that Armstrong accompany him ashore as the representative of the British consul. But the Japanese authorities brushed aside that notion, and, after a good deal of vacillation, Armstrong was allowed to land to inspect the British Naval Canteen outside the city. After finding that “all the building and surrounding land had been occupied by the Military and was being used as a dumping ground for stores and ammunition,” he made a strong protest to both military and naval authorities against British property being used for military purposes without reference to the British.52 On February 10, Armstrong visited the properties in Wuhu that belonged to Butterfield and Swire, Jardine Matheson, and the Asiatic Petroleum Company. He also visited the American Church Mission and the Spanish priests. Everybody seemed cheerful, “but full of stories of hardships and indignities imposed upon them by the Japanese.”53 According to Armstrong, “in the Lower Yangtze Valley, and in particular in Nanking, which is or was the seat of the Nationalist Government, the Japanese troops have systematically laid waste the countryside and ravaged towns and villages. This seems to imply such an expedition has been the true object of the campaign in this area, and that the Japanese do not intend to occupy the area after hostilities cease.”54 Up to March 1938, the three major river ports, Zhenjiang, Nanjing and Wuhu, were dead cities, and the Chinese inhabitants remaining in the cities were all of the poorest class, living under appalling conditions of poverty and discomfort. “The atrocities which were such a marked feature of the early occupation of both Nanking and Wuhu have practically ceased, although isolated cases of rape are still reported and all Chinese are liable to be impressed for work without remuneration.” (ibid)

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One of the important missions of the British Royal Navy’s presence along the Yangtze was to protect British commercial and trading interests. However, after hostilities rolled through the Yangtze valley, trade in the Japanese occupied areas was practically at a standstill, and the possibility of restarting it on any large scale seemed unlikely, due to the devastating aftermath of war and atrocities, as well as Japanese objections to the return of Western businesses to the areas. To challenge Japanese restrictions and advance British interests, Armstrong offered his insights: For the immediate future it would appear that our best line of action is to exert continued pressure on the Japanese to allow the free movement of our merchant ships on the river, on the condition that the Shipping Companies can guarantee that their ships would have genuine and useful cargos to carry. Our right of free movement is at present maintained by moving the gunboats as frequently as practicable between Shanghai and Wuhu. To obtain free movement of merchant shipping is the only way in which Japanese efforts can be combated, and will hamper their purpose considerably, especially if other interested powers are prepared to follow our lead. …… A course of action to be guarded against is the moving of merchant ships for no other reason than to assert the right of free movement. It is essential that the ships, in moving, fulfill a useful and legitimate purpose. To fail to do so may well appear needlessly provocative, and such pinpricking does not seem specially likely to strengthen our position when the crucial moment arrives for the opening of the river to Hankow. (ibid)

V Soon after the Opium War, most favored nation status under the treaties between Great Britain and China was granted to other countries, who were able to enjoy the privileges afforded the British. Several powers, including the United States and Japan, followed the suit. When American merchants went to China for business ventures, the United States Navy arrived, as well. Although American naval presence on the Yangtze could be tracked back as early as 1854, U.S. gunboats did not maintain regular Yangtze patrol until after 1900. In December 1919, U.S. Navy Yangtze River Patrol was formally organized under the Asiatic Fleet. In the summer of 1937, when Sino-Japanese hostilities broke out in Shanghai, USS Luzon, USS Panay, USS Oahu, and USS Isabel were the American gunboats regularly patrolling the lower Yangtze waterway. On December 12, 1937, Panay was attacked and sunk by Japanese war planes near Hexian, about 28 miles above Nanjing. At the time, USS Oahu was at Jiujiang port, about 275 miles above Hexian. As soon as Oahu learned the news of Panay sinking, the gunboat fueled to capacity and sailed downriver to rescue Panay survivors. After receiving survivors on board, Oahu sailed down river, and anchored several miles above Nanjing for the night of December 15. During the overnight hours, the officer on duty heard “machine gun fire down river throughout the watch,”55 though fighting had long ceased by that time. Oahu passed the Nanjing harbor area around 7:20 a.m. December 16, 1937. However, except for mentioning that “Hsiakwan and Pukow water fronts showed much evidence of fires and destruc-

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tion,” Oahu’s commanding officer, John Mitchell Sheehan, did not report much about his observation in that week’s intelligence report. More than five years later, when he recalled that unforgettable morning, he gave the following account: A red sun rising over the city, and a hazy reddish light flooded the landscape and river. On the Pukow side, the railroad buildings were merely masses of ruin. On the Nanking side the Hsiakwan water front was a silent, deserted prospect, with the blackened jagged walls of roofless buildings lining the empty streets. The crowds and hubbub of the water front were no more, and except for one or two silent Japanese destroyers, no craft of any kind lay at the landings. The wholesale death and destruction of ruthless war had once more come to Nanking. Smoke was rising here and there in Hsiakwan, and inside the walls of Nanking, billows of flame rose from burning buildings. Over the city there hung a dense pall of smoke, and a nauseous stench that pervaded the whole atmosphere indicated things that must have been rather unpleasant. Cast-up wreckage strewed the river banks below the city. 57

Two weeks later, Oahu departed from Shanghai for another upstream journey to assist in the salvage operation on the sunken Panay, land U.S. diplomats at Nanjing to reopen the American Embassy, and deliver medical supplies to Wuhu General Hospital. Oahu reached the Nanjing waters on December 31, 1937. Sheehan found that the water front on both sides of the river was beyond recognition due to widespread destruction. Xiaguan and Pukou were reduced to shambles, scarcely a building still standing. “It was learned from the Bee that no one was being allowed to disembark at Nanking for several days at least. American Embassy officials on board had previously decided to remain on the Oahu until permitted to land in Nanking.” 58 On January 1, 1938, Oahu got to the Panay sinking site for salvage work, and remained there until January 5, when the gunboat proceeded up river to Wuhu. After delivering the medical supplies, visiting American missionaries and inspecting American property in the city, Oahu returned from Wuhu in the afternoon. On its way to Hexian, however, it was noted that on the left bank of the Yangtze, villages were burning fiercely. It was learned later that “the villages had been looted and fired by the Japanese soldiers seeking food and women.”59 At about 9:30 a.m. on January 6, Oahu anchored at the Nanjing harbor, and the three American diplomats landed. Meanwhile, an arrangement was made the following morning for Oahu’s commanding officer Sheehan to visit the American Embassy in the city. Even though a good view of the city’s conditions could not be obtained through the car windows, Sheehan was able to get a glimpse of the ravaged Nanjing at close range: It was a brisk clear winter forenoon. As we rode through Hsiakwan, the silence and emptiness of that once-teeming place was oppressing. There seemed to be hardly a building left standing. We passed through the city gates with the Japanese sentries standing at the salute. Tall piles of sand bags still blocked the

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central portal. Inside, we sped along the wide Chung Shan Road, in the midst of oppressive silence. On each side of the roadway a long line of low, twowheeled carts proceeded, one line with the carts empty and going south, and the other line loaded and going north. These carts were drawn by horses, mules, donkeys, oxen, cows, and water buffalo; and each animal was led by a squat, bearded soldier in mud-covered uniform. We encountered a few small detachments of infantry or cavalry, but the broad street once overflowing with people, riding or afoot, now was empty of all but the Japanese soldiery. Finally we met some Chinese, but there were only two of them, and they were walking along, each carrying a small bundle, followed at a few paces by two heavily armed Japanese soldiers. Knowing only too well what probably was in store for this unfortunate pair, the sight made me sick. 60

This visit to the U.S. Embassy, as well as other information smuggled out by the American missionaries in the city, provided Sheehan with a clearer picture of what had happened since Nanjing’s fall. In his January 17, 1938 report, Sheehan gave a concise description of the carnage: Upon entry into the city by the Japanese, troops were apparently turned loose and billeted in houses throughout the city. Individual soldiers or small groups of them were allowed to roam at will fully armed. They apparently looted and killed indiscriminately. A news reporter stated that bodies were piled high around the city gates after the Japanese arrival. American missionaries reported thousands of rape cases. It was only when the city had been cleaned up to some extent would the Japanese authorities allow foreign representatives to return.61

Several weeks later, American and British naval officers were allowed ashore on February 17 for luncheon at the U.S. Embassy. The officers got another opportunity to be exposed to the dark tales of the reign of terror: The utter brutality wreaked upon the helpless Chinese people seemed incredible in this stage of our civilization; and the tales we heard seemed more appropriate to the days of Genghis Khan and Attila the Hun. Apparently no Chinese female was too old or too young to escape maltreatment and perhaps resulting death. We heard how nightly armed squads descended upon the neutral area and removed groups of men for “questioning.” Few of these men ever returned and it was only from the story gasped out by what was hardly more than a breathing cinder that the fate of the others was learned.62

After luncheon, the officers went in two cars accompanied by Japanese military police. They toured a few of the business streets and the Sun Yat-sen mausoleum outside the city walls. The business districts they saw “were completely wrecked, with the exception of one or two small shops. Every building had been burned and while the streets and sidewalks were clean and tidy, the space inside the building line was merely heaps of ruins.”63 Meanwhile, “the countryside was a picture of the desolation of war. The fine homes were now but empty ruins, gutted by fire or pounded by shells; the outer gates were agape and the courtyards strewn with pathetic household debris of every description.”64

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In addition to the atrocity descriptions, Sheehan also reported the general situation inside the city. He indicated on January 24, 1938 that no foreigners except American, British, and German diplomatic representatives were permitted ashore. Likewise, no foreigners were allowed to leave. It was learned that the International Relief Committee, which had been sheltering and feeding the Chinese refugees, only had food to last about one month. The Japanese were controlling stores of food supplies, which they apparently would not distribute until the Chinese returned to their regular houses. The Chinese were reluctant to do so because those who ventured home were immediately set upon by Japanese troops, who attacked their women.65 The railway transportation to Shanghai was in operation but only for Japanese military use. There was no postal, telegraph, or telephone service available in the city. The power, light and water service had been partially restored. In this connection, the U.S. Embassy learned that soon after the capture of the city, the Japanese authorities came into the neutral zone looking for Chinese technicians to start up the power plant. About 40 of these technicians had taken refuge in the International Export Company’s plant when the city was captured, only to be taken out and shot by Japanese soldiers. (ibid) As of January 23, 1938, the Japanese continued to burn parts of Nanjing’s business district, and looting went on although not to the previous extent. It seemed to Sheehan that no reason could be seen for this sort of procedure except that the Japanese apparently did not intend to make use of the city now that they had captured it. (ibid) In the January 31, 1938 report, Sheehan gave a detailed account of the Allison Incident: On 25 January Japanese soldiers were alleged to have entered the Nanking University Agricultural School (American property) and carried off forcibly a Chinese woman to their barracks nearby where she was attacked. Upon representation being made to Japanese Consular authorities by the American Embassy they said that investigation should be made with an American official present. Consequently Mr. Allison and Mr. Riggs, a representative of Nanking University, accompanied by a Japanese consular policeman and a military policeman, questioned the Chinese woman at the University. The police were wearing civilian clothes and wore arm bands to show their police authority. After the questioning, it was decided to take the Chinese woman to the barracks to investigate the case further. Upon arrival there the Americans consulted with the police as to whether they should go in with the woman to insure a fair examination. The police thought not, but did not forbid them to come. The entire party started in through the gate and a Japanese soldier came rushing at them shouting “Back! Back!”. The party started to go out, and the police tried to explain that these were Americans. However the Japanese soldier slapped Mr. Allison and Mr. Riggs. About that time a Japanese officer appeared demanding to know what it was all about. During this time the Japanese soldier was continuing his attack and reached over the two police, who were trying after a fashion to protect the Americans, and tore Mr. Riggs’ collar. The party then returned to the Embassy car which was parked by the gate, plainly marked with American flags, and a cordon of Japanese soldiers with ri-

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fles and fixed bayonets surrounded the car. The party departed without further molestation, to the Japanese Embassy. The Chinese woman was left there, with the assurance that she would be fairly treated, and Mr. Allison demanded an apology from military authorities by noon the following day. Mr. Fukui, Acting Consul General for Japan took the attitude that Mr. Allison should not have been near the barracks. An apology was made the following day to Mr. Allison by Major Hongo, staff officer of the Garrison Commander. No apology was made by Mr. Fukui.66

With the passage of time, more eyewitness accounts of the Japanese atrocities leaked out. Sheehan included in his February 14, 1938 report excerpts of George Ashmore Fitch’s diaries which, seven pages in length, covered the period from December 1 to December 31, 1937. Fitch recorded the human sufferings under the reign of terror: killing, raping, burning, and looting: On Tuesday the 14th the Japanese were pouring into the city–tanks, artillery, infantry, trucks. The reign of terror commenced, and it was to increase in severity and horror with each of the succeeding ten days. …… At the staff conference that evening word came that soldiers were taking all 1,300 men in one of our camps near headquarters to shoot them. We knew that there were a number of ex-soldiers among them, but Rabe had been promised by an officer that afternoon that their lives would be spared. It was now all too obvious what they were going to do. The men were lined up and roped together in groups of about 100 then by soldiers with bayonets fixed; those who had hats had them roughly torn off and thrown on the ground–and by the light of our headlights we watched them marched away to their doom. ....... Friday, December 17. Robbery, murder, rape continue unabated. A rough estimate would be a thousand women raped last night and during the day. One poor woman was raped thirty-seven times. Another had her five months infant deliberately smothered by the brute to stop its crying while he raped her. ....... Monday, December 20. Violence and vandalism continue absolutely unchecked. Whole sections of the city are being systematically burned. At 5 p.m., Smythe and I went for a drive. All Taiping Road, the most important shopping street in the city, was in flames. We drove through showers of sparks and over burning embers. Further south we could see the soldiers inside the shops setting fire to them and still further they were loading the loot into army trucks. ....... December 22nd. Firing squad at work very near us at 5 a.m. today. Counted over 100 shots.67

In early March 1938, Sheehan was transferred to Navy Yard at Cavite, the Philippines. Before his departure, his successor, Charles Richardson Jeffs, joined the Asiatic Fleet early January 1938 from the Navy Yard at Mare Island, California, and assumed the commanding position of Oahu when Sheehan left. He continued Sheehan’s tradition, and in his April 11, 1938 summary report, he gave a concise and comprehensive description of the conditions in Nanjing since its capture by the Japanese: The Japanese occupation of Nanking 12 - 13 December, 1937, ushered in a reign of terror to the former Chinese capital which it is hard for so-called civilized communities to understand. The complete dominance of the Army over

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the Diplomatic and Navy representatives in the area was one of the outstanding factors in the Japanese occupation. It is not known how many troops were quartered in the city at first, but all reports point to the utter lack of discipline in the divisions stationed in Nanking. Soldiers were allowed to roam at will fully armed, and such organization as did exist at the time was engaged in the execution of Chinese, and the destruction of property. The Chinese city government had been taken over by an International Relief Committee, which sheltered and fed thousands of Chinese in a so-called safety zone. During the first days of occupation, estimated thousands of Chinese men, some former soldiers and some not, were taken out and executed in various barbarous ways, thus solving the prisoner problem for the Japanese. Other activity included the destruction of all Chinese business property, the rape of Chinese women, and the looting of practically all property in Nanking.68

VI The Nanjing Massacre attracted global attention with its magnitude and brutality when a group of American and British correspondents first broke the news to the outside world as the massacre was still in progress in December 1937. More than eighty years later, the carnage continues to haunt people, especially those in China and Japan, and stimulates waves of research interest in academia around the world. The first-hand written records left behind by those who had the opportunities to witness the events and conditions in and around Nanjing during the massacre period and thereafter provide scholars and researchers with valuable evidence and reliable sources to examine that human tragedy in a way that no other material can. For that alone, researchers never seem to lack the vigor or zest to hunt down such source material. After the Japanese launched the final assaults on Nanjing on December 10, 1937 and during the ensuing massacre, there were twenty seven Westerners remaining inside the city. Archibald Trojan Steele of the Chicago Daily News, Charles Yates McDaniel of the Associated Press, Frank Tillman Durdin of the New York Times, Arthur von Briesen Menken of Paramount Newsreels, and Leslie C. Smith of Reuters were five correspondents among the twenty seven. Immediately after their departure from Nanjing by American, British, or Japanese gunboats on December 15 and 16, they cabled out news dispatches to report the atrocities. Steele’s story, which was sent out through USS Oahu’s radio facilities and appeared in the Chicago Daily News on December 15, 1937, first broke the news of the Nanjing Massacre to the public. The other four journalists published atrocity reports in the following days. Many of the remaining twenty two Westerners kept written records, in one form or another, about what they had witnessed, observed and heard in those horror-stricken days, but none of them could manage to send eyewitness accounts out until after U.S. diplomatic officials arrived in Nanjing on January 6, 1938. British and German diplomats entered the city three days later. Through diplomatic channels, American missionaries and German businessmen were able to smuggle out atrocity accounts to Shanghai and dissemi-

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nate them further overseas. Of the fourteen Americans in the city, thirteen left behind a variety of written accounts. It was known that three of the German businessmen recorded Japanese atrocities in their reports, diaries and personal letters. The eyewitness accounts by these Western nationals constitute an important body of primary sources on the Nanjing Massacre, not only because they were neutral countries’ nationals, but also because they had the opportunities to be in the positions and places to observe from a unique perspective. Several of the American citizens offered testimony either in court or in writing against the Japanese defendants in the International Military Tribunal for the Far East in Tokyo in 1946. Meanwhile, American, British, and German diplomats drafted reports continuously to be sent to their respective superiors. The diplomatic documents provide another valuable source material. What the diplomats reported, which, in most cases, is well preserved in their respective national archives, form a consistent and reliable record of what had happened during the massacre, as well as its aftermath and general social conditions in the months following the massacre. However, when the diplomats landed at Nanjing, none of the three embassies were equipped with radio facilities. They relied on U.S. and British navies to communicate and transmit messages to the outside world, and on U.S. and British gunboats to deliver mail and other supplies. Due to the fact that the American Embassy was situated in the central part of Nanjing with quite a distance from the riverfront where USS Oahu was moored, Lieutenant Commander Sheehan offered a naval radio set and operator, James Dunlap who was proficient in Japanese, to the embassy. After several rounds of wrestling with the Japanese military authorities, John M. Allison, the top American diplomat in town, succeeded in having the radio and operator installed inside the embassy compound on January 19, 1938.69 The German Embassy, however, with neither radio set nor gunboat of its own, relied on American and British colleagues for communication. The British Embassy, which was in the northwestern part of the city, was relatively closer to the riverfront and used British gunboats’ radio facilities for transmitting cables out. That is why many of the British Nanjing Embassy dispatches are found in Admiralty archives, rather than in Foreign Office files, in the Public Record Office in London. Though only an incomplete set was uncovered and retrieved from the Public Record Office, these British diplomatic documents do reveal important and valuable information about the Nanjing Massacre, as well as events and conditions before and after the carnage. The descriptions of the atrocities by the British diplomats could be categorized as brief and general, but the British recorded some unique information no other source provide, for instance, the accounts of the evacuation operation and fall of Nanjing, conditions of the Chinese refugees under British protection in the embassy compound and British ship, detailed and consistent reports about the post-massacre social conditions in the city, as well as violation of British property and interests. The U.S. and British navy officers were only permitted to enter Nanjing occasionally. However, although they did not have as many opportunities as dip-

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lomats in the city to have constant and detailed observations, with their gunboats anchored off Nanjing and close contacts with diplomats and missionaries, the navy officers had the convenience and opportunity to obtain information concerning the atrocities and other conditions inside the city walls. Meanwhile, their job responsibilities required them to keep a written record of the daily happenings around them. These naval records thus provide researchers with another opportunity to examine the conditions in and around Nanjing from naval officers’ perspectives. HMS Bee’s commanding officer, Harold T. Armstrong, gave brief accounts of the atrocities, according to what he had observed or learned through other channels. Royal Navy reports of proceedings also offer a lot of information about Japanese bombing of the British ship concentration, the HMS Ladybird bombing incident, HMS Bee’s endeavors to rescue USS Panay survivors, as well as the business and trading prospect in the region in the wake of atrocities and destruction after Japanese occupation. U.S. naval weekly intelligence reports contain substantially broader and more detailed information concerning the atrocities and conditions in Nanjing compared to their British counterparts. It is, at least, partially due to the fact that there were fourteen American citizens living through the reign of terror, whereas, no British subject was there. U.S. Embassy official, Allison, worked aggressively to investigate and protest Japanese atrocities and violation, while his British counterpart, Humphrey I. Prideaux-Brune, took a somewhat conciliatory approach to deal with the Japanese authorities. Likewise, USS Oahu commanding officer, Sheehan, had more resources and encouragement to obtain information and report it than his British counterpart, Armstrong. In spite of some limitations, these British diplomatic documents, Royal Navy reports of proceedings, and U.S. naval weekly intelligence reports are a valuable addition to the literature on the Nanjing Massacre research. They present unique and different perspectives and enhance our knowledge and understanding of the scope and depth of that human tragedy.

Introduction

1

xxxi

“‘Kidnapped’ Japanese Turns up a Deserter,” New York Times, July 29, 1937, p. 3. James Espy, “The Conditions at Nanking, Jan. 1938,” Jan. 25, 1938, p. 8, Department of State File No. 793.94/12674, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 51, Record Group (RG) 59,1930-1939 Central Decimal File, General Records of the Department of State, the National Archives II, College Park, Maryland. 3 C. Yates M’Daniel, “Newsman’s Diary Describes Horrors of War in Nanking,” Seattle Daily Times, Dec. 17, 1937, p. 12. 4 R. John Pritchard and Sonia Magbanua Zaide, The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, Vol. XX Judgment and Annexes, New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1981, p. 49, 608. 5 R. John Pritchard and Sonia Magbanua Zaide, The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, Vol. XX Judgment and Annexes, pp. 49,605 - 49,606. 6 Wilson Plumer Mills, A letter to his wife Nina, Jan. 10, 1938, Box 141, Record Group 8, Special Collection, Yale Divinity School Library, New Haven, Connecticut. 7 J. Espy, “The Conditions at Nanking, January 1938,” Jan. 25, 1938, p. 10. 8 M. S. Bates, A letter to his wife Lilliath, Jan. 9, 1938, Folder 8, Box 1, Record Group 10, Special Collection, Yale Divinity School Library. 9 J. Espy, “The Conditions at Nanking, January 1938,” Jan. 25, 1938, pp. 12-13. 10 H. L. Sone, A letter to P. F. Price, Jan.16, 1938. Methodist Church, 1912-1949, Nanking Theological Seminary, Roll No. 85, Scholarly Resources, Wilmington, Delaware. 11 “Airmen Fell Diplomat near Shanghai,” Washington Post, Aug. 27, 1937, pp. 1 & 3 and “British Note Rebukes Japan,” Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 30, 1937, p. 2. 12 “Chiang Masses Fresh 200,000 about Nanking,” Washington Post, Nov. 19, 1937, p.3. 13 “Americans Ready to Leave Nanking,” New York Times, Nov. 17, 1937, p. 5. 14 “Britain Plans to Move Her Embassy to Shanghai,” NYT, Dec. 4, 1937, p. 1. 15 “British Envoys Confer,” New York Times, Dec. 5, 1937, p. 11, and “Japs Push into 2 More Cities in Nanking Area,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Dec. 10, 1937, p. 10. 16 William Alexander Lovat-Fraser, “The Capture of Nanking,” Jan. 3, 1938, p. 10, File 1751, FO371/22043, Foreign Office, Political Departments, General Correspondence from 1906-1966, Public Record Office, London. 17 James Ian Murray Ashby, Proceedings, Dec. 12, 1937, ADM116/3881, Records of the Admiralty, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 18 Martin H. Brice, The Royal Navy and the Sino-Japanese Incident, 1937-41, London: Ian Allan, 1973, pp. 58-59. 19 Ivor E. L. Mackey, “Nanking Evacuation,,” p. 3, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, & J. I. M. Ashby, Proceedings, Dec.12, 1937, ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 20 J. I. M. Ashby, Proceedings, Dec. 12, 1937. 21 Harold Thomas Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Dec. 17, 1937, ADM116/3675, China Station, Yangtze Squadron General Letters, 1935-37, Public Record Office. 22 John Mitchell Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 Dec., 1937, Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, Record Group 38, Records of the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, General Correspondence of Naval Intelligence, 1929-42, the National Archives, Washington, D.C. 23 Ibid. & Sheehan, “Nanking,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, (Sept. 1943): 1193. 24 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 Dec., 1937 25 Chief of staff, HMS Bee, A telegram to Vice Admiral, Yangtze, Dec. 18, 1937, ADM 116/3881, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 26 John Moore Allison, Unnumbered Telegram to Secretary of State, 6 p.m., Dec. 31. 1937, 793.94/11921, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 48, RG 59, National Archives II. 2

xxxii 27

Introduction

H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Jan. 31, 1938, p. 3, ADM1/9558, PRO. Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 11, 1938, File 478, FO 371/22144, Public Record Office. 29 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, 5:18 p.m. Jan. 13, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 30 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 15, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 31 Senior Naval Officer, Nanking, A telegram to Rear Admiral, Yangtze, Jan. 14, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 32 Consul at Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 18, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 33 Consul at Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy, Jan. 21, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 34 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 18, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 35 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 17, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 36 Robert George Howe, No. 128 telegram, Jan. 22, 1938, FO 371/22085, PRO. 37 R. G. Howe, No. 220 telegram to the Foreign Office, Feb. 1, 1938, File 1371, FO 371/22146, Public Record Office. 38 H. I. Prideaux-Brune, “Situation at Nanking, Chinese Refugees at Present under British Protection,” Jan. 31, 1938, File 2818, FO371/22152, Public Record Office. 39 M. S. Bates, Jan. 10, 1938, A letter to friends, in R. G. Howe’s confidential bag to the Foreign Office transmitted on Jan. 24, 1938, File 2334, FO371/22146, PRO. 40 Ernest William Jeffery, No. 54 telegram, Feb. 18, 1938 in R. G. Howe’s No. 348 telegram, Feb. 20, 1938, ADM 116/3941, Sino-Japanese Hostilities, Japanese Restrictions on Navigation on the Yangtze, 1937-39, Public Record Office. 41 E. W. Jeffery, “Report on Conditions at Nanking dated May 3rd, 1938,” File 7116, FO371/22155, Public Record Office. 42 E. W. Jeffery, “Report on Conditions at Nanking dated Aug. 18th, 1938,” File 10385, FO371/22155, Public Record Office. 43 E. W. Jeffery, “Report on Conditions at Nanking dated Nov. 4th, 1938,” File 13815, FO371/22156, Public Record Office. 44 J. Kinloch, “Notes on Visit to Nanking by J. Kinloch,” File 11032, FO371/22155, Public Record Office. 45 T. S. H. Hoey, “Notes on a Trip to Nanking – 25. 8. 38 / 14. 9. 38,” File 12571, FO371/22155, Public Record Office. 46 Martin H. Brice, The Royal Navy and the Sino-Japanese Incident, 1937-41, p. 27. 47 Chief of staff, HMS Bee, Telegram to Vice Admiral, Yangtze, Dec. 18, 1937. 48 Suping Lu, They Were in Nanjing: The Nanjing Massacre Witnessed by American and British Nationals, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004, p. 251. 49 H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, December 31, 1937, ADM1/9558, Naval Station, Yangtze General Letters: Proceedings, 1937-38, Public Record Office. 50 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 9 Jan., 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG 38, the National Archives. 51 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 30 Jan., 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 52 H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Jan. 31, 1937, ADM1/9558, and SNO, Telegram to Rear Admiral, Yangtze, Jan. 6, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 28

Introduction 53

xxxiii

H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Feb. 28, 1938, ADM1/9558, PRO. H. T. Armstrong, Conditions on Lower Yangtze, March 13, 1937, ADM1/9558, PRO. 55 G. A. Moore, Remarks for 0 to 4 o’clock, December 16, 1937, USS Oahu Log Book, 1937, the National Archives. 56 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 Dec., 1937. 57 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1193. 58 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 2, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG 38, the National Archives. 59 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 9, 1938. 60 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1194. 61 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 16, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 62 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1194. 63 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Feb. 20, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 64 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1195. 65 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 23, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 66 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 30, 1938. 67 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Feb. 13, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 68 Charles Richardson Jeffs, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending April 10, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 69 J. M. Allison, No. 9 Telegram, 9 a.m., January 9, 1937, 124.932/552, Box 815, RG59, and No. 28 Telegram, 2 p.m., Jan. 19, 1937, 124.932/564, Diplomatic Posts, China, Vol. 2172 (Nanking 1938, Vol. XIII), RG84, Records of Foreign Service Posts of the Department of State, National Archives II. 54

1 The Fall of Nanjing

Nanking Evacuation, December 19371 The following is an account of events which occurred between the dates of December 10th and December 15th, in which C. N. Co.2 tonnage and B. & S.3 staff were involved. On the morning of the 10th, the Consul4 ordered all foreigners to evacuate Nanking, and all shipping and gunboats moved up river to a point beyond the lower opening of San Chia Ho Creek.5 Mackay6 was on board H.M.S Cricket,7 and C. N. Co. tonnage in port consisted of: S.S. Whangpu 8 with Lighter 13 in tow, standing by at Nanking as relief ship, also because she was required below any possible boom between Nanking and Hankow;9 S.S. Wantung,10 chartered to the Chinese Post Office as a relief ship, S.T. Taikoo11 and Lighter No. 6, containing the remainder of our office staff, our office furniture, office car, and movable contents of Agent’s House. Chinese Staff on board the lighters were: Wong I Chang, cashier, J. K. Huang, T.S.R.12 clerk, Wong Foo Hai, No. 2 Shipping, Lo Wan Kan, assistant cashier, 2 Hsiakwan13 godownmen, 3 Pukow14 godownmen, 3 watchmen, office chauffeur, and all their families and relatives. These vessels were moored with various other merchant vessels, Jardine’s 15 hulk, and H.M. Ships Cricket and Scarab.16 At this time fires were burning all round Nanking, as the Chinese were burning all possible cover for Japanese troops outside the city walls. Shell fire was continuous, and during the day there were frequent air raids on Pukow and Nanking city. On Saturday morning various members of our staff requested permission to take the Taikoo over to the North Bank in order to bring food from a village there. I agreed. At 2:30 p.m. a shell burst among the shipping, quickly followed by other shells, and all shipping up-anchored and proceeded up river as quickly as possible. Taikoo, from the North Bank immediately proceeded up river. Taikoo lighter No. 6 had been left alongside Jardine’s hulk, and as S.T. Shunwo17 had also proceeded up river at the sound of the first burst, it was left to the gunboats to take care of our lighter and the hulk. H.M.S. Cricket took Taikoo Lighter No. 6 in tow and H.M.S. Scarab took the hulk. Before this the A.P.C.18 contingent, the American convoy, S.S. Wantung, and S.S. Whangpu and Lighter 13 had already got under way and were standing at full speed up river. The shelling followed them until they were out of range. Shipping concentrated again that evening at a point three miles further up river, and after a conference of Masters with the Navy, it was decided that

2

The Fall of Nanjing

Whangpu should take the hulk, Taikoo should take Lighter 6 and Shunwo our wood oil Lighter 13. After this operation had been carried out the convoy proceeded up river to Rosina Beacon,19 some 15 miles above Nanking, where we anchored, and advised the Japanese through Naval and Consular Authorities of our new concentration. We could still hear intermittent shell fire down river, and next morning, Sunday, 12th December, U.S.S. Panay,20 who was anchored with the American convoy astern of us passed up river, advising us when she passed that shell bursts had just been observed 600 yards astern of them and that they intended to anchor 8 miles further up river, past Pheasant Island.21 S.N.O.22 decided, however, in view of last night’s signal to the Japanese advising the location of our concentration to remain where we were. At 11 a.m. a tug and pontoon, followed by several motor boats, was observed coming down river off the North Bank. All craft were flying Japanese flags, and were full of Japanese soldiers. They stopped about ½ a mile above us, landed a field gun and trained it on our concentration. Leaving a group of soldiers around the gun, they then came down river in their motor boats and circled around our concentration. Their leader saluted Captain of the Cricket and they appeared quite friendly, thereby greatly reassuring us. After circling our ships, the party returned to the shore, reshipped the field gun and proceeded down river, presumably to make a surprise landing at Pukow. At 1:30 p.m. the noise of aeroplanes was heard, but, owing to brilliant sunlight, no planes could be picked up, until they were immediately above us when they started to dive and bomb us. Bombs fell all around the Whangpu, Jardine’s hulk, and Wantung, but although the planes dived to about 1,000 feet there were miraculously no direct hits. The blast of the bombs and shrapnel however did a lot of damage to the superstructure of the hulk, the passenger accommodation on the Whangpu and the bridge and deck house of Taikoo. All shipping had been lying close together, and in order to lessen the danger in case of a subsequent attack, all Masters were instructed to open out and lie further away from each other. Captain Mackenzie 23 mistook this order for an order to “open up steam”, and he consequently proceeded full speed up river with the hulk in tow, immediately after all foreign passengers had been transferred from Whangpu and hulk to the Cricket. At 2:30 three larger aeroplanes were observed flying towards us. They passed directly over the convoy, and without diving, dropped six heavier bombs in one salvo, which fell immediately behind M.V. Tien Kuang,24 doing no damage to that vessel, but further damaging deck house and bridge of S.T. Taikoo, which was immediately astern of Tien Kuang, having left Lighter No. 6 drifting in the middle of the river. Lighter 13 had also been cast off by Shunwo and was drifting in mid river. From signals received from H.M.S. Bee25 in Wuhu,26 it was apparent that it was not safe for us to proceed there, and our only course was to remain where we were and trust that the various authorities concerned could prevent further raids. H.M.S. Bee instructed us to recall Whangpu but this would have been im-

The Fall of Nanjing

3

possible. Happily Whangpu, observing that no other vessels were following her, turned around and returned to the concentration. As Whangpu was steaming near Cricket for further instructions, at 4 p.m., more aeroplanes were heard, and three more planes were observed approaching. Again they dived and bombed us, and again, owing no doubt to the prompt and efficient firing of H.M. Ships’ guns, which must have disconcerted the pilots, no direct hits were scored. By this time the Chinese passengers and crew of the merchant steamers and on the hulk were in a fearful panic and almost uncontrollable. The crew of Taikoo all wanted to steam for Hankow, but we advised them that they would only be shot at in Wuhu, and eventually persuaded them to secure our two lighters. This they did, and anchored them in the stream, following which they took the Taikoo into the North Bank, which is steep, and secured her alongside and deserted en masse. The crew of the Shunwo followed suit. We understand all intended to go to Hankow overland. At another conference of Masters, the following plan of action was then decided upon: Whangpu with Lighter 13 alongside would go alongside the North Bank, Wantung and Lighter 6 would do the same, the hulk would be abandoned in midstream, all other ships would spread out in the stream, berthing 3 cables 27 apart. This action was decided for the following reasons: (1) By day the ships alongside the bank could be abandoned completely by passengers and crew, who could disperse in the high reeds in the bank and hide from aeroplane attacks. (2) Ships would be spread out and separate attack would be required to damage any of them. (3) In the event of sinking position would make salvage very much easier and more likely of success. (4) In the event of ships being hit, it did away with the necessity of gunboats getting under way to rescue them, when all hands were required for purpose of defence. Captain Mackenzie, Chief Officer Beyack, and Captain Brotchie28 carried out these operations without a hitch, and acted perfectly splendidly throughout the whole of this trying day. As soon as vessels were berthed alongside the North Bank, roughly 9 p.m., all passengers and most of the crews streamed ashore and fled inland. On Monday 13th, more Japanese troops passed in motor boats, and aeroplanes circled overhead, but there were no further incidents. There were attempts at looting S.S. Whangpu from villagers ashore, but Captain Mackenzie, Chief Officer Beyack and Chief Engineer Small prevented that with a show of firearms. On Monday night we received reassuring news that there would be no further attacks, and plans were drawn up for future arrangements. S.T. Taikoo was deserted but for the Chief Engineer. Lighters 6 and 13

4

The Fall of Nanjing

crews had all deserted, but two sailors from A.P.C. lighter offered their services, and with Mr. Munro-Faure’s29 (the manager of the A.P.C. at Nanking) permission, they were engaged. Whangpu deck staff were complete, but engine room staff had all deserted. Wantung staff were complete. By Tuesday, however, various members of the engine room crew of Whangpu had returned, and with the assistance of an engineer from the Wantung, Whangpu was ready for service. In view of possible dangers from soldiery, either Japanese or Chinese, on the North Bank, it was decided that Whangpu and Wantung and their respective lighters should be anchored in the stream. In case any further crew or passengers returned from the country we were able to convey them from shore to ship by A.P.C. launch Siang Nan or Hogee30 tug Ho Ying. Disposition of C.N.C. tonnage at noon on Tuesday was: Whangpu and Lighter 13 anchored in stream. Wantung and Lighter 6 anchored in stream. Taikoo, immobile, moored alongside A.P.C. tug Wo Kwang.31 Repairs to S.S. Whangpu passenger accommodation were carried out by ship’s carpenter of H.M.S. Cricket and all European passengers were transferred from H.M.S. Cricket and Scarab to S.S. Whangpu. On Wednesday news was received that it would be possible for a convoy to proceed to Shanghai, and it was therefore decided to dispatch Whangpu, Lighter 13 and Wantung with this convoy, which left on Wednesday afternoon. All Nanking Chinese staff, with the exception of J. K. Huang, one Hsiakwan tallyman, 2 watchmen, and office chauffeur, proceeded to Shanghai per Whangpu. The staff who stayed are living on Lighter No. 6. Mackay remained on board H.M.S. Cricket in the hopes that sooner or later Nanking would again be habitable and, with the skeleton staff remaining, be able to return to the house and office. When Wantung left Lighter No. 6 was transferred alongside A.P.C. tug Wo Kuang, which already has Taikoo alongside. We have arranged with Mr. MunroFaure that our tug and lighter will remain with tug Wo Kuang as one unit until we are able to make further arrangements. Present indications (Sunday, December 19th) are that Nanking is not yet in a fit state for foreigners to return, and yesterday Mackay received your message to proceed to Shanghai. If there is an opportunity for him to go today or tomorrow, Taikoo and Lighter No. 6 with its occupants will be left with Wo Kuang, to return to Nanking or proceed to Shanghai, whichever is decided by Messrs A.P.C. 19/12/37. written off Nanking.

(SGD) I. E. L. Mackey

The Fall of Nanjing

SECRET

5

Subject: The Capture of Nanking.32

From: H.B.M. Military Attaché, British Embassy, Shanghai. Report I.

2nd January 1938 33

R. G. Howe, Esquire, C.M.G. H.M. Chargé d’Affaires, Shanghai.

34

Sir, I have the honour to forward herewith a brief report dealing with the course of events that led to the capture of Nanking by Japanese military forces on the 13th December, 1937. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient Servant, (Sd.) W. A. Lovat-Fraser35 Lieut-Colonel, Military Attaché Encl/ Report. Copy to: D.M.O. & I.,36 M.I. 2. c.,37 The War Office. C.G.S., India.38 Headquarters, China Command. G.S. (I), Shanghai.39 The Capture of Nanking General 1. Nanking, the capital of the Chinese Republic, passed completely into the hands of the Japanese military on December 13th, 1937. Despite announcements to the contrary on the part of the Chinese authorities, foreign observers who had been residing in Nanking during the few weeks previous to its capture, were all agreed that the Chinese would offer very little resistance to the Japanese advance. There were many reasons for holding this point of view. In the first place a very large proportion of the best troops in the Chinese Army had already been subjected to a most unmerciful battering at the hands of the Japanese Army, Navy and Air Force in the vicinity of Shanghai. In addition to the very heavy casualties sustained by the Chinese during this period the strain on, and losses in, war material had been very considerable. From the 12th November, 1937, onwards, when the Chinese forces were driven away from the vicinity of Shanghai, their inability to hold successfully any of their prepared lines of defence between Shanghai and Nanking made it

6

The Fall of Nanjing

quite obvious that the will to resist had become considerably impaired. It was imperative that the bulk of the Chinese troops that had been employed in the Shanghai operations should be removed at the earliest possible moment from the scene of further hostilities. Their almost precipitous withdrawal westwards was accelerated by incessant and daily bombing on the part of the Japanese. Nanking and the vicinity would have been a veritable death-trap for any large number of troops that might have been caught with their backs to the Yangtze River. To the east the river defences at Kiangyin 40 and Chinkiang 41 were practically obsolete. The Nanking river defences were little better and in addition they were too close to Nanking to risk the danger of failing to hold a combined naval and land attack by Japanese forces. The so-called boom across the river at Chinkiang presented no difficulties to the Japanese and so, once the Japanese Navy had subdued the Kiangyin forts and navigated the boom, the Chinese forces were left with no alternative but to cross to the north bank of the Yangtze River wherever possible or side-slip southwestwards before the Japanese were successful in occupying Wuhu. Speaking generally, this is what transpired. Preliminary Preparations 2. As early as the 25th November a wholesale evacuation of Nanking by the civil population was in full swing. By the 28th November most of the civil and military officials, including the Ministers of War and Navy, had left. General Chiang K’ai-shek,42 his wife, and Mr. W. H. Donald 43 remained until the 8th December and then left in the General’s own private aeroplane for Kuling 44 and eventually Hankow. Their departure left behind no official of any account other than General Tang Sheng-chi45 and his satellites. General Tang Sheng-chi, Director of Military Training, was appointed to command the Nanking defences on the 26th November. It is difficult to know why he was chosen, except that the policy of the Chinese higher command would appear to be to “try everybody once”. For the past three years he has not, to the best of my knowledge, ever attended office. To my enquiries from time to time I was always informed that he was very ill. I met him for the first time on the 28th November at a press conference. A man of 52 years of age,46 he appeared to be dazed if not doped. It was obvious that any call upon his intellect was a strain and he gave one the impression of being the most unsuitable man for a very difficult task. He announced that he intended to defend Nanking and advised foreigners to leave, adding with charming naïvite it was quite possible that provincial troops might cause disorder in the city. One of his chief subordinates was Lieutenant-General Kuei Yung-ching,47 who commanded the Instructional Division. This was the officer who attended H.M. King George VI’s Coronation as chief military representative. At this time a scheme sponsored by some of the foreign community was afoot for the provision of an International Refugee Zone. The area chosen was the residential west-central part of the city where most of the modern Chinese residences were located!

The Fall of Nanjing

7

Nanking City 3. Turning to military preparations within the city. All city gates were heavily barricaded with sandbags and large baulks of wood. In the principal gates such as the Chung Shan Men48 in the east and Yi Chiang Men49 in the north a narrow passage was left capable of taking two-way traffic. Machine gun redoubts made of sandbags and wood were erected along the city walls. The south and south-eastern gates in particular were strongly fortified with machine gun nests. Very little artillery was left to support the infantry defending the city. Underground telephones were laid along the main streets and knife-rests were placed in readiness at important street centers. Chinese soldiers detailed to defend the city were issued with a special yellow band with the Chinese characters for “Defence Corps” printed on them. For a week before the actual assault took place soldiers not in possession of yellow bands (except wounded) were not allowed to enter the city. It is difficult to assess the actual garrison of the city, but from enquiries and observation I estimate the total strength did not exceed 22,500 men. These were made up as follows: 36th Division under Sung Hsi-lien50 6,000 88th Division (part of) under Sun Yuan-liang51 5,000 Instructional Division – Kuei Yung-ching 7,000 3 Regiments Gendarmerie 4,500 Total: 22,500 In all probability this figure is over-estimated.52 Outskirts of Nanking 4. Turning to the defences outside the city walls. Nanking is surrounded by nine forts (see my memo. 21 of 4th June, 1936). Most of the armament was obsolete and open to attack from the air. In addition, the area on all sides of the city for some years past has been a military reservation. It is true that modern gun emplacements had been erected all over this area together with numerous concrete machine gun posts. However, in the defence of Nanking, the Chinese artillery was conspicuous by its absence. This was probably due to two reasons – (a) heavy losses in war material on the Shanghai front and (b) the fact that the Chinese had no intention of seriously defending Nanking. What little artillery I saw during the beginning of military preparations was being hurriedly transferred to the north bank of the Yangtze River. The country in the vicinity of Nanking, particularly in the area of Fangshan,53 9 miles south-east; Tachengshan, 54 Tangshui 55 and Yulungshan, 56 some 19 miles east of Nanking is eminently suitable for defensive warfare. It consists of small ranges of hills which afford good observation and excellent cover. Resolute troops holding a defensive position in this area could have held out for an indefinite period. However, the Chinese cannot be blamed for putting up such an inglorious show. Their morale had been badly shaken, mostly by attacks from the air, and they lacked modern artillery or the semblance of an air force. In addition, there

8

The Fall of Nanjing

was always the naval threat from the river to one of their most important lines of retreat. It is difficult to assess the number of Chinese troops left behind to guard the approaches to Nanking. I am of opinion that most of them had slipped away by crossing to the north bank of the Yangtze or side-slipping past Wuhu at least a week before the threat to Nanking became imminent. Apart from the troops within the city walls mentioned in paragraph 3, by the 5th December, I could only find traces of the following troops within a close range of Nanking: Units of the 88th Division holding the area in the vicinity of the Nanking-Wuhu Railway and Nanking-Lishui57-Nanking-Wuhu roads58 some 6 miles to the south of Nanking. Units of two Cantonese divisions (probably the 156th and 160th Divisions) astride the Nanking-Shanghai motor road in the vicinity of Chilingmen,59 some 11 miles east of Nanking, and a nondescript body of Szechuanese troops60 who littered the Hsiakuan river front and rushed every steamer, tug or sampan with the idea of either escaping upstream or getting to the Pukow side of the Yangtze River. Course of Events 5th Dec. 5. By the 5th December the Japanese forces were in possession of Lishui, Tienwangtze,61 Kuyung62 and Tanyang63 (Shanghai-Nanking Railway) all to the east of Nanking. Chinkiang Forts held out until the 10th December thereby delaying the advance of the Japanese column advancing along the Shanghai- Nanking Railway. From now on the three columns from Lishui, Tienwangtze and Kuyung, in the face of little resistance, pressed steadily on towards the south and southeastern gates of Nanking. 8th Dec. A fourth column from Kwangteh64 occupied Suancheng,65 on the railway, some 35 miles south east of Wuhu on the 8th December, thereby threatening any Chinese forces attempting to slip away south-westwards. By the 8th December Japanese advanced forces had succeeded in occupying the Tachiaochang Military Aerodrome66 only two miles from the Tungchimen Gate 67 (south-east wall). To the east of Nanking the Japanese were brushing aside the feeble Chinese resistance in the vicinity of Chilingmen, some 7 miles from the important Chungshanmen Gate (east wall), and heavy artillery fire was clearly audible to residents living in the north-west part of the doomed city. General Iwane Matsui,68 the Japanese Commander-in-Chief, “advised General Tang Sheng-chi to surrender the city by noon on the 10th December” as the city was now completely surrounded. On this day the Chinese military authorities commenced burning the suburbs outside the city walls (including Hsiakuan) and Nanking gradually became encircled by a ring of fire.

The Fall of Nanjing

9

9th Dec. During the 9th December the fires continued to rage unabated whilst odd shells were falling in the vicinity of the railway station at Hsiakuan. In the south and south-eastern part of the city the Japanese contented themselves with shelling and bombing the city gates, particularly the Kwanghuamen. 69 10th Dec. On the 10th December at about 1400 hours General Matsui, having received no reply to his advice to surrender the city, issued orders for a general attack. The main force of the attack was directed against the Tungchimen and Kwanghuamen in the south-east part of the city. In addition to heavy artillery fire a hail of bombs from relays of aeroplanes were dropped on this section of the defences. The Japanese were also successful in establishing themselves on the southern slopes of the Purple Mountain,70 a short distance from the Chungshanmen. Wuhu was occupied without opposition by a Japanese force of about one division on this day. 11/12th Dec. The attack continued throughout the whole of the 11th December and 12th December. On the 11th December Purple Mountain was completely occupied by the Japanese and during the morning of the 12th December the Japanese were successful in capturing the whole of the southern wall of the city including the Tungchimen, Kwanghuamen, and Chungshanmen 71 Gates. Early that morning General Tang Sheng-chi and other military officials left Nanking by launch for an unknown destination. His departure led to a general sauve qui peut and a complete collapse in the Chinese defence. Chinese troops began to retreat in disorder towards the north part of the city in the hope of reaching Hsiakuan and eventually safety on the north bank of the Yangtze River. The main Chungshan Road became a shambles of withdrawing soldiery, motor-cars, pack animals, transport carts, anti-tank and heavy machine guns on wheels and articles of military equipment thrown away in the hurried flight. That evening the recently constructed Ministry of Communications on the Chungshan Road was set alight. This led to further congestion on the road, and to add horror to the scene, a mass of vehicles became ignited in the narrow opening left in the Yichiangmen Gate (north wall),that completely blocked the exit to Hsiakuan. Eye witnesses state that corpses three feet high encircled this gate. In desperation many Chinese troops attempted to lower themselves over the wall with the aid of improvised ladders and articles of clothing tied together, but a large number remained trapped within the city. During the course of this hurried evacuation Japanese artillery shelled the Chungshan Road. It is not known how many succeeded in crossing the river to comparative safety but it is suspected, owing to the Chinese predilection for overcrowding boats, that many must have been drowned.

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The Fall of Nanjing

13th Dec. By noon on the 13th December foreign residents in the International Refugee Zone saw the first Japanese patrols advancing northwards along the Chungshan Road, and by nightfall the Japanese were in full possession of the city. From reliable sources (foreigners who remained in the city) no prisoners were taken by the Japanese whose policy from the very beginning has been to shoot every able-bodied man capable of handling a rifle. Hundreds of Chinese soldiers who had been trapped in the city discarded their uniform and equipment and sought safety in the International Refugee Zone. From the same reliable sources it is learned that hundreds were arrested by the Japanese and, it is feared, taken out and shot. By dawn on the 13th December a Japanese brigade that had crossed to the north bank of the Yangtze in the vicinity of Wukiang 72 had arrived at and occupied Pukow on the north bank of the Yangtze. During the 13th December Japanese warships (gunboat and destroyers) had forced the boom at Chinkiang and had arrived off Nanking. From an operational point of view the Japanese staff work was well conducted. Wuhu was occupied on the 10th December thus cutting off any chance of escape in that direction. The capture of Nanking, the arrival of the brigade at Pukow and the advent of the Navy was well synchronized. It might be argued that the brigade at Pukow would have attained better results had it arrived earlier – say on the 12th December. The Chinese had only one idea in their heads “SCRAM”. International Relief Zone 6. As mentioned in paragraph 2 of this report an attempt was made by various interested foreigners in Nanking to create an International Refugee Zone in the west central part of Nanking. The Chairman was a certain Herr Rabe, 73 local representative of the German firm of Siemens. That general idea was to provide a zone of safety for thousands of wretched Chinese who by force of circumstances had been unable to leave the city. Representations were made to the Japanese authorities to respect this zone and Herr Rabe dispatched a personal telegram to Herr Hitler (result unknown) asking him to use his influence with a view to ensuring the safety of the proposed area. The Japanese replied to the effect that whilst they could not guarantee the safety of the zone they would do their best to respect it. The Chinese authorities were more troublesome and it was only under constant pressure that they agreed to remove military establishments from the zone and stop military preparations such as digging trenches within the selected area. As far as could be ascertained the Japanese did respect the zone and only some 15 shells fell within the zone during the course of operations. Their subsequent action in arresting and possibly shooting Chinese ablebodied men (some were undoubtedly soldiers) who had taken refuge in the zone is open to criticism.

The Fall of Nanjing

11

British and Other Nationals 7. In order to ensure the safety of British nationals remaining in Nanking, the British Consul at Nanking, Mr. Prideaux-Brune, had made arrangements for the majority of them to be accommodated on Messrs Jardine Matheson & Co.’s hulk which, before the danger became imminent had been moved from the Hsiakuan Bund to a position some 4½ miles up-stream of Nanking. On the 8th December the Japanese Consul General in Shanghai notified the senior foreign consul in Shanghai 74 “that it was the earnest wish of the Japanese forces that all foreign nationals now remaining in Nanking should stay away from the actual zone of the fighting by evacuating that city without delay”. Prior to the 8th December all womenfolk (7) were living on the hulk and on the evening of that date the Consul rightly decided that the remaining British subjects should evacuate to the hulk and ships on the river. This was safely accomplished, the distribution being as follows: (a) H.M.S. Scarab. Consul, Military Attaché, Serjeant Parsons, Military Attaché’s clerk and Mr. MacDonald75 (Times representative who moved subsequently to the ill-fated U.S.S. Panay). (b) H.M.S. Cricket. Mr. Hilliard,76 Customs Commissioner, Mr. Shields,77 representative of the International Export Company, Mr. Mackay, representative of Messrs Butterfield and Swires, and Mr. Leslie Smith, 78 Reuter’s representative. (c) Asiatic Petroleum Ship Tienkwang. Mr. Munro-Faure and Messrs Lean79 and Price,80 assistants. (d) Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s S.S. Wantung, that had been chartered by the Postal Commissioner for himself and his staff. Aboard – Mr. Ritchie,81 Postal Commissioner, Mr. Molland,82 assistant, and Chinese Postal Staff. (e) Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s S.S. Whangpu, which had been detained by the Consul and had on board the Chief Engineer of the ill-fated S.S. Tuckwo83 (bombed at Wuhu on the 5th December) and his wife. (f) Messrs Jardine Matheson & Co.’s Hulk accommodating an assortment of British, German (including the German Embassy representative, Dr. Rosen84), Dutch and Russian refugees, sixteen in all. (g) Two tugs belonging respectively to the International Export Company and Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s. By the evening of the 9th December these ships had evacuated some 4½ miles up-stream from Nanking and had thereby fallen in with the Japanese authorities desire that foreign nationals should remove themselves from the actual zone of hostilities. The Japanese authorities in Shanghai were informed of this concentration. On the 9th December nothing particular happened. I, accompanied by the Flag Captain of H.M.S. Scarab, Captain O’Donnell,85 visited Hsiakuan which was then burning fiercely. On the evening 10th December, in company with the Consul and Customs Commissioner, we attempted to enter the city. This was found impossible owing

12

The Fall of Nanjing

to shelling by Japanese. It was on this night that we confirmed that the Bridge House Hotel86 in Hsiakuan, owned by a British subject, Mrs. Sim, was in the process of being burnt to the ground. On the 11th December my personal observations of what was going on in the vicinity of Nanking ceased. At about 1400 hours the shipping in the “safe anchorage”, some 4½ miles up-stream of Nanking, was suddenly shelled by Japanese batteries on the south bank of the river. This caused us to move hurriedly some 10 miles up-stream. On the early morning of the 12th December I embarked on the S.S. Tseangtah 87 with the intention of proceeding to Hankow. Our arrival and reception at Wuhu at 0730 hours by the Japanese will doubtless have been reported by the British Naval Authorities. It was on this day that the concentration of shipping mentioned above also received the attention of the Japanese. Three times during the course of the afternoon they were bombed by Japanese aeroplanes. The two gunboats were compelled to open fire with pompoms and machine guns, and this fact undoubtedly kept the aeroplanes up at a considerable height. Fortunately no hits were registered by the aeroplanes, but the hulk was badly splintered and had to be abandoned for the time being. Foreigners were moved aboard the gunboats. It was on the forenoon of this day that the U.S. gunboat Panay was also bombed and sunk. I left Wuhu in H.M.S. Ladybird 88 on the 14th December and arrived at Shanghai on the 17th December. (R) Ladybird VAY BA Shai DM H/w v COS in Bee89 Ladybird reports Japanese occupation at Nanking appears complete. Smith, Menken,90 Steele91 and Durdin92 taken on board Ladybird and Oahu.93 Convoy anchored for the night and proceeded at 0700 this morning. Wantung and Whangpu towing lighter No. 13 joined convoy from Hsia San Shan94 concentration. 1327

1150

16/12

The Fall of Nanjing

13

CYPHER MESSAGE.95 IMPORTANT From . . The Chief of Staff in Bee. Date . . 18th December 1937. To . . . VAY. Repeated C in C96 Admiralty. S.N.O. Shanghai. S.N.O. Wuhu. Aphis.97 I called on Rear Admiral Kondo98 at 1500 at Nanking. He informed me that he had instructions from his Commander in Chief that the channels through the Mud Fort99 and Kiangyin Barriers have been made solely for the use of Japanese forces and not for the use of neutrals and that passage of Ladybird, Oahu and other ships of that convoy cannot be taken as a precedent. I have stopped all movements in this part of the river. A Japanese consular representative acted as interpreter and stated that at present neither the British or German Consular representatives who are on board Bee could be permitted to land as the Naval and Army authorities had decided that at present no foreigners would be allowed in Nanking. He had visited the British and German Embassy properties and had been informed by the caretakers that they were in no way damaged. There is considerable tension and occasional shelling by the Chinese from the Pukow side. At the request of Admiral Kondo I have moved to a position 2½ miles above Nanking as he states that a military operation is taking place tonight. S.N.O. Shanghai please copy to British Embassy. N.C.G.B.R.T.1724. VAY (R) C. in. C SNO N/G W/U Shai Aphis BE Shai v COS in Bee100 I may have been misled into being optimistic by your 1327/16 and by fragments unauthorized assurance by the Japanese SNO at Wuhu that the river below Wuhu was virtually open to us. The state of affairs at Nanking not settled as I expected and during the afternoon two shells from Chinese guns in the hills behind Pukow have landed on the Bund.101 There is no doubt that combined operations connected with crossing the river are in progress between here and Mud Fort tonight. I intend however to try to get Kondo’s permission to affect exchange HMS Aphis and Cricket through Mud Fort booms tomorrow. Also to try to arrange for through traffic Chinkiang, Kowan, 102 Shanghai against which Kondo has raised no objections such as military operations as yet. I am not in a position to exert much influence on Kondo’s here as he merely obeys orders from

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The Fall of Nanjing

Shanghai where I hope pressure can be brought to bear. I have no doubt that we can get Capetown103 out in the course but she may have to wait here. 2230/18 W/T ACR

0339

19/12

CYPHER MESSAGE104 IMPORTANT From . . The Chief of Staff in Bee. Date . . 19th December 1937. To . . . V.A.Y. Repeated C in C D.M.105 Hankow. Admiralty. S.N.O. Shanghai for B.E. Shai. I have again interviewed Kondo with the following results. (1) He admits that the present indefinite situation regarding the passage of the booms is due to the Japanese having got to Nanking much faster than they expected. (2) He had no knowledge of the contents of V.A.Y.’s 1327/16 and was supplied with a copy of the relevant part in writing. (3) He stated definitely that where the Japanese Navy was in control of the river neutral shipping was at liberty to move as it pleased but there were booms laid by the Chinese the free passage of which raised a question of principle which he was not in a position to answer. I gained a distinct impression that the question of principle is really the only difficulty in the passage of the booms as he readily consented to Aphis proceeding up river through Mud Fort boom today. When told that our shipping would of course comply with any regulations in force at the booms regarding their passage in order not to interfere with Japanese operations he said that this was beside the point. We shall be able to confirm this from Aphis today. (4) The principle mentioned in para /3 was that as the Japanese had made the gaps in the Chinese booms they had a right to say who could use them. I asked if he expected us to cut our own gaps and said I would have to get busy at which he appeared rather non-plussed. (5) In the course of what was quite a long interview it became clear that “the military operations the nature of which he was not at liberty to disclose” which he kept mentioning were an excuse to gain time for him to refer to higher authority. He assured me that he would use every endeavour to arrange for Cricket to pass down river and thought he could manage this very soon. He agreed to pass any message of importance to shipping at Kuan while there is no Gunboat below Mud Fort and to confirm the safety of Wokwang who moved to Chinkiang installation yesterday.

The Fall of Nanjing

15

(6) I informed him of Capetown’s movement and of her passengers and he said he quite understood and provided we were patient had no doubt she could get out. If there is not enough water for her at Mud Fort boom refugees can be transferred to a lighter draught ship. (7) I gave him in writing the contents of China Station 106 062 D. He stated that he had received similar instructions and agreed that although they of course applied it was unlikely that they would be necessary on the Yangtze. (8) Throughout the conversation I made it quite clear that although I was at present mainly concerned with getting ships down river my Government insisted on our right to move British shipping in either direction at any time. 1455/19

N.C.G.B.R.T.

From . . Senior Naval Officer, Nanking.107 Date . . 29th December 1937. To . . . Rear Admiral, Yangtze. (R) S.N.O. Shanghai. Cricket S.N.O. Wuhu. Situation Wuhu and Nanking improving daily. Military still clearing surrounding country of armed Chinese and appear to be wantonly destroying Chinese property. Intend to send Cricket to Shanghai with down convoy as soon as S.S. Whangpu is ready to leave Wuhu. Cricket will return to Nanking with British Consul as proposed by S.N.O. Shanghai. 0946.

T.O.R.108 1036. Naval Cypher. Gunboats R.T. RAY v SNO Nanking109

Your 2112 30th December. I had intended H.M.S. Cricket or H.M.S. Bee should proceed to Chinkiang after British Consul arrives from Shanghai. At the moment Military Authorities will not allow foreigners to land at Chinkiang or Nanking but Admiral Kondo hopes to arrange for me to call on Army Chief of Staff here in the course of the next few days. H.M.S. Scarab sails for Nanking today. W/T

0550 PAC

0828

31/12

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The Fall of Nanjing

CYPHER MESSAGE110 IMPORTANT From . . S.N.O. Nanking. Date . . 6th January 1938. To . . . R.A.Y. Repeated S.N.O. Shanghai. British Embassy Shanghai. Consul ? American Consul 111 arrived Nanking in U.S.R.G. 112 Oahu 113 this morning in consequence of instructions to open American Embassy. He suggested that I should land with him as representative of British Consul. On arrival at Japanese Flagship114 we were met by Japanese Embassy official who told us that he had received orders from Shanghai to arrange for American Consul to enter city but as he had no orders about me I could not do so. In order not to lose face I said I wished to inspect the naval coal stocks outside the city. Military finally agreed to this. I found B & S property including naval canteen occupied by Japanese troops and surrounding land used for dumping large quantities of military stores. I protested strongly to both army and naval authorities against British property being used for military purposes without reference to us. Excuse was that it was the most suitable place and would be respected. I.D.T.115

1306/6.

SNO Shanghai (R) RAY v SNO Nanking116 Please pass to Ouistreham117 and German Consul General. British Consul, Military Attaché118 and German Embassy staff119 landed safely in Nanking this afternoon Sunday. As Japanese had received no formal notification of arrival of Air Attaché he was not permitted to land. Request you will ask Japanese to arrange for him to be allowed ashore. W/T ACP

1835

1618

9/1

2 Reign of Terror

FROM CHINA Decypher. Mr. Howe (Shanghai). 11th January 1938. 1 D. (By Wireless) 11th January 1938. R. 3.00 p.m. 11th January 1938. No. 47. Following is repetition of Consul, Nanking, telegram No. 1 (begins). Addressed to British Embassy, Shanghai, from Consul, Nanking, telegram No. 1. Military Attaché and I landed January 9th and are residing in Embassy. Japanese authorities are affording every assistance. All buildings in the Embassy compound and their contents are intact except motor cars. I will report separately about these. Addressed to the Foreign Office No. 47, repeated to Tokyo. Saving to Peking. CYPHER MESSAGE2 From Date To Repeated

Consul at Nanking. 11th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai 3. D.M. Hankow.

My American colleague informs me in confidence on his arrival here Japanese authorities offered to make an apology for violation of American Embassy by Japanese soldiery who entered compound and removed motor cars from it. Japanese authorities same time expressed strong hope that matters would be settled locally by an apology to be rendered in Nanking to my American colleague by Chief of Staff to Imperial Prince3 who is here as local C in C.4 This was reported to State Department who have replied agreeing that this matter of violation of Embassy may be settled in this way by a local apology and not treated as a “diplomatic incident” provided that apology is tendered in the name of the Prince. My American colleague is now conferring with Japanese Consul General with a view to arranging this to be done. Japanese authorities also offered to make reparation for material damage done but so far as United States Embassy compound is concerned this is practically confined to removal of motor cars. The case of the British Embassy seems to be exactly parallel. Shall I approach Japanese Consul General with a view to securing a similar apology? I am in the process of

18

Reign of Terror

investigating damage to other British properties and will report about these seriatim. Predeaux-Brune 1632/11. I.D.T. T.O.R. 1928. From Date To

Consul Nanking.5 13th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai 7. (R) R.A.Y.

Very confidential. Situation here is far more difficult and abnormal than we had anticipated. Atrocities committed during first two weeks after occupation of city were of a nature and on a scale which are almost incredible. Condition as regards military unruliness are slowly improving but isolated cases of murder and other barbarities continue. Within last three days houses occupied by Germans and Americans and flying respective national flags have been forcible entered by military and from one American house a Chinese was summarily removed without consulting U.S. Embassy. 2. City is entirely under military domination. Military are in a sinister mood and bitterly hostile towards us. They remonstrated privately with my German colleague for his eccentricity in arriving here in my company. Embassy officials are friendly and helpful so far as circumstances permit. Autonomous committee6 was organized by them and was accorded grudging recognition by military some time after its formal inauguration on January 1st. So far as I can learn it is still in process of finding its feet and it may be some time before it begins to function effectively. 3. Chinese mostly of poorer classes are congregated in safety zone. Estimated number about 200,000. Work accomplished by German and American members of Zone Committee transcends all praise. There can be no doubt their presence alone has secured comparative safety zone and many attacks on individuals were averted by their continued gallant intervention. There is a strong movement to get rid of them and of course only eventual solution is for Japanese to undertake care of remaining civilian population and civil administration in general so soon as proper arrangements can be made. 4. Military are firmly opposed to return of any foreigners except officials and it is obvious that in any case in circumstances above described it would be inadvisable and quite futile for any British subjects to return. Any revival of business activities must depend similarly on some measure of modification among Chinese (?) and it is impossible to say when that may come. 5. On general grounds of policy it seems advisable to maintain continuity of our Consular representation here for the present. I am also faced with difficult problems concerning disposal of our Embassy police guard and Chinese refu-

Reign of Terror

19

gees on board hulk about which I will report separately. If it is eventually decided to keep this Consulate open there should be two British officers stationed here. I would also strongly recommend that one of them should be a member of Japanese Consular service. I think this is almost essential. I will of course willingly stay here myself until definite arrangements can be decided on but it would be a great help if when Military Attaché and Air Attaché leave you could spare Brayne7 to come here and replace him from Japan. 6. Military Attaché concurs in this report. 1738. T.O.R. 0320/14 Interdepartmental. CYPHER MESSAGE8 From Date To Repeated

S.N.O. Nanking. 14th January 1938. R.A.Y. S.N.O. Shanghai. Cricket. S.N.O. Wuhu.

Consul is anxious that Military and Air Attaché now on shore at Nanking should leave as they are only an irritant to the Japanese. Unless arrangements are made for them to go by car or air intend Aphis should take them down to Shanghai leaving Wuhu on 16th January. This will provide an ostensible reason for moving gunboats below the barrier and enable Aphis to complete to war outfit of ammunition. Cricket will become S.N.O. Wuhu. 1715/14 N.C.G.B.R.T. T.O.R. 1746. From Date To

Consul Nanking.9 15th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai. (R) R.A.Y. D.M. Hankow.

Correct my 1733 January 14th to read as follows. Military Attaché reports. Begins. Nanking is a dead city and possibility of trade for some time to come is negligible. Japanese military are in full control and their attitude to foreigners, particularly British, is definitely hostile. Military Attaché has been unable to gain any contact with Military. On January 13th, according to Rosen, he had a serious alteration with Japa-

20

Reign of Terror

nese Consul General and staff officer Major Hongo. 10 He was motoring outside the city in the vicinity of Mausoleum11 when he was stopped by Japanese and ordered back on grounds that he was disobeying Japanese military instructions that foreigners should not leave the city and must always be accompanied by a gendarme. Hot words ensued both sides, the Anti-Communist pact12 was constantly invoked by both parties, and Japanese added fuel to the fire by wildly photographing and filming the now infuriated Rosen. There is no doubt in my opinion some of the arguments used by latter were a little thin. He demanded perfect liberty of movement and objected to having a gendarme in his car (city is by no means normal) on the grounds that Japanese Ambassador in Berlin is not so protected. A gendarme is provided every day to escort (?) accepted this as a wise course. Rosen claims that he received a sort of apology from Okazaki 13 whom he saw after the incident. Ends. Telegram N. 10 of January 14th. 1101. T.O.R. 1428. Interdepartmental FROM CHINA14 Decypher. Mr. Howe (Shanghai) January 15th 1938. D. Wireless. January 16th 1938. R. 6.15 p.m. January 16th 1938. No. 80. I have been supplied confidentially with two separate and completely reliable reports from American missionaries at Nanking and missionaries’ doctor at Wuhu who remained at their posts when the Japanese entered these cities regarding atrocities committed by the Japanese army (copies by bag). Reports quote approximately 100 authenticated cases of rape in American university buildings in Nanking in the first few days of occupation. The Reverend Boynton15 of National Christian Council16 who brought me these reports stated that the Japanese Embassy officials who reached Nanking shortly after entry of Japanese troops were horrified when they saw orgy of drunkenness, murder, rape and robbery which was going on openly in and around refugee zone. Failing to make any impression on military commanders whose attitude of callous indifference makes it probable that army was deliberately turned loose on the city as a punitive measure and despair of getting representations through to Tokyo past the military control, Embassy officials had even suggested to missionaries that the latter should try and get publicity for the facts in Japan so that Japanese Government would be forced by public opinion to curb the army. I have been promised eye-witness reports from Soochow17 and Hangchow18 where behaviour of Japanese troops was equally bad and stories apparently authenticated regarding their behaviour in the neighbourhood of Shanghai are now

Reign of Terror

21

coming in. Major General has today reported a particularly monstrous case about which I am telegraphing separately. Addressed to Foreign Office No. 80 of January 15th, repeated to Tokyo. The Wuhu General Hospital Wuhu, China December 17, 1937. Consul General C. E. Gauss19 Shanghai. Dear Sir: Since the arrival of Japanese troops on the l0th there has been established a ruthless reign of terror which has far exceeded anything ever achieved by any Chinese soldiers in my experience. From the hospital windows we have seen them stop unarmed civi1ians on the road, search them, and finding nothing calmly shoot them through the head. We have seen them firing at fleeing civilians as a hunter would at rabbits. We have had case after case brought into the hospital slashed with sabers or stabbed with bayonets because they had nothing more to give the robbers, having already been robbed many times, or because they did not produce some of their women folks on demand. This morning such a pathetic case was brought to us with his head half severed from the neck at the back, his throat cut through the trachea in the front, and his left cheek slashed through to the mouth, all because he did not produce any women on their demand. During this war Chinese soldiers have not entered foreign property in Wuhu, but the Japanese have not hesitated to invade foreign property flying the American flag and with Japanese posters on the gate forbidding them to enter. On the l3th they pulled down the American flag from a junk belonging to this hospital and threw it in the river. I rescued the flag and took it to two Japanese commanders. They “expressed regrets.” About the same day they broke into our Methodist mission residence at Green Hill, 20 ransacking the house and taking what they wished. On the l5th they went to the Wuhu Academy, 21 an American mission school, and ordered the caretaker to haul down the American flag, then disregarding a Japanese military poster forbidding them to enter, went in and searched the buildings and blasted open the school safe. They have treated the British flag and property in a similar way. So far there has been no attack or injury to foreign nationals. I have contacted the Japanese military authorities and they have assured me that they do not allow their soldiers to do these things. A Japanese consul arrived yesterday on a naval plane. He called on me and we hope that he may do something to help restore order and give protection. There has been no police or postal service in the city since the 5th, and no electric lights since that date. The hospital depends entirely on its own light and other service utilities. The Japanese plane which brought the Japanese consul said they would like to take Messrs. Marshall,22 Vines,23 and Hodge24 back to Shanghai, as the men were eager to get there. The Japanese had plenty of photographers at the plane to “record the rescue of these Americans from the Chinese?” I have continued to drive about the city in my car when necessary, and have

22

Reign of Terror

made many trips to bring in Chinese women whom we have learned about. They are living in daily and nightly horror of being discovered. Many of them of course have been discovered. We now have something over 1,000 on the hospital hill 25 for whom we are trying to provide protection. I will list herewith the Americans still at Wuhu26 helping to carry on the work. If any letters come to you for Associated Press or United Press, will you kindly see that they are delivered, but not through the post office? Sincerely yours, (Signed) Robert E. Brown, M.D.27 Superintendent P. S. If you wish me to act in any official capacity in Wuhu in dealing with the Japanese kindly give me further instructions. I am keeping in close touch with the military commanders as they come to the city giving them the location of American nationals and property and requesting their protection. R. E. B. Dr. Searle Bates28 At Nanking the Japanese army has lost much of its reputation and has thrown away a remarkable opportunity to gain the respect of the Chinese inhabitants and of foreign opinion. The disgraceful collapse of Chinese authority and the breakup of the Chinese armies in this region left vast numbers of persons ready to respond to the order and organization of which Japan boasts. Many local people freely expressed their relief when the entry of Japanese troops apparently brought to an end the strains of war conditions and the immediate perils of bombardment. At least they were rid of their fears of disorderly Chinese troops, who indeed passed out without doing severe damage to most parts of the city. But in two days the whole outlook has been ruined by frequent murder, wholesale and semiregular looting, and uncontrolled disturbances of private homes including offenses against the security of women. Foreigners who have traveled over the city report many civilian bodies lying in the streets. In the central portion of Nanking they counted yesterday as about one to the city block. A considerable percentage of the dead civilians were the victims of shooting or bayoneting in the afternoon and evening of the thirteenth, which was the time of Japanese entry into the city. Any person who ran in fear or excitement, and anyone who was caught in the streets or alleys after dusk by roving patrols was likely to be killed on the spot. Most of this severity was beyond even theoretical excuse. It proceeds in the safety zone as well as elsewhere, and many cases are plainly witnessed by foreigners and by reputable Chinese. Some bayonet wounds were barbarously cruel. Squads of men picked out by Japanese troops as former Chinese soldiers have been tied together and shot. These soldiers had discarded their arms, and in some cases their military clothing. Thus far we have found no trace of prisoners in Japanese hands other than such squads actually or apparently on the way to execution, save for men picked up anywhere to serve as temporary carriers of loot and equipment. From one building in the refugee zone, four hundred men

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were selected by the local police under compulsion from Japanese soldiers, and were marched off tied in batches of fifty between lines of riflemen and machinegunners. The explanation given to observers left no doubt as to their fate. On the main streets the petty looting of the Chinese soldiers, mostly of food shops and unprotected windows, was turned into systematic destruction of shopfront after shopfront under the eyes of officers of rank. Japanese soldiers required private carriers to help them struggle along under great loads. Food was apparently in first demand, but everything else useful or valuable had its turn. Thousands upon thousands of private houses all through the city, occupied and unoccupied, large and small, Chinese and foreign, have been impartially plundered. Peculiarly disgraceful cases of robbery by soldiers include the following: scores of refugees in camps and shelters had money and valuables removed from their slight possessions during mass searches; the staff of the University Hospital were stripped of cash and watches from their persons, and of other possessions from the nurses dormitory (their buildings are American and like a number of others that were plundered were flying foreign flags and carrying official proclamations from their respective embassies); the seizure of motor cars and other property after tearing down the flags upon them. There are reported many cases of rape and insult to women, which we have not yet had time to investigate. But cases like the following are sufficient to show the situation. From a house close to one of our foreign friends, four girls were yesterday abducted by soldiers. Foreigners saw in the quarters of a newly arrived officer, in a part of the city practically deserted by ordinary people, eight young women. Under these conditions the terror is indescribable, and lectures by suave officers on their “sole purpose of making war on the oppressive Chinese government for the sake of the Chinese people” leave an impression that nauseates. Surely this horrible exhibition in Nanking does not represent the best achievement of the Japanese empire, and there must be responsible Japanese statesmen, military and civilian, who for their own national interests will promptly and adequately remedy the harm that these days have done to Japanese standing in China. There are individual soldiers and officers who conduct themselves as gentlemen worthy of their profession and worthy of their empire. But the total action has been a sad blow. From Date To Repeated

Consul Nanking.29 18th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai 21. D.M. Hankow.

Postal launch is now being used to convey mails of Japanese forces in Nanking. Main Post Office is apparently also being used for military postal purposes. Buildings apparently intact. Customs Offices are occupied by military. Apart from these buildings and Yangtze Hotel and Railway Station practically every house in Hsia Kuan is in ruins.

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1431/18.

I.D.T. T.O.R. 1625/18. CYPHER MESSAGE30 From Date To Repeated

Consul at Nanking. 18th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai 22. R.A.Y. and D.M.

Confidential. B. & S. and Jardines Bund Property. Some days ago S.N.O. Nanking on instructions from R.A.Y. prevailed on Japanese military to vacate these properties. They are now again being used by military authorities without prior consultation with us. Military authorities would doubtless be willing to pay reasonable rent. If at all sensible it seems eminently desirable to press for solution on these lines in these and similar cases in Yangtze ports which are under military occupation and control. Success in all our local dealing with Japanese seems to depend first and foremost on avoidance of friction with military and gradual establishment of more amicable relations with them. 1110/18 I.D.T. T.O.R. 1312/18. Consul, Nanking31 (W/T)

D.M. Hankow 1730 January 18th, 1938 1731 January 19th, 1938 U/N 17/1 To B.E. Shanghai, No. 20 of January 17th; (R) to D.M. Hankow. Following is position regarding China Import & Export Lumber Company’s 32 properties. 1. Main Yard. Buildings intact but offices ransacked. Caretakers report machinery unharmed. Stocks unharmed but military are helping themselves to small quantities of timber. I am making necessary representations to Japanese Consulate-General. Chinese staff safe. 2. Riverside Yard. Disappeared without trace. This property suffered when Power House was bombed but I am recording with Japanese Consulate-General the fact that what was left of it appeared to be intact on Dec. 16th. 3. Kulow33 (?) Yard. Intact. C… (?) reports there has not been loss or damage of any kind.

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4. Nanking Central Yard. No one living on the premises but they appear to be intact. Suggestions follow. Unsigned CYPHER MESSAGE.34 From Date To Repeated

Consul Nanking. 18th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai 23. R.A.Y. & D.M. Hankow.

My telegram 0020. Judging from present rough conditions it is difficult to imagine any revival of ordinary business activities for a long time to come. I do not know whether if this state of affairs continues Lumber Company would propose to leave their stocks here indefinitely. But they might wish to remove some and to sell some to Japanese Military. If so perhaps possibility might be considered of arranging one of companies steamers to be sent here with a foreign member of their staff to superintend transactions (he would have to sleep on board). It would be premature to attempt to secure concurrence of military here in any such proposal now but it is perhaps worth considering in case relations improve. 1238/18/38. Interdepartmental. Time of receipt ????/18. Confidential Bag35 No. 16 (29/23M/1938) Copied to: Tokyo No. 5 Nanking No. 4 Major-General S.N.O. Shanghai

British Embassy Shanghai, 18th January, 1938

The Right Honourable Anthony Eden,36 M.C., M.P., Foreign Office Sir, With reference to my telegram No. 80 of the 17th January, regarding the behaviour of the Japanese troops in Nanking and Wuhu, I have the honour to transmit to you herewith, copies of the reports which I received from the Reverend C. L. Boynton, of the National Christian Council, on this subject. In addition to these documents I have already forwarded to you in my despatch No. 15 of the 17th January a letter from the Major-General, Commanding

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Shanghai Area, to Major-General K. Harada, 37 Military Attaché at Shanghai, transmitting an extract from a report regarding recent incident which have occurred in the Western District of Shanghai. I have the honour to be, With the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient, Humble servant, (Signed) R. G. Howe Notes with a Copy of Correspondence between the University of Nanking38 and the Japanese Embassy, 16 - 27 December, 1937. 1. These may be duplicated for confidential circulation if desired. But please send promptly by a safe route to Associated Boards Office,39 asking them to send copies to the Foreign Department, U.C.M.S. 40 222 Downey Ave., Indianapolis, and to my brother, Dr. G. S. Bates, 41 45 Glendale, Highland Park, Detroit, Mich. 2. These letters are linked with a much more comprehensive correspondence carried on by the International Safety Zone Committee, in which I have been an active member. Also, they were commonly related to conversations held at the Embassy. 42 Thus they are incomplete, and give only glimpses of the situation. 3. Japanese entry into the city was on 13 December. Embassy men arrived on the 15th with express purpose of lightening the Army’s impact upon foreigners and their interests. I had slight previous relations with Consul Tanaka.43 4. At first the officials refused to believe what we told them. After much battering with facts and finally some actual bumping into rape and violence, they woke up. They stalled with trivial promises about military police (there were 17 in the city when they had over 50,000 soldiers turned utterly loose); and told us twice that “fresh strict orders” had been issued to restore discipline. 5. In later stages they insisted upon the generals’ formula that everything was improving and therefore no problem really existed. 6. However, two of the three officials chiefly concerned were really broken down by the array of misery, and asked for reporting as a help to dealing with the military. Thus you have a typical Japanese set-up of civilians half-defending, half-persuading the military. 7. The utter callousness of the generals is beyond description. And I cannot yet bring myself to take the time and heart to tell the general story. 8. We have been almost completely isolated, and only today is there a partial chance of getting out something without censorship right here. Hastily, M. S. Bates

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NOT FOR PUBLICATION Copies of letters sent by the chairman of the Emergency Committee of the University of Nanking to the Japanese Embassy, Nanking from December 16 to 27 inclusive. (Each new date represents a separate letter but all are copies consecutively in order to save space.) December 16th. I beg leave to approach you informally about problems of order and general welfare upon the property of the University next door to your Embassy buildings. We have all heard the official statements of Japanese officers that the Imperial Army does not wish to harm the ordinary civilians, and we hope there will be no difficulties in the way of return to peaceful life under whatever government is satisfactory to your authorities. But at this moment the suffering and terror among the people are very great. The following cases are from our college properties close to yours, and many others have occurred in our Hospital and Middle School and Rural Leaders’ Training School 44 nearby. (1) December 14. Soldiers tore down the American flag and official notice of the American Embassy upon the gate of our Agricultural Economics Compound (Hsiao T’ao Yuan45), robbed several teachers and assistants living there, and broke several doors without waiting for keys. (2) December 15. In the place just mentioned, soldiers came several times and stole money and other articles from refugees who came in for safety; also took away women. (3) December 15. In our new Library Building, where we are taking care of 1,500 common people, four women were raped on the property; two were carried off and released after being raped; three were carried off and not returned; one was carried off but released by your military police near the Embassy. These acts of soldiers have brought great pain and fear to these families, to their neighbors, and to all Chinese in this part of the city. More than a hundred similar cases in other parts of the Safety Zone have been reported to me this morning. They are not my business now, but I mention them to show that this University problem next door to you is only a sample of the great misery of robbery and rape carried on by soldiers among the people. We earnestly hope that discipline may be restored among the troops. Now the fear is so great that people are afraid even to get food, and normal life and work is impossible. We respectfully urge that your authorities may arrange for their proper inspections to be carried out systematically under the immediate direction of officers, rather than by stray bands of soldiers who enter the same place as many as ten times in one day and steal all food and money from the people. And secondly, we urge that for the reputation of the Japanese Army and the Japanese Empire, for the sake of good relations between the Japanese authorities and the common people of China, for your own thought of your wives, sisters, and daughters, that the families of Nanking receive protection from the violence of soldiers.

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The disorder and failure of the Chinese army gave a good chance for the Japanese troops to secure the confidence of the people, and it is unfortunate for all concerned if that chance is lost by delay or indifference to ordinary human welfare and morality. December 16th. Permit me to add a brief note to the letter delivered to you this morning, in reference to Item number (2). In our Agricultural Economics Compound (Hsiao Tao Yuan) more than thirty women were raped last night by soldiers who came repeatedly and in large numbers. I have investigated this matter thoroughly, and am certain of the correctness of the statement. The situation all through this section of the city is pitiful indeed. We trust that you have demonstrated your superiority in military power will also demonstrate superiority in mercy. Security of life and people is immediately needed by these many tens of thousands of peaceful citizens. The University is situated in the Safety Zone and is affected by the conditions and problems of that Zone. Some officers have been friendly and understanding of the purposes and working of the Zone. Others appear to be harsh and suspicious. Let it be made clear to them that what the International Committee has done is entirely open from the beginning. Every office and building and action has been open to inspection each day. The Committee will be glad for the return of normal conditions and release from its humanitarian responsibility. Meanwhile it is merely trying under great difficulties to provide food and housing for people who were driven from their homes by war conditions and still live in great fear. December 17. The reign of terror and brutality continues in the plain view of your buildings and among your own neighbors. (1) Last night soldiers repeatedly came to our Library building with its great crowd of refugees, demanding money, watches, and women at the point of the bayonet. When persons had no watches or money, usually because they had been looted several times in the two preceding days, the soldiers broke windows near them and roughly pushed them about. One of our own staff members was wounded by a bayonet in this manner. (2) At the Library building, as in many places through this part of the city last night, soldiers raped several women. (3) Soldiers beat our own unarmed watchmen, because the watchmen did not have girls ready for the use of the soldiers. (4) Last night several of our American-owned residences, with flags and Embassy proclamations upon them, were entered irregularly by roving groups of soldiers, some of them several times. These residences included houses in which three American members of our staff are living. We respectfully ask you to compare these acts, which are small samples of what is happening to large numbers of residents of Nanking with your Government’s official statements of its concern for the welfare of the people of China,

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likewise of its protection of foreign property. We do not wish to emphasize personal matters, and refer to two other incidents merely to indicate the degree of wild licence among uncontrolled soldiers. Yesterday one American member of our staff was struck by an officer upon entirely false charges which the officer did not investigate, and also by soldiers. During the night another American and myself were pulled out of bed by a drunken soldier with a rifle. This letter is not written to ask for special protection on behalf of the University, but to emphasize, by reason of the nearness of the University of yourselves, the urgency of peril to all peaceable people. We believe that the Japanese Army has the power and the efficiency to maintain respectable conduct, and to give conquered people a chance to live and work under good order. We are unable to understand why it does not do so, and do it before further damage is done to local people and to Japan’s reputation. December 18. Misery and terror continues everywhere because of the violence and robbery of the soldiers. More than 17,000 poor persons, many of them women and children, are now in our buildings hoping for safety. They are still crowding in, because conditions elsewhere are worse than here. Yet I must give you the record of the past twenty-four hours in this relatively good position. (1) University Middle School, Kan Ho Yen.46 One frightened child killed by a bayonet; another critically wounded and about to die. Eight women raped. Several of our own staff, who are trying to feed and care for these wretched people, were struck by soldiers for no reason whatever. Soldiers climb over the walls many times day and night. Many persons could not sleep for three days, and there is hysterical fear. If this fear and despair results in resistance against the attack of soldiers upon women, there will be disastrous slaughter for which your authorities will be responsible. American flag scornfully torn down by soldiers. (2) Sericulture Building, Chin Ying Chieh.47 Two women raped. (3) Agricultural Implements Shop, 11 Hu Chia Ts’ai Yuan. 48 Two women raped. (4) Faculty residence, 11 Hankow Road, inhabited by our own staff. Two women raped. (5) Faculty residence, 23 Hankow Road, inhabited by American member of our staff. One woman raped. (6) Agricultural Economics Department (Hsiao Tao Yuan). This place has received terrible treatment so many times that all women have fled. This morning while visiting there, I was approached by six soldiers, one of whom repeatedly pointed a pistol at me with his finger on the trigger, although I did nothing except ask a courteous question as to whether he found any difficulty there. These plain facts do not tell the misery of ordinary people visited as many as ten times in one day and six times in one night by wandering groups of soldiers looking for women and for loot. They do indicate the urgent need for control at once.

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Certain of your representatives declared that there would be military police at the gates of several of these buildings last night (as at certain other points where large bodies of refugees are gathered). But not one guard was seen. Since soldiers are everywhere climbing over walls, a few guards will not do much good, anyhow, unless there is a genuine restoration of general discipline. The presence of the Akiyama Detachment Headquarters in the residence formerly belonging to Ho Yin-ch’in,49 constitutes a special peril to this neighborhood until your soldiers are controlled. It could be made a means of security if the generals so desire. Here and all through the city, people are becoming desperate with hunger, since soldiers have taken their food and their money; also many are cold and sick because soldiers have taken their clothing and bedding. How do the Japanese authorities plan to deal with this problem? It is being said on every street with tears and distress that where the Japanese Army is, no person and no house can be safe. Surely this is not what the statesmen of Japan wish to do, and all residents of Nanking expect better things from Japan. I believe that if you have an opportunity, it would be well for one of you to go with me through some of the places where this terror and suffering continues, so close to your own walls. The writing of this letter has been interrupted in order to deal with seven soldiers engaged in their usual business called “inspection”, which means looking for women whom they will return to seize at night. I slept in these buildings last night, and will continue to do so, in the hope of giving a little aid to helpless women and children. Other foreign friends and myself in doing such humanitarian work have repeatedly been threatened by your soldiers. If in the course of these efforts we are killed or wounded by drunken and disorderly soldiers, the responsibility will be entirely clear. This letter is written in a courteous and friendly spirit, but it reflects something of the unhappy despair in which we have lived since the Japanese Army entered the city five days ago. Immediate remedy is greatly needed. December 21. In accordance with your request of this morning I submit the following facts, most of which have been observed by myself since I saw you, and the remainder I have carefully investigated after they were told me by reliable people. (1) This afternoon seven persons were taken from our Library Building by soldiers. These included members of our own staff. There was no accusation or fact of their being soldiers (Chinese), but they were simply seized for forced labor without regard to your proclamation. (2) At No. 4 T’ou T’iao Hsiang, 50 near the entrance to your Embassy, a woman was raped this afternoon by the soldiers. Does this suggest that a few gendarmes are restoring order? (3) While I was with you in the Embassy today, my own house was looted for the fourth time. Seven other University houses have been looted today, and many have been entered several times. (4) Fires systematically laid by large bodies of soldiers working under the

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direction of officers, are rendering thousands of people homeless and without hope of return to normal life and work. They are going ahead all day just the same as before. (5) The Shuang Lung Hsiang51 gate of the University Hospital was broken in today, although it carried your proclamation. In another part of the hospital, an American just saved the ambulance, which soldiers were stealing.

(6) I have seen myself five cases of soldiers taking this afternoon food and bedding from poor people, usually requiring the people then to go with the loot as carriers.

(7) In An Loh Li52 next to our Middle School, I answered a call for help from a Red Cross dressing station that was caring for three persons wounded in the night by soldiers demanding women and money. One woman was raped upstairs in that house last night. Two soldiers were thoroughly robbing the house when I went in. The very good man doing the medical work said that in his own house at 58 Kao Chia Chiu Kwan, 53 two women were raped last night. (8) I returned through several hundred straw huts of very poor people south of Wu T’ai Shan. 54 Some persons said that conditions were better last night. Others said they were worse, for soldiers were still seizing girls in their homes, looting from the poorest people, and taking the rickshaws of men who have no other means of living. (9) Yesterday, for the second time, the American flag was torn down from the American Primary School (Wu T’ai Shan) and trampled by soldiers. Soldiers threatened to kill any servant or other person who should put it up again. I feel sure that not so many people were raped or wounded last night as the night before. But the robbery, illegal entry, and terrible burning continue as bad or worse than before. Two members of the International Committee who have driven several miles in a car have not yet seen a gendarme. They are not effective. If the generals intend to destroy the peoples’ homes and take away their last food and clothing, it is better to say so honestly than to deceive them and us with false hopes of order. December 22. In several places the situation last night and this morning is reported to be a little better. However, it is still disgracefully bad, as the following items will indicate: (1) This morning near five o’clock eleven men were suddenly seized by force from the University Library. The gate was broken in by soldiers, although it had the gendarmerie notice upon it. The soldiers were so violent then, as also the afternoon before, that no one dared to try to give an alarm. Later soldiers came and got another man. The seven taken yesterday from this place, including members of our own staff, have not been heard from. Such terrorism and insecurity will of course make it impossible to get laborers for ordinary work. (2) Last night at ten o’clock four soldiers came in a motor car to the main gate of our University. One by the use of his bayonet prevented our watchman from going to your consular policeman. After three soldiers got inside, our servants called the policeman, who persuaded them to leave. This morning, before

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ten o’clock, soldiers had entered the University five times, scorning the gendarmerie notice. (3) Soldiers have continued this morning to enter University residences, including those occupied by Americans, and to rob. (4) Three of my colleagues and myself, each of whom had business in different streets this morning, did not see a single gendarme. We know there are some, but they are too few and too mild to secure discipline. (5) Systematic looting with the use of trucks, followed by burning, continue close at hand. This reduces daily more and more people to homelessness, poverty, and unemployment for the future. (6) Seven soldiers last night entered the Bible Teachers’ Training School for Women (Chien Ying Hsiang) 55 and raped women. (7) Several refugee places reported soldiers coming in despite gendarmerie notices, to search for women and money. (8) The University Agricultural Economics Compound (Hsiao T’ao Yuan) was roughly treated by soldiers last night, who broke in a large number of doors. Keys were taken away by soldiers two days ago, when they seized our servant whom they have not released. (9) The University Sericulture Department was frequented by soldiers this morning as usual. One of them, drunk, seized three persons as carriers for wine he had stolen elsewhere, and fired his gun three times among the crowded refugees while he was robbing them. (10) You will be interested to know of the statement of a faithful employee of the Post Office that a large quantity of mail has been opened by stray soldiers, with what damage we do not know. This mail, both domestic and foreign, remained undelivered in the last days of fighting, and was stored for safety in the Central Post Office (Ch’i Wang Chieh,56 Chien K’ang Lu.57) These items are only samples which I have seen or have come directly under my personal attention. They show that no real discipline is being enforced. Many persons who have already lost by robbery all their money and watches, are beaten by soldiers, especially at night, because they cannot answer demands for the same. December 25. I have tried for a couple of days to reframe from troubling you further. However, many difficulties occur every day, and today they are worse than usual. Now parties of stray soldiers without discipline or officers are going everywhere, stealing, raping, and taking away women. Some cases follow: (1) Just now soldiers forcibly entered the University and towed away a truck used to supply rice to refugees. (2) In our Sericulture Building alone there are on the average more than ten cases per day of rape or of abducting women. (3) Our residences continue to be entered day and night by soldiers who injure women and steal everything they wish. This applies to residences in which Americans are now living, just the same as to others. (4) Soldiers frequently tear down the proclamations put up by your military

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police. (5) This morning an American member of our staff was struck by an officer who suddenly approached him and angrily tried to tear off the arm band supplied by your Embassy. (6) Other buildings not mentioned above are daily entered several times each by soldiers who utterly disregard your proclamations, looking for women and for loot. (7) Despite this disorder caused entirely by soldiers, we have no guard whatever and no military police have been sent near us. December 27. Beginning more than a week ago, we were promised by you that within a few days order would be restored by replacement of troops, resumption of regular discipline, increase of military police and so forth. Yet shameful disorder continues, and we see no serious effort to stop it. Let me give a few examples from University property close to you, without covering all portions of the University. (1) Yesterday afternoon a soldier cut the rope and took away the American flag from our Rural Leaders’ Training School at Yin Yang Ying 58 and Shanghai Roads. (2) Last night between eleven and twelve o’clock, a motor car with three Japanese military men came to the main University gate, claiming that they were sent by headquarters to inspect. They forcibly prevented our watchman from giving an alarm, and kept him with them while they found and raped three girls, one of whom is only eleven years old. One of the girls they took away with them. (3) Stray soldiers continue to seize men to work for them, causing much fear and unnecessary inconvenience. For example, a soldier insisted on taking a worker from the Hospital yesterday; and several of our own servants and watchman have been taken. (4) Several of our residences are entered daily by soldiers looking for women, food, and other articles. Two houses within one hour this morning. Example (5) is from the Bible Teachers’ Training School for Women, Chien Ying Hsiang, a place which has suffered terribly from your soldiers for a long time, and which I believe you once promised to protect especially – but where no military policeman has appeared. Yesterday seven different times there came groups of three or four soldiers, taking clothes, food, and money from those who have some left after previous lootings of the same type. They raped seven women, including a girl of twelve. In the night larger groups of twelve or fourteen soldiers came four times, and raped twenty women. The life of the whole people is filled with suffering and fear, all caused by soldiers. Your officers have promised them protection, but the soldiers every day injure hundreds of persons most seriously. A few policemen help certain places, and we are grateful for them. But that does not bring peace and order. Often it merely shifts the bad acts of the soldiers to nearby buildings where there are no policemen.

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Does not the Japanese Army care for its reputation? Do not Japanese officers wish to keep their public promises that they do not injure the common people? While I have been writing this letter, a soldier has forcibly taken a woman from one of our teachers’ houses, and with his revolver refused to let an American enter. Is this order? Many people now want to return to their homes, but they dare not because of rape, robbery, and seizure of men continuing every day and night. Only serious efforts to enforce orders, using many police and real punishments, will be of any use. In several places the situation is a little better, but it is still disgraceful after two weeks of army terrorism. More than promises is now needed. CYPHER MESSAGE59 From Date To Repeated

S.N.O. Nanking 19th January 1938 S.N.O. Shanghai R.A.Y.

IMPORTANT

I have just received a letter from Admiral Kondo stating that on instructions from Shanghai he is unable to allow down passage of lighters mentioned in my down convoy signal/1600 18th January although he has agreed to the movement yesterday. He is prepared to allow Suiwo to proceed as long as lighters do not accompany her. I am seeing Kondo this afternoon and will try and obtain permission for whole convoy as reason for objecting to lighters seems somewhat obscure. Failing this I will sail Suiwo as arranged. 1232/19 N.C.R.G.B.R.T. T.O.R. 1322/19 Decode. Mr. Howe (Shanghai) January 20th 193860 D. Wireless January 21st 1938 R. 7:00 p.m. January 21st 1938 No. 112. (R) Your telegram No. 60. Mr. Prideaux-Brune reports that Japanese have raised objection in discussions with his United States colleague to apology from chief of staff of the army forces to an Embassy official and have suggested that the apology be made by Acting Consul General as representative of Japanese Ambassador to United States Consul General as representative of United States Ambassador. This proposal has been referred to State Department. If it is accepted may I authorize His Majesty’s Consul to take similar action.

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Addressed to Foreign Office No. 112 of January 20th, repeated to Tokyo and Nanking. CYPHER MESSAGE61 From Date To

S.N.O. Nanking. 21st January 1938. R.A.Y.

Since the arrival of the consul I have not been allowed to land so find it hard to judge situation circumstances but consul is undoubtedly having a difficult time. As regards B & S property and canteen these have again been occupied but consul is opposed to any action beyond protest and considers our best course is to lease these properties to Japanese. I realize objections to this but it is now a question of future policy. Japanese definitely consider occupied area as Japanese territory by right of conquest and I feel our interest would best be served by accepting this and attempting to improve our relations with them by all possible means. By so doing we may be able to use ships for bringing food up to the Chinese etc. Possibility of any trade under present conditions is remote. Should hostilities cease in the near future Chinese will undoubtedly need our services as most of their shipping has been destroyed. My relations with Japanese navy are good but they are completely overawed by the military who dislike me intensely. It would be of great assistance to me to know your views on the situation. 1401/21. N.C.G.R.T., T.O.R. 1302. CYPHER MESSAGE62 From Date To

S.N.O. Nanking. 21st January 1938. R.A.Y.

B.E. Shanghai’s 1515/20. Military requested Consul on January 19th if they could purchase wood as they were in urgent need of timber. Consul asked embassy to authorize sale with firm’s approval. This has been agreed to. Signals referring to this were not repeated to you by the consul or the embassy. 1455/21 I.D.T. T.O.R. 1533.

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CYPHER MESSAGE63 From Date To

Consul Nanking. 21st January 1938. R.A.Y. and D.M. Hankow.

There has been no perceptible improvement in the local situation during the last week. City remains completely dead except as a centre of military activity. Troops are constantly coming and going and appear subject to no unified situation inside city. American Embassy has been much occupied during the past week by cases of soldiers forcing their way into American properties for purpose of abduction or looting. A strong protest has been made in Tokyo and I understand instructions have been sent for better protection to be afforded foreign properties. There have been no signs of any attempt to develop civil administration or to provide security for Chinese life and property. Half hearted attempts were made to persuade some of refugees in safety zone to return to their homes elsewhere in the city. Only a very few individuals risked experiment and they promptly met with disaster. Food situation in safety zone threatens to become acute in near future. Well intentioned efforts of foreign members of zone committee to co-operate in dealing with this problem only exasperated military. Latter say autonomous committee must deal with it and they will help with supplies but so far no effective action has been taken and it seems they have not yet begun to realize the serious problem. Military are still resolutely opposed to return of any foreigners to Nanking other than diplomatic officials. I think it would be useless to press them about this at present and in any case inadvisable for British subjects to come under present conditions. 1741/21 I.D.T. NO DISTRIBUTION Decode and Decypher. Mr. Howe (Shanghai). 22nd January 1938. 64 D. W/T 22nd January, 1938. R. 7.30 p.m. 22nd January, 1938. No. 128. R Begins. Following is summary of preliminary reports from His Majesty’s Consul Nanking regarding British property. 1. International Export Company. Little damage has been done but inhabitants have been frightened and ill-treated. Abduction of girls from compound continues as in the rest of the city. Japanese Consul promised to try and have

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protection afforded and naval representative to try and have them supplied with food. Adjacent village is being protected by Japanese naval authorities who are supplying food apparently on a bileral scale to safety zone established by Chinese Red Swastika65 and containing 4,000 people. Japanese gendarmerie are to be quartered in the neighbourhood and this with Japanese naval help should improve local situation. 2. Other British properties. Damage is surprisingly small, Japanese having in most cases put up their own protection notices. Only one bad case of looting and destruction. 3. Seizure of British cars. A number of cars have disappeared. Japanese authorities have offered to replace these with equivalent machines but owners prefer financial compensation which is likely to be accorded. R Ends. Consul adds general situation is improving slowly but surely and Japanese consular authorities are showing real desire to be friendly and helpful in contrast to military who have been intensely suspicious and obstructive. Addressed to Foreign Office No. 128, repeated saving to Tokyo. Not for Publication66

Nanking, 10th January, 1938

Dear Friends, A few hasty jottings amid rape and bayonet stabs and reckless shooting, to be sent on the first foreign boat available since the situation developed after the Japanese entry – a U.S. Navy tug engaged in salvage work on the Panay. Friends in Shanghai will pick this up from the Consulate-General, and will get it away somehow on a foreign boat without censorship. Things have eased a good deal since New Year’s within the crowded Safety Zone, largely through the departure of the main hordes of soldiers. “Restoration of discipline” very scrappy indeed, and even the military police have raped and robbed and ignored their duties. A new turn may come at any moment, through fresh arrivals or vacillations in action. There is no policy visible. At last foreign diplomats have been allowed to re-enter (this week), which seems to indicate a desire for stabilization. More than ten thousand unarmed persons have been killed in cold blood. Most of my trusted friends would put the figure much higher. There were Chinese soldiers who threw down their arms or surrendered after being trapped; and civilians recklessly shot and bayoneted, often without even the pretext that they were soldiers, including not a few women and children. Able German colleagues put the cases of rape at 20,000. I should say not less than 8,000, and it might be anywhere above that. On University property alone, including some of our staff families and the houses of Americans now occupied by Americans, I have details of more than l00 cases and assurance of some 300. You can scarcely imagine the anguish and terror. Girls as low as 11 and women as old as 53 have been raped on University property alone. On the Seminary67 Compound 17 soldiers

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raped one woman successively in broad daylight. In fact, about one-third of the cases are in the daytime. Practically every building in the city has been robbed repeatedly by soldiers, including the American, British and German Embassies or Ambassadors’ residences, and a high percentage of all foreign property. Vehicles of all sorts, food, clothing, bedding, money, watches, some rugs and pictures, miscellaneous valuables, are the main things sought. This still goes on, especially outside the Zone. There is not a store in Nanking, save the International Committee’s rice shop and a military store. Most of the shops after free-for-all breaking and pilfering were systematically stripped by gangs of soldiers working with trucks, often under the observed direction of officers, and then burned. We still have several fires a day. Many sections of houses have also been burned deliberately. We have several samples of the chemical strips used by soldiers for this purpose, and have inspected all phases of the process. Most of the refugees were robbed of their money and at least part of their scanty clothing and bedding and food. That was an utterly heartless performance, resulting in despair on every face for the first week or ten days. You can imagine the outlook for work and life in this city with shops and tools gone, no banks or communications as yet, some important blocks of houses burned out, everything else plundered and now open to cold and starving people. Some 250,000 are here, almost all in the Safety Zone and fully 100,000 entirely dependent on the International Committee for food and shelter. Others scraping along on tiny holdovers of rice and the proceeds of direct or indirect looting. Japanese supply departments are beginning to let out for monetary and political reasons a little of the rice confiscated from considerable Chinese government supplies, though the soldiers burned not small reserves. But what next? When I asked Japanese officials about post and telegraph services, they said, “There is no plan.” And that seems to be the case with everything economic and most of things political. The International Committee has been a great help, with a story little short of miraculous. Three Germans have done splendidly, and I’d almost wear a Nazi badge to keep fellowship with them. A Dane and three Englishmen aided a good deal in the preliminary stages, but were pulled out by their companies and governments before the Chinese retired from Nanking. So the bulk of the work has come on American missionaries, only nine of whom have been outside the confining strain of the Hospital filled with bullet and bayonet cases; and of course some of us have had varying duties and conceptions of duty. Naturally there has been considerable Chinese aid and cooperation from the beginning, and most of the details has had to be done by and through Chinese. Yet at some stages nothing could move, not even one truck of rice, without the actual presence of a foreigner willing to stand up to a gun when necessary. We have taken some big risks and some heavy wallops (literally as well as figuratively), but have been allowed to get away with far more than the situation seems to permit. We have blocked many robberies, persuaded or bluffed many contingents into releasing groups marked for death, and pulled scores of soldiers away from rape and in-

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tended rape, besides all the general work of feeding, sheltering, negotiation, protecting, and protesting after sticking our eyes and noses into everything that has gone on. It is no wonder that a Japanese Embassy officer told us the generals were angry at having to complete their occupation under the eyes of neutral observers, claiming (ignorantly, of course) that never in the history of the world had that been true before. Sometimes we have failed cold, but the percentage of success is still big enough to justify considerable effort. We must recognize that although in some points the relationship is far from satisfactory, we have gained a good deal by the effort of the Japanese Embassy to put cushions between the Army and foreign interests, the relative decency of their Consular Police (few and not altogether angelic), and by the fact that the main figures of the enterprise have been Germans of the Anti-Comintern Pact and Americans to be appeased after the barbarous attacks on American ships. The Japanese refused twice to send out for us a mild request for the return of American officials, because of the great number of property cases and flag problems; and even with this week’s improvement we are still in practical isolation even from the countryside and river front, except for the opportunities of American naval wireless through the Embassy for a limited scope of messages. No mail since about December 1, and that most tardy. Electric light in our house last night by special arrangement (seven Americans, among whom were personal links to the staff of the power plant). Japanese shot 43 of the 54 technical men on the staff, falsely accusing them of being government employees. Bombing, shelling and fires on top of that, and you can imagine that utilities are slow in resumption. But insecurity of workmen and their families was the main stumbling-block at that. Water depends on electric pumps, but we are beginning to get a trickle at low levels of the city. No dreams of telephone or bus or even rickshaws. The Zone is about two square miles in area, not all built up. In this concentration we have had no accidental fire of notice, and practically no crime or violence except that of soldiers, until this present week’s turning to loot outside the area in open buildings – especially for fuel. No armed police. The University has 30,000 refugees on various parts of its property. Problems of administration are fearful, even on the low scale of living that can be maintained. We have very few indeed of regular University staff and servants, most of whom have done splendid work. There are many volunteer helpers hastily got together by the International Committee, who have come with considerable adulteration of motives. Now we must add delation and the intimidation and purchase of agents by the Japanese. I’m in three hot spots right now over this sort of business, and begin to wonder whether they are out to get me or the University into a corner. For instance, the two occurring in the past three days involve a contradiction of my report of losses in the University Middle School (thus putting me down for lying and cheating to the Japanese, and striking between me and a key man in that tremendous refugee camp); and a severe shove through the gate of a terrible military police officer when I tried to inquire about a good-spirited interpreter whom they carried off bound as for death (after he

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had refused to leave the Middle School camp to accept their offers or submit to their threats). Incidentally, police from that office last night took a woman from a University house and raped her thoroughly, after putting a bayonet against our man Riggs68 when he happened along at the wrong time. So you get a little of the flavor of our daily diet while struggling to do something for these wretched but remarkably durable and cheerful people. The real military police numbered 17 at the time that over 50, 000 soldiers were turned loose on Nanking, and for days we never saw one. Eventually soldiers were given special armbands and called police, which means that they have special preserves for their own misdeeds, and keep out some of the ordinary run. We have seen men scolded for being caught by officers in the act of rape, and let go without a tie; others made to salute an officer following robbery. One motorized raid on the University at night was actually conducted by officers themselves, who pinned our watchman to the wall and raped three women refugees before carrying off one of them (another was a girl twelve years old). Lilliath69 had every reason to think that I was finished or wounded on the Panay, for my messages about remaining in Nanking had not got through to her and the papers in Tokyo implied that all foreigners were taken on the boats. But after 48 hours of distress she read in a Japanese paper an interview that a couple of dumb-bells got out of me shortly after the Japanese entry. The paper responded to the thanks of her friends by rushing out reporters and a photographer on the 17th. (entry on l3th; Panay sinking on l2th, reported slowly). One of their men brought me a picture and a letter, New Year’s Day, the latter of course dutifully read in the Japanese Embassy. Thus we were saved a good deal of prolonged concern. I have no other word since November 8th save that letter, although she wrote and wired many times by all sorts of routes and agencies. On December 17th she expected to come to Shanghai the first week of January, but I have heard nothing more. Perhaps a recent radio through the newly arrived gunboat will get some information from Shanghai. However, I am not allowed to pass through a Nanking gate, and she would not be allowed to start west of Shanghai even if means of communication were open to her. How long this state will continue we do not know. Chinese have been greatly afraid lest Americans or all foreigners would be expelled from Nanking, but they seem more afraid to have us go than to have us stay – so far. Meanwhile I try to keep on friendly terms with Embassy staff and a few Japanese in semi-official posts, and even with a few of the less violent and treacherous of the police and soldiers. But it’s hard going. Four weeks today! The shells and bombs were almost comfortable, if we had only known it. And what’s ahead? P.S. The disorder of this letter corresponds to that outside. I should have said at the start that the Chinese armies in an ill-conceived military program burned many villages and blocks of houses outside the wall, and did some casual looting of shops and houses for food. Otherwise they caused little trouble, though there was great anxiety over their obvious collapse, their preparations for street fighting that never occurred, and their possible injuring of the civilian population. The Chinese failure was disgraceful in the flight of high officers, and

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in its lack of military coordination and determination. But comparatively considered, the ordinary soldiers were very decent. It is hardly necessary to say that this letter is not written to stir up animosity against the Japanese people. If the facts speak of needless savagery on the part of a modern army, one that covers its crimes with lying propaganda, let them speak. To me the big thing is the unmeasured misery from this war of conquest, misery multiplied by license and stupidity, and projected far into a gloomy future. Please send by safe means to N.Y. Ass. Boards Chr. Coll. in China,70 150 Fifth Ave. Make local copies if you wish. CYPHER MESSAGE71 From Date To Repeated

Consul Nanking. 28th January 1938. B.E. Shanghai 37. R.A.Y.

On January 26th while my American colleague was investigating a case in which a Chinese girl was abducted by Japanese soldiers from an American house he was slapped in the face by a Japanese soldier. A Japanese officer appeared on the scene and shouted abuse at Mr. Allison. 72 Latter immediately reported incident to Japanese Embassy. On the following morning a staff officer called at the United States Embassy and offered full apology to Mr. Allison in the name of the Commanding Officer concerned. -?- also gave assurances that there would be no repetition of such an incident. Mr. Allison is personally prepared to accept this -?- as closing the matter subject to approval of the State Department to whom the incident has been reported. He asks that matter be kept strictly confidential. 1403/28 I.D.T. T.O.R. 1451/28 CYPHER MESSAGE73 From Date To Repeated

S.N.O. Nanking. 30th January 1938. R.A.Y. S.N.O. Lower Yangtze. S.N.O. Shanghai. D.M. Hankow. B.E. Shanghai.

Italian Gunboat Carlotto74 arrived Nanking yesterday with Mr. Ferriolo and Military Attaché Colonel Prinela Gozio. They were received by Japanese Military

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and shown over Italian property and battle fields by Major Hongo. Neither British Consul nor American Embassy were informed of this visit although both accompanied party on battle fields visit. 2245. I.D.T. T.O.R. 2326. CYPHER MESSAGE75 From Date To Repeated

Consul Nanking. 31st January 1938. Embassy Shanghai. R.A.Y.

Nanking telegram No. 37. Major Hongo yesterday informed United States Representative76 that an officer and twenty men would be court-martialed in consequence of incident in which United States Representative’s face was slapped by a Japanese sentry. He said he had explained to high military authorities that there had been a misunderstanding and that United States Representative had not intended any insult to the Japanese army. Consul I. D. T. 1120/31 T. O. R. 1059/1/2/38. FROM CHINA Decypher. Mr. Howe (Shanghai). 1st February 1938.77 D. W/T 2nd February, 1938. R. 6.10 p.m. 2nd February, 1938. No. 220. (R). Following is a summary of appreciation by Mr. Prideaux-Brune of situation in Nanking dated January 29th. Military lawlessness continues due to lack of any centralized control. Major instances are rape. Ronins (civil hangers on of army, adventurers and bravoes) have appeared on scene and are likely to prove a source of further trouble. Problem of 250,000 Chinese civilian refugees is serious. Japanese have informed Zone Committee that refugees must be dispensed with before February 4th. Most of them have nowhere to go and no means of subsistence and any hasty action by Japanese authorities may lead to rioting and more atrocities. Japanese continue to resent violently any observation of their activities by foreigners. There is ill-feeling against United States and German Embassies. Situation in this respect is not rendered easier by ineptitude of Mr. Fukui 78 in charge of Embassy Offices.

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Japanese have planned for segregating troops in a specified area in the centre of the town. Addressed to Foreign Office No. 220, repeated to Tokyo. Allison Incident79 On 25th January two Japanese soldiers abducted a Chinese woman from the workshop of the Agricultural Department of the University of Nanking. The workshop premises are American property. A notice to that effect had been affixed by the Japanese Embassy. It was torn down by the two soldiers concerned before they entered. This incident followed on a series of almost daily incidents involving abductions or lootings from American property, regarding which Allison had made unavailing protests to the Japanese Embassy. Fukui had charged Allison with being too much disposed to rely on hearsay evidence and reports of Chinese, so Allison determined to investigate this latest case himself. He arranged to do this in consultation with the Japanese Embassy. On the morning of 26th January Taketomi, the head of the Japanese Consulate police, and two gendarmes, called on Riggs, the American manager of the workshop. It seems that the investigation had been fixed for later in the day, but they all went to the American Embassy and saw Allison, and he went with them to the workshop, where the Chinese woman concerned in the case then was. When the soldiers abducted the woman they took her to a neighbouring house, but afterwards released her and she returned to the workshop. When Allison, Riggs, and the Japanese arrived at the workshop the Japanese wanted to take the woman to the house where she had been with the soldiers, and the whole party proceeded there, with the woman. This house is not American property, but is believed to be foreign property (?R.C. Mission). It seems that it was in military occupation, but there were no external evidences of this on arrival. The woman was taken into the house and Allison and Riggs were about to follow, and had taken a step or two inside the gate, when a sentry suddenly appeared. Allison was slapped in the face by the sentry, Riggs had his collar torn from his shirt, and an officer who arrived on the scene yelled abuse at the Americans. The Japanese gendarmes who accompanied the American party had tried to interpose and themselves became involved in an altercation with the military. As soon as the gendarmes explained that the two foreigners were Americans the military on the scene became livid with rage. The incident was reported to the Japanese Embassy. On the following morning Major Hongo, liaison officer on the general staff, called on Allison at the American Embassy and offered an apology on behalf of the commanding officer of the soldiers concerned and assurances that there would be no recurrence of such an incident. It seems that at the same time the Japanese arranged to publish, by a broadcast, a version of the incident which was a travesty of the facts and highly offensive in tone.

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(signed) H. I. Prideaux-Brune 1/2/38. Situation at Nanking80 Chinese refugees at present under British protection The hulk At the time of the bombing attack on 12th December, all the Chinese were told to scatter on the shore and return to the ships at a given signal. Many returned as directed and were sent down to Shanghai. Many others were too frightened to return and were perforce left behind on the northern side of the river. Since then a number of them succeeded in finding their way back to the hulk, at present anchored near the gunboat two miles above Nanking. The number has lately tended to increase considerably as more and more make their way down to the hulk. The total now reaches nearly three hundred men, women and children. All these people are confined to the hulk and live there under the supervision and care of the gunboat. It is extremely difficult to know what to do with them for the time being, as the Japanese already have their suspicions about the inmates of the hulk and so strongly resent any attempts of foreigners to succour the Chinese. No Chinese is allowed to land at Nanking or to enter or leave the city (except in very few and special cases). Details of the present hulk population attached. 81 It includes no Embassy personnel. All our people except three or four obeyed the directions given on 12th December and are now safe in Shanghai. Embassy compound Chinese police guard, twenty men Before evacuation I asked for a strong guard to protect the Embassy property during our absence. Ten men were assigned, with a promise that more would be added if possible. I gave certificates to each of the ten men who were there when I left. During the sauve qui peut, when the Japanese were entering the city, ten more came in and joined the Embassy guard. All these men are justly anxious about their future fate. The sight of them, standing about in their black uniforms trying to look useful but with nothing to do except salute, is one of the most pathetic things I have ever seen. The Japanese are suspicious about them and were with difficulty restrained from marching them off soon after my arrival. The ultimate solution will be for them to be enrolled in the new Chinese police force which is supposed to be in process of organization under the Autonomous Committee. But that must wait until the police force is properly established, and there would have to be very definite and reliable guarantees. The American Embassy is in the same position as regards their Chinese police guard. They also are temporizing in the matter, which is the only thing to do.

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Other Chinese refugees in the Embassy compound About two hundred men, women and children. Some of these are servants of the Customs and Postal officials, 82 who cannot safely stay in their own compounds. Others came in from Sa Chia Wan83 and other adjacent villages. It is impossible to turn them out at present. No Chinese can move except in the Safety Zone, and none are safe except in an Embassy compound. We can only keep them until a general re-settlement of the civilian population is undertaken, with proper safeguards and protection. H. I. P. B. 31st January, 1938 Gendarme question (at Nanking) When I arrived with M. A. and A. A.,84 a gendarme was assigned to us, to escort us on our outings. I made no demur, because as a matter of fact, after my experience of wandering about Wuhu after its occupation by the Japanese forces, I had already decided that on arrival in Nanking I would ask for an orderly, or some sort of escort, to go about with me here. A day or two later I discovered that neither the U.S. Embassy officials, who had arrived a few days before us, nor the Germans, who arrived with me, had been provided with gendarmes. Presumably the Japanese had their own reasons for giving me one before I had asked for it, but I did not feel it necessary to complain on the score of discrimination, because I still felt it was a wise and sensible precaution, while conditions remain in their present highly abnormal state. Then came Rosen’s fracas with the Japanese, in which so far as I can judge he was more in the wrong than they were. (Fracas, and my own position in the gendarme question, reported to B. E. Shanghai in telegram No. 10 of 14th January). The immediate result of this incident was a tendency to tighten up restrictions and the allotting of gendarmes to the German and U.S. Embassies as well as to me. (For Allison’s reactions, see his memo., No. 3 in the letters received file; copy sent to Howe). Since then, the sergeant sent from Shanghai to escort Bishoprick, 85 the Lumber Co’s representative, has been a considerable nuisance (partly, I think, because he is very impatient to get back to Shanghai). I have had to complain about him to M. Fukui and to the military officers who are negotiating with Bishoprick. Otherwise, my own gendarmes have been uniformly civil, and no trouble at all. I think that for the time being there are still strong practical reasons for continuing to have them. But a little later, as the general situation improves, a move will have to be made, in conjunction with the two other Embassies, to get them discontinued. At his own request, supported by the Japanese military authorities, my gendarme has been given sleeping quarters in the Embassy compound, but he provides his own food. H. I. P. B.86 Nanking, January 26th, 1938.

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FROM CHINA87 Decode and Mr. Howe. (Shanghai). February 9th, 1938. Decypher. D. (by wireless) February 9th, 1938. R. 5:30 p.m. February 9th, 1938. No. 276. “R” begins: The following is repetition of Nanking telegram No. 41 of February 6th. Begins: On February 5th foreign representatives were invited to tea by Major-General Amaya,88 duty commandant in Nanking. The General made a statement of which following is the gist: prominence had been given to atrocities committed by Japanese troops in Nanking. In extenuation he pointed out long and strenuous fighting by troops and strong resistance of Chinese [and] rapid advance had caused a failure of food supplies and exhaustion of troops [and] had led to a lack of discipline and hence looting and violence. Japanese troops were the finest disciplined troops in the world and in Russo-Japanese war89 and Manchurian campaign,90 which had been easy going there were no atrocities. It was desire of Japanese military authorities to restore normal life in the town. In Yangchow91 relations were good between Japanese troops and Chinese but in Nanking [interference] by foreigners had hindered a return to normal and large numbers of Chinese continued to live in so called safety zone. [He] hoped European and Americans would refrain from criticism and remain onlookers and respect great Japanese nation. Endeavours were now being made to restore discipline. Japanese troops were not hostile to Chinese citizens though they were angry at existence of spies and snipers amongst the latter resulting from antiJapanese spirit which Chiang Kai-shek had tried to instill amongst Chinese people as well as troops. He referred particularly to reports and activities of nationals of “a certain country” (viz. United States of American) which were damaging relations between Japan and that country. He disliked the attitude of a judge in a law court taken by foreigners and warned them that their criticisms and interference between Japanese and Chinese would anger Japanese troops and might lead to some unpleasant incident. He asked to be trusted and gave an assurance that he would do his best to restore law and order and normal city life in a short time so that foreigners’ families could return to Nanking. He would do his best to protect foreign rights and properties and requested foreign representatives to discuss difficulties with him but to refrain from interfering in matters that concerned Japanese and Chinese. The General’s remarks were apparently directed mainly against safety zone and its committee composed of Americans and a few Germans which Japanese desire to abolish. Committee’s reports on acts of violence by Japanese soldiers have been passed to home Government by my American and German colleagues. Japanese military authorities thwarted Committee’s attempt to import and distribute food to refugees. They yielded to the Committee's entreaties not to

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evict refugees from the zone by force on February 4th (See my telegram No. 39). Japanese colleague states that 100,000 or nearly half the refugees have left for homes outside the zone but Committee put a figure much lower. Conditions in the city still dangerous for Chinese and Japanese military authorities have not taken adequate steps to supply food. Ends. Decypher. D. R.

Mr. Howe (Shanghai). 17th February 1938.92 W/T 17th February, 1938. 4.50 p.m. 17th February, 1938.

No. 332. Following is repetition of Nanking telegram No. 52 of February 15th. Begins. Addressed to Embassy Shanghai No. 52. Tokyo telegram No. 136 to Foreign Office. Lieutenant-Colonel Hirota 93 who has arrived Nanking met foreign representatives yesterday. His English is fair. My colleagues and I hope that he will be ready to see us personally should occasion demand. Our only available contact with Japanese military authorities at present is through Japanese Embassy who are neither expeditious nor influential. I am informed that a new ConsulGeneral of full rank is being appointed to Nanking and will arrive shortly. FROM CHINA94 Decypher.

Mr. Howe. (Shanghai ). February 20th, 1938. D. (by wireless) February 20th, 1938. R. 5.50 p.m. February 20th, 1938,

No. 348. Following is repetition of Nanking telegram No. 54 of February l8th. Begins. Your telegram No. 37. Local military authorities still refuse to allow merchants to come to Nanking for the present on grounds that it is a military area and dangerous to navigation. Possibilities for trade appear to be nil and early recovery unlikely. People left in Nanking are extremely poor and cut off from surrounding country which has been devastated. Banks, business houses, importers and all agencies for conducting trade do not exist. Japanese authorities claim that there is sufficient food here at the moment but steady imports of rice, flour and vegetables will be necessary for relief of population. As Japanese profess a desire to rehabilitate the city there may be an opportunity for a British vessel to carry these commodities. Small quantities of kerosene, cloth, paper and building material might be saleable. Cargo would have to be consigned presumably to Nanking Self-Government Committee and consent of military authorities at Shanghai first obtained. Trade with other ports on river still dead.

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CYPHER MESSAGE95 From Date To Repeated

Consul Nanking. 25th February 1938. S.N.O. Wuhu. B.E. Shanghai No. 60. S.N.O. Shanghai. R.A.Y.

Your telegram No. 20 -?- 24th February. ?-2 groups-? permitted to unload beans (?) on Wantung on the understanding that they shall be delivered to a selected Government Committee. Japanese Embassy inform me that Admiral Kondo is not aware of this arrangement and that they are informing him accordingly. Questions of facilities for docking vessel are still under consideration and decision will be communicated as soon as it is known. 1210/25 Interdepartmental. T O.R. 2119/25/2/38.

3 Conditions in the Fallen Capital

Nanking Printed Letter Dispatch No. 7 of 3rd May 1938 to His Majesty’s Ambassador, Shanghai. Transmitting. Report on Conditions at Nanking dated May 3rd, 19381 Nanking continues to improve, and the economic condition of the Chinese appears to rise steadily, but it is a slow improvement and no considerable development of any kind has taken place. There are no signs as yet of a return of the wealthier class of Chinese merchant and business man. The main reason for this seems to be the Japanese military control over the city and the large numbers of troops periodically passing through. The military have recently tightened rather than relaxed their control, the Bund wharves remain a prohibited military area, and the city gates are still closely guarded. Any Chinese passing through is liable to be stopped and he and his belongings searched. The Japanese consider the surrounding country far from safe. There are armed bandits quite close to Nanking and Chinese guerillas only slightly farther afield. The troops and war materials passing through Nanking recently have gone up the Tientsin-Pukow railway to the Shantung war front, whither also squadrons of large bombing airplanes have flown almost daily, returning after a few hours without apparently having suffered any losses. In this pervading military atmosphere even the Chinese are unlikely to find much confidence or many opportunities for trade and business. Economic activity will most probably spring from Sino-Japanese concerns, which are being planned and started. While the military have forbidden the return of British and other nationals Japanese civilians have come to Nanking in surprisingly large numbers, considering the desolate state of the town two months ago. At the end of March, the Japanese Consulate-General stated that there were over 800 Japanese residents, men and women, engaged in a wide variety of businesses, e.g. flour mill, commission agent, track transportation, building materials, department stores, insurance, printing, electrical supplies, photographic supplies, textiles, books and stationery, clocks, doctor, dentist, chemists, grocers, hotels and restaurants. The whole, however, must be small-scale business, and their trade turnover with the Chinese limited by the general poverty of the population. It is apparently necessary for a Japanese merchant to obtain the approval of the Japanese military before he opens a shop. The Japanese residents now probably number 1,000. They have organized an association and they plan to develop the large central part of the city into a Japanese business section. A branch office of a Japanese bank opened on April 27th, and it is the first bank to re-appear in Nanking. Apart from yen, the only negotiable money here is the notes of the Bank of China, Central Bank, Bank of Communications and Far-

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mers Banks. Chinese shops and restaurants are appearing, and a certain amount of building of new houses and repairing of old ones is taking place. Numbers of rickshaws are on the streets, and some motor buses, but very few private cars, apart from those used by the Japanese military. Chinese of the poorer classes have returned to Nanking by hundreds, and the population was recently estimated at 400,000, or nearly double the figure at the beginning of the year. The Chinese Chamber of Commerce holds regular meetings and keeps in close touch with the military authorities. Cargo may not be transported in or out of the city except under a pass issued by the military Special Affairs Department and the Chamber of Commerce passed a resolution on 22nd April that the Department should be asked to give all facilities for trade to members of the Chamber. On my journey by train from Shanghai to Nanking I noticed Chinese industriously farming the land, and plenty of buffaloes were being used. A Sino-Japanese concern called Yu Heng Company has been formed to operate a flour mill with estimated output of l,200,000 bags annually. Another Sino-Japanese concern, the Hsing Chung Company is taking over the operation of light and water supply. So far as I am aware, no charges are yet being made for these services. The telephone system is still not working. It is reported that a Sino-Japanese enterprise, known as Central China Iron Mining Company, has been organized to mine iron ore near Sanshanchen,2 south of Wuhu. Cement works, sulpher works, and tile manufacturing works will, according to report, be started in Nanking in the near future. The Chinese Postal Service is running smoothly, and Mr. Ritchie handed over charge on April 30th to Mr. H. H. Molland, a British subject, who is now Acting Director of Posts for Kiangsu. A Nanking Telegraph Administration receives telegrams for despatch in Japanese, European and Chinese languages. The Japanese Special Affairs Bureau has been paying attention to the re-opening of inland-water routes between Nanking and surrounding ports, and a steamer service to Yangchow has now started. The Nishin Kisen Kaisha, 3 who have a regular service of steamers up the Yangtze, ostensibly as military transports and probably in fact mainly so, plan to reconstruct a jetty at Hsiakwan. They completed a business transaction to transport Mr. Ritchie’s household effects from Nanking via Wuhu to Shanghai, at a charge of over 500 yen. I arranged with the Nishin Kisen Kaisha for my motor car to be brought from Shanghai to Nanking and it arrived in due course, but no bill has yet been presented to me. A further improvement in communications with Nanking is indicated in a report appearing in the Nanking Min Pao4 of April 29th, which will be of interest to the British and Chinese Corporation. It reads briefly as follows: “In order to promote trade along the Shanghai-Nanking and Shanghai-Hangchow railways, the Japanese authorities have decided to abolish all restriction on passengers, and, further, to allow the transport of goods by train. A table of freight charges is being prepared and transportation of goods will begin in May”. On April 26th the Director of the Nanking Municipality held a meeting of local District Government Heads and among the questions discussed was the suppression of opium, which is now being brought into Nanking. It is reported

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that no decision was reached regarding suppression or control of the drug. Regarding British interests at Nanking, one case of further damage to property has occurred. On April 21st a coolie from the Asiatic Petroleum Company installation at Pukow informed me that Japanese troops had entered the installation and broken up furniture for use as firewood. I wrote immediately to the Japanese Consul-General asking that instructions be given to the soldiers to vacate the premises and to refrain from entering them in future, and reserving the right to claim compensation for damage. The Consul-General replied the following day that Colonel Hirota had instructed the troops to move and that Japanese notices would be posted up forbidding unlawful entry. The troops left on April 23rd. Pukow is a prohibited military area and I have not been able to visit it. Colonel Hirota, it may be mentioned, has been transferred to Shanghai as a liaison officer and will pay only occasional visits to Nanking. We all regret this, as he is a pleasant and helpful man. The Yangtze Hotel, which was opened on April 10th by a Chinese acting on Brydon’s authority, has not succeeded in doing much business. There has been no development concerning the Japanese business licence, to which I referred in my letter to Mr. Blackburn5 dated April 22nd. Mr. Shields of the International Export Company who came to Nanking early in April, was ready to start very profitable business at the most suitable month of the year provided he could secure a shipment of certain cargo from Shanghai. He was therefore very disappointed at the decision to postpone a determined attempt to reopen the Yangtze for British ships. The resumption of British commercial navigation of the Yangtze must in present circumstances prelude the reopening of the Yangtze ports to British firms and merchants. While the Japanese have excluded British ships and nationals, there has been a large influx of their own merchants and goods, and steady planning, under official guidance, of Sino-Japanese industrial and business concerns. This increasingly strong Japanese influence in the Yangtze ports may become very harmful to British trade, unless early attempts to counteract it are made. Very little has been heard or seen of the Reformed Government in Nanking since its inauguration on March 28th, but changes in the provincial and local governments have taken place subsequently. On April 24th the Nanking Autonomous Committee was abolished and a Nanking Municipal Government set up, of which Mr. Jen Yuan-tao (任援道),6 Vice Minister of Public Security in the Reformed Government, is temporarily concurrent Director. The inauguration ceremony was attended by the leading Japanese military officers and Japanese consular officials, who promised every assistance to the new Government. The main points in Mr. Jen’s administrative programme are to encourage the return of Chinese to Nanking, assist farmers and merchants, and develop industries. Under the Municipal Director’s office a Secretariat and Police Department will be established, and six bureaus, namely, Finances, Public Works, Labour and Commerce, Education, Health and Social Affairs. The Nanking Min Pao reports that provincial governments for Kiangsu and Anhui have been established, with subordinate Departments of Civil Affairs, Finance, Reconstruction, and Educa-

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tion. The Kiangsu Provincial Government will reside at Soochow, and Mr. Ch’en Tse-min,7 Education Minister in the Reformed Government, has been appointed Chairman. The Provincial Government will have jurisdiction over the various Administrative Commissioners offices, District Governments and Subdistrict authorities. One of the first Chinese petitions to the Nanking Municipal Director urged the establishment of a district court and prison to strengthen the functioning of the police forces. (Signed) E. W. Jeffery8 H. M. Consul, Nanking H.M. Consul, Nanking to H.M. Ambassador9

No. 35 (and 3 copies)

British Consulate Nanking August 11th, 1938

His Excellency, Sir Archibald Clark Kerr,10 K.C.M.G.,11 His Majesty’s Ambassador, British Embassy, Shanghai Sir, I have the honour to enclose herewith a translation of an extract from the Nanking newspaper, Hsin Pao, dated August 11th, giving information on the results of the investigation by the Japanese into a terroristic incident which occurred on July 25th last, when hand grenades were thrown into Government offices at Nanking. This incident is the first and, so far, only terroristic act against the new Government at Nanking, and the investigation attributes it to agents of the Chinese Government at Hankow. I have the houour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient humble servant (Sd.) E. W. Jeffery Consul. Enclosure in Mr. E. W. Jeffery’s despatch No. 35 of October 11th, 1938, to H.M. Ambassador, Shanghai. Extract from Nanking Hsin Pao of August 11th, 1938. Real facts regarding the throwing of bombs into the Government offices in Nanking on the 25th July, 1938. The Chinese Government at Hankow had appointed a military officer by the name of Chu Ming as the Chief of the Kiangnan Mobile Force for National Pro-

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tection and instructed him to spy on the military activities of the Japanese in Nanking and to assassinate the prominent officials of the Reformed Government. Immediately after receiving instructions from Hankow in the middle of June, Chu Ming began to direct his men to conceal themselves inside and outside the city. He also gave them hand grenades and revolvers for assassinating prominent officials and creating a disturbance in Nanking. Chu Ming plotted a concerted attack upon the Reformed Government, the Nanking Municipal Government, the Police Headquarters and the Ministry of Interior on the 25th of July. Several scores of people under Chu Ming had formed into ten assassination groups. Seven groups concealed themselves inside the city and three groups outside. On the 25th July 1938, only five groups of Chu Ming’s men actually took part in the assassination attempts. The No. 1 group was assigned to attack the Reformed Government. Men of the No. 2 group threatened the sentries at the main door of the Nanking Municipal Government with revolvers, rushed in, and threw nine grenades of which only two exploded. As a result of the bombing, three Chinese coolies and one police officer were slightly or seriously wounded. Men of the No. 3 group schemed to attack the Police Headquarters but their plan was not carried out because the leader did not appear. Men of the No. 4 group threw two bombs into the Ministry of Interior at about 9 a.m. on July 25th 1938 and ran away. They attacked the Ministry of Interior again that night but one of the offenders was arrested by the Japanese gandarmes on the spot. The fifth group also participated, but their activities are not clearly known. Up to the present about fourteen culprits, including the principal offender Huang Lu and chiefs of the Nos. 1, 3 and 4 groups have been arrested. The others have run away, and the terrorist organization has dissolved. Nanking Printed Letter Despatch to H.M. Ambassador, Shanghai No. 39 of 18th August, 1938. Report on Conditions at Nanking dated August 18th, 193812 Nanking had progressed a certain amount between February and May but it has remained very much the same during the past three months, and it cannot be said that there has been any marked improvement in the economic conditions of the Chinese or in the establishment of law and order and efficient municipal government. Since the start of the big push towards Hankow about two months ago, Nanking has been crowded with Japanese soldiers. In the surrounding country Chinese guerillas have been active destroying roads and bridges, and according to a press report approached very close to Nanking on August 13th and had sharp engagements with Japanese troops. Japanese military authorities still exercise absolute control inside the town and over the town gates, but they are solely concerned with their own military purposes, and have little apparent regard for

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the welfare of the Chinese and the development of trade. The Chinese Municipal Government collects some taxes and passes municipal laws, but there is little evidence that it has much effective control over municipal affairs and its police force which has recently been partly armed is still absurdly inadequate. Japanese civilian residents have increased in number, and according to a report appearing in the local Chinese newspaper, Hsin Pao, of August 18th, comprise 827 males and 687 females. These residents are all merchants in various kinds of business. The report continues that 332 business licences have been issued to Japanese and 255 shops have opened. The kinds of enterprises which have been licensed are enumerated as follows: 19 trading companies (7 have opened to business) 12 automobile transportation companies (7 have opened) 14 photographers (all open) 16 fruit shops (6 have opened) 11 building companies (none yet open) 72 groceries (63 have opened) 12 cafes (11 have opened) 34 restaurants (29 have opened) 6 tea shops (all have opened) 6 hotels (all have opened) 4 news agencies (all have been established) and others. The Japanese contention that their merchants are solely army purveyors and contractors is not borne out by the facts. Most Japanese shops sell, usually for yen but sometimes for Chinese dollars, to any purchaser of their goods and not exclusively to the army of occupation; anyone may hire a car or truck from a Japanese transportation company or, whether Japanese or Chinese civilian, stay at a Japanese hotel. A number of the Japanese merchants were formerly engaged in business in Hankow or Kiukiang13 and some, it is reported, have come from Shanghai, and they are at present conducting business enterprises in Nanking and selling Japanese commodities under the aegis of the military but as ordinary retailers endeavouring to make a profit. There are said to be four N.K.K.14 ships sailing between Shanghai and Nanking, and Chinese who have arrived at Nanking by Japanese boats have told me that large numbers of Chinese passengers were carried, destined for Chinkiang, Nanking or Wuhu. It is reliably reported that a Chinese concern, the Yuan Ho Egg Hong, sells eggs to the China Egg Produce Company’s local agent who ships the cargo by N.K.K. boats to Shanghai, loading at the N.K.K. wharf at Hsiakwan. Chinese shops and stalls which are gradually opening up all over the town are all very small and make-shift enterprises. The Hua Chung Water and Power Company, a Sino-Japanese concern for operating light and water supply in Central China has recently presented bills for electricity consumption in Nanking from May last. The charges are not based on meter readings, where meters exist, but are made at the rate of one yen per bulb

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per month, irrespective of whether each and every light is used or not. This amounts in most cases to an unfair and exorbitant charge. It is reported that charges will also be made shortly by the same concern for water supply, the pressure of which is so low that in many houses the water cannot be drawn except from taps at ground level connected directly with the mains. Registration of water consumers has started. The telephone service is not yet restored. Roads in Nanking are in a very bad state from floods and constant wear by military trucks, tanks, etc., and practically nothing is done to improve them. Ricshaws are plentiful, and a number of hire car and track firms, mostly Chinese but some Japanese, have appeared. Vehicles are licensed by the Municipal Government. Owing to the large number of troops in occupation lately, and to the difficulties of transportation by road and inland-water routes, there has been a shortage of foodstuffs, gasoline, coal and other commodities. A small amount of building and reconstruction by Chinese has taken place. The Japanese Special Affairs Department issued a notice in June that anyone refusing to accept Japanese bank notes and military notes would be punished. There is a report current that the Ministry of Finance of the Reformed Government proposes to issue new legal currency and to prohibit subsequently the use of notes issued by Chinese Government banks. The Nanking Municipal Government is endeavouring to establish a local bank. The Government has assisted farmers to a certain extent by the purchase and loan of oxen and agricultural implements. According to governmental statistics, the population of Nanking in May was 276,745 and in June 337,559. Numbers of Chinese refugees have returned from the surrounding country. The population of Wuhu in July was estimated at 142,822. The prevalence of opium and drugs among the Chinese at Nanking has been reported in my dispatch No. 36 of August 16th. The local newspaper of August 17th states that a plan for the suppression of opium and narcotics has been drawn up by the Japanese Special Affairs Department and the Nanking Municipal Government, under which anyone purchasing, selling, or smoking drugs will be severely punished. It remains to be seen whether the plan will be effectively carried out. In Wuhu and Wusih15 drug addicts are required by the local governments to apply for licenses to smoke. One of the main difficulties the Nanking Municipal Government has to contend with is undoubtedly shortage of money. Several forms of taxation have been adopted. Regulations have been issued for the collection of taxes on rice, unground rice, wheat, beans, other kinds of grain and flour, on business licences, land registration, and registration of shipping. Rents are collected by the Government from tenants of houses in the new residential area.16 The Government have taken over the former residential district by Shansi Road in order to develop it into a business section and to rent houses to merchants. The Finance Bureau stated that its income was over $10,000 for May, over $20,000 for June, and over $50,000 for July. The Director of the Bureau of Industries has ambitious plans for the construction of new roads in Nanking this autumn and for the

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establishment of factories, such as spinning mills, hosiery and soap manufactories. The estimated expenditure on the roads is $1,200,000 of which $900,000 will be borne by the Municipal Government and $300,000 contributed by land owners involved. It is therefore improbable that these plans will reach fruition for some time to come. Various regulations have been passed by the Government, such as regulations for the registration of industrial and commercial enterprises, the registration of properties, control and registration of doctors, and registration of shipping. It seems doubtful whether the Government has adequate machinery as yet to enforce these laws. The Reformed Government officials do not spend much time in Nanking, but one member recently stated that as public safety had “greatly improved” in Nanking, the whole Government organization would be moved from Shanghai to Nanking by the end of September. Notes17 on Visit to Nanking by J. Kinloch18 Arrived 3. 9. 38 from Wuhu by H.M.S. Cricket. Left 15. 9. 38 by H.M.S. Ladybird for Kiangyin and transferred to H.M.S. Cricket. Left Kiangyin 16. 9. 38. by H.M.S. Cricket and arrived Shanghai p.m. 16. 9. 38. General Conditions at Nanking. Hsiakwan still being a “military prohibited area,” all British, as well as all other foreign flagged vessels, are compelled to berth at Ho Kee’s Wharf (International Export Co.) should they wish to put ashore passengers or stores. Cricket went alongside Bee and discharged her foreign passengers and then proceeded to Kiangyin Boom to take up her duties as “below barrier guardship” relieving Aphis. Passing Hsiakwan I was impressed by the enormous amount of activity by Japanese assisted by Chinese coolies, who appeared to be moving large quantities of military stores to transports moored alongside and off the whole length of the Bund. I do not know the exact boundaries of Taikoo19 and Ewo20 properties, but as the whole of Hsiakwan Bund was occupied by Japanese it was obvious they had not worried themselves unduly over trespassing on foreign-owned property. I leant later during my stay at Nanking that the Japanese military have found Taikoo property at Hsiakwan extremely useful dumping military stores, as well as for stabling horses. Whilst I was at Nanking I was put up by S.V.O.C.’s21 agent at his house on Socony Hill and for all intents and purposes might have been living in a separate world. However, on the daily occasions I went into Nanking (I made a point of calling on the Japanese Embassy everyday just to show them I was there and that I did not hold much brief for their idea that Nanking was a second Japan reserved exclusively for Japanese and supporters of their recently formed puppet government) I could not but help be impressed by the absolute control that the Japanese now exercise on the Chinese populace of China’s quondam capital; the

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people looked downtrodden, listless and did not seem to care what the future (or the Japanese) had in store for them. The Japanese, through their puppet regime, are endeavouring to arrange for Nanking to function as a municipality, but are meeting with very little success. Funds are sadly lacking and are totally inadequate for even operating a municipal street cleaning, water and street lighting service. August income was said to have reached the figure of $50,000, but it was thought by the time the Japanese military had their ‘cut’ hardly half the original figure would be available for the P.W.D.22 of the new regime. Trade. Nanking at the moment must be a dead city as compared to its more flourishing days of the not so distant past, for one sees very little, even small everyday business being done e.g. itinerant food vendors, barbers etc. except in the most squalid and out of the way streets, where Japanese soldiers are not likely to be encountered. In the main streets one can see one or two of the larger shops open, but the goods for sale in most instances are of Japanese origin and there is usually a 50% Japanese staff behind the counter – there appeared to be few buyers but Japanese, the Chinese, so I was informed by foreigners and missionaries, preferring only to buy the bare necessities of life, mostly on account of their own wishes and through force of circumstances. The only article of foreign manufacture which I could see, which made any sale, were B.A.T.23 cigarettes; these had been shipped by N.K.K. vessels from Shanghai having been purchased by Japanese for cash. Cigarettes, however, are a luxury and as the Japanese hold out for such a high price, their sale is not large, except amongst Japanese soldiers and civilians, Foreign goods otherwise are not welcomed by the Japanese and with the exception of cigarettes, small quantities of kerosene bought by Japanese ex Shanghai and shipped up to Nanking, one sees no merchandise bearing foreign chops. Discrimination against the entry of foreign goods to Nanking is therefore the order of the day. To give an example of the present discriminatory measures by the Japanese against foreign goods: a small compradore shop situated in Hsiakwan recently attempted to import 50 bags American flour from Shanghai by N.K.K. steamer. On the arrival of the shipment, the shop in question endeavoured to obtain a permit to import from the Japanese military (N.B. an import permit issued by Japanese military is required before any goods whether Japanese or otherwise are allowed to be landed) but permission was not granted in spite of the fact that Japanese agents were employed to try and arrange matters amicably with the military authorities. Eventually the cargo had to be returned to Shanghai where it was re-packed in bags bearing a Chinese trademark and then re-shipped once again by N.K.K. to Nanking. On its return to Nanking the cargo was allowed entry without any protest on the part of the Japanese military authorities. The above is a glaring example of discrimination against foreign-made goods; many more could be given to show how hard the Japanese are trying to

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keep out the foreigner and his goods from an area, which is looked upon by the invaders as their own and in which they are doing their utmost to obtain a monopoly for their own products in the first case and for Chinese as a very secondary consideration. Future Trading Conditions for Foreign Goods. The prospect for those at the moment seems extremely poor, but perhaps after the fall of Hankow and with things in Europe more settled the foreign powers may be able to bring more pressure to bear in Tokyo. At the time of my leaving Nanking (15. 9. 38) I learnt from B.A.T.’s Nanking agent, who was also staying at S.V.O.C. agent’s house, that his Shanghai Office had decided against opening up their Nanking division and using Japanese as their distributors, but had expressed the opinion it would be the better policy – in the eyes of the Chinese at any rate – to await until more normal times returned and then employ their former Chinese distributing/selling agents, or such of them that remained. B.A.T., I gathered, would continue to sell certain grades of their cigarettes to Japanese in Shanghai on a strict cash basis only but withhold brands which before hostilities had been more popular in the Nanking area. The B.A.T.’s decision was received with evident relief by the representatives of the oil companies at present resident in Nanking, who, though loath to use Japanese interests for disposing their products, feared they might have been forced to recommend to their Shanghai offices to also sell through Japanese if they wished to get their products on the local market in any large quantities. Such was the position when I left Nanking, but it is of course quite possible B.A.T. in Shanghai may have gone back on their former decision and found it essential to try and regain an entry by means of Japanese distributors into a division which was formerly worth up to $2,000,000 gross per month in sales, in an attempt to find a better offtake for their products. Should however B.A.T. stick to their decision not to employ Japanese distributors in the Nanking division, it would seem other foreign firms will continue to remain in a very much stronger position vis-à-vis the Japanese in so far as the sale of essential foreign goods e.g. cigarettes, kerosene and gasoline, sugar and etc. is concerned. In the meantime I regret I cannot put forward with any real conviction suggestions which would be practicable for getting Taikoo products e.g. sugar and paint on the Nanking market once again. Whilst the present form of Japanese occupation is existent in Nanking, I see little hope of any T.S.R. Sugar or O. P. Co.24 paint being even allowed to enter Nanking.

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British Embassy25 Shanghai, 21st October, 1938.

No. 55. (230/149/1938) Copied to: Tokyo 399. Foreign Office 860. Senior Naval Officer Lower Yangtze. E. W. Jeffery, Esquire, His Majesty’s Consul Nanking.

Sir, I transmit to you herewith a copy of a letter from Messrs Jardine Matheson and Company Limited enclosing copies of reports on visits paid to Nanking and Wuhu by a representative of the firm. 2. Since the question of the occupation of British property is subsidiary to the main problem of the reopening of the Yangtze to normal trade and residence, there seems nothing to be gained by making formal representations in the matter to the Japanese Government. You will no doubt continue, however, to exert locally all possible informal pressure with a view to minimizing the harmful effects of occupation pending such reopening. 3. I shall be glad to receive your observations regarding the position at Nanking and Wuhu respectively as revealed in Mr. Hoey’s reports, with particular reference to the question of the occupation of the property of British firms. 4. I should be glad if you would also furnish, separately, a short report on the newspaper which is now being published in Wuhu and on the local papers at present published in Nanking. I am Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, (In the absent of H.M. Ambassador) (Signed) W. D. Allen26 Jardine, Matheson and Company Limited. 28

Sir A. D. Blackburn, K.C.M.G.,C.B.E. British Embassy, Shanghai

Shanghai, 12th October, 1938.27

Sir, We have the honour to enclose for your information copies of reports on Nanking and Wuhu submitted by our representative who recently visited these ports. We would draw particular attention to the irregularities disclosed and arising out of the enforced occupation of property, and the non-payment of rent. We shall be obliged if you will take appropriate action through the competent autho-

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rities. Trading. We also drew particular attention to the position as disclosed in the report on Wuhu. We have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servants, (Signed) W. B. Rigden.29 13th September, 1938. Notes on a Trip to Nanking - 25. 8. 38 / 14. 9. 38. 25. 8. 38. Sailed in S.S. Whangpu, Capt. Von Winckler, Passengers Capt. Tinson,30 B. & S. Marine Superintendent. For Nanking, Goodfellow31 (I.C.I.32), Pelling (China Soap Co.33) and T. S. H. Hoey. Anchored below Kiangyin Barrier. 26. 8. 38. Sailed 6.20 a.m. Escorted through Kiangyin Barrier by Japanese destroyer. Arrived Kowan 11. a.m. and delayed until 1.30 p.m. picking up B. & S. motor boat. Passed Chinkiang 5.30. Anchored in Chinkiang Harbour were eight Japanese destroyers and 3 transports. Whangpu anchored above Chinkiang at 6.30 p.m. 27. 8. 38. Sailed 6 a.m. escorted through Mud Fort Barrier by Japanese destroyer. Arrived Hojee 11 a.m. and berthed alongside hulk Chinwo.34 There were 38 large transports in the harbour and 7 were passed during the morning on the way down the river. Commander Armstrong35 came on board and advised that no one was allowed to land on Hsiakwan Bund. We therefore had to land at Hojee and enter Nanking by the back way. Already in Nanking: Lean36 (A.P.C.), Glass (B.A.T.) and Meads37 (S.O.C.). Goodfellow, who landed on 27th, returned to Whangpu on 28th, and left for Shanghai. Nanking Consul (Jeffery) was absent on leave and Williams 38 was acting Consul. The latter was recalled to Shanghai and left on the 3rd September. Jeffery is due back on 14/15th September and meantime S.N.O. is acting as Consul. Called on Japanese and American Consuls, Chancellor of German Embassy, and Postal Commissioner. Applied for and obtained an Identity or Residents Pass from Japanese Consul. 1. Hsiakwan was burned down by the Chinese military before they left but a few buildings were left untouched. Although still mostly a devastated area, Chinese of that quarter are returning and a fair amount of rebuilding of a sort seems to be in progress, the materials consisting of stolen bricks and timber. A number of small shops and stalls are trading, but stocks in no case are worth more than $40 or $50. The Hsiakwan Railway Station (S.N.R.39) appears to have been undamaged, also the Post Office which is now being used by the Japanese Army. 2. City. Apart from the Taiping Road area, damage in the city would appear to be about 20 to 25%, but unfortunately some of the better buildings have been

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destroyed. In the Taiping Road area, which according to foreign and Chinese sources, was first looted and then burned by the Japanese, damage appears to be about 90 to 95%. Even here some rebuilding in a rough fashion has taken place, and a number of shops are now occupied by Japanese. The burned out ground floors of many former Chinese shops are now being used as stabling for Japanese horses. With the exception of the Ministry of Communications building, all government buildings are intact and occupied by Japanese and the Reformed Government. The former building is merely a shell, and was reputedly destroyed by the Chinese owing to the fact that it contained large quantities of ammunition and military stores which could not be removed before the evacuation. A number of open air markets have sprung up and seem to supply the needs of the Chinese population. We were informed that a large number of Chinese have returned, but the city appears by no means populous. Those who remained and those who have returned have no resources; dealers and merchants with any capital have not returned and are unlikely to do so under present conditions. Most Chinese appear to have concentrated in the South City. Few shops have more than about $400 stocks, and Chinese told us they could only operate on a 50/50 basis with Japanese, and the smaller shops pay for Japanese protection in some form. A fair number of Chinese are to be seen, mostly in the neighbourhood of Piccadilly Circus40 and the South City. Other areas visited were deserted with whole streets unoccupied and Chinese unwilling to enter them. In order to create confidence orders have been now issued forbidding Japanese troops to enter certain streets. Apart from the military, Japanese to be seen are mostly the ronin type. One informed us that he was formerly a jeweler in Shanghai, and that he was now selling beer and other small goods in Nanking, but it was “no good, nobody have any money”. He and his goods travel free in military trains and transports. He was leaving shortly for Hankow where he hoped the pickings would be better. Chinese shopkeepers think that these Japanese civilians will move on when they have a better place to go, their hopes of quick profits not having been realized in Nanking. Only the cheapest grades of cigarettes are obtainable; spirits, beer etc., other than Japanese are unobtainable, and practically no tinned goods other than Japanese, although a few tins of Australian butter of doubtful age were bought on the market. There is continual aerial activity; also considerable traffic on Chungshan Road, but it practically all consists of military lorries and cars. Part of the Electric Light Plant was damaged by bombs; light is available but is not very good. Permission to use it must first be obtained from the military, and charges are on the basis of $1 per point per month. There is no street lighting. City water is available, but the pressure is so low that the Consulate and hill houses are using water from their wells. Straw and mud huts have mostly disappeared and those of the population who

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formerly lived in these have been able to construct dwellings from stolen bricks, timber and tiles. No supervision is exercised over the erection of these, which are apparently built anywhere the occupants please. Guerrillas are reported active in close proximity to the city. A bridge on the Nanking-Wuhu Railway has been destroyed, but this is attributed to floods. Passengers have to cross the gap in boats to enter a waiting train on the opposite side. On a visit to Sun Yet Sen Memorial it was noticed that wooden electric light standards had been recently cut down about 2 feet above the ground; this was said to be the work of guerrillas. 3. Comleybank. When this house was visited the furniture appeared to have been left in some disorder, but there was no evidence of any extensive looting. The gardener who acts as watchman reported that Japanese had entered on one or two occasions but had taken only some curtains and crockery. The grounds were badly kept and dirty and evidently no work had been done; the servants quarters were full of refugees. The grounds have now been cleared up and the refugees evicted. The Office of Works representative has now inspected the house (as an Embassy residence) and considers that certain repairs are essential. A large dugout at the bottom of the hill on which the house stands, and from which all the timber has been removed, may constitute a danger through landsliding. This has been pointed out to the Office of Works representative and a suggestion made that the holes should be filled in. 4. Ewo Bungalow. The bungalow was occupied by several Chinese who have now been evicted and the grounds cleared up. 5. Ewo Godown, Hsiakwan. I applied to Japanese Consul for permission to visit the godown, but was told it would have to be referred to the military. Was subsequently informed that permission could not be granted as it was situated in a military prohibited area. I then raised the question of payment of rent, and suggested that my presence in Nanking provided an opportunity to discuss it. This also had to be referred to the military, but nothing further has transpired. The member of the Japanese Consular staff with whom I raised the question is absent elsewhere, and other members of the Consulate profess ignorance. 6. Leased Godown No. 8, Pukow. S.O.C. and A.P.C. representatives and myself made a combined application for permission to visit Pukow. This was also referred to the military, and refused on the ground that it was a military prohibited area. 7. Registration of Property. As far as could be learned this mostly remains in abeyance. None of the foreign firms have registered and are apparently adopting a waiting attitude. As both S.O.C. and A.P.C. have property in the city held under similar conditions as the hill property, the question of registration will undoubtedly be raised with them first. The Reformed Government have threatened confiscation of Chinese houses the owners of which have not returned to Nanking. If not already occupied by Japanese, we were informed that such houses could be rented from the Reformed Government. 8. Hulk Chinwo. Have inspected this several times and found it clean and

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sanitary. The staff have been advised that economies will have to be effected. I will refer to this matter on my return to Shanghai. 9. Chinkiang. Owing to the difficulties of obtaining a return passage per train (only 30 persons are allowed to travel daily) I have not visited Chinkiang. A.P.C. representative and myself suggested to Commander Armstrong that a gunboat proceeding down river might put into Chinkiang and remain overnight, which would give us ample opportunity to make all the inspection etc., we wished. There was an objection to this: down bound gunboats run on schedule and this would cut down their stay in Shanghai one day. Commander Armstrong thought it might be possible to arrange for an up-bound to make the call. 10. Wuhu. I have obtained a pass to proceed to this port, and am leaving here per H.M.S. Scarab on 14th instant. I expect to return to Shanghai by gunboat about the end of the month unless advised to the contrary. T. S. H. Hoey. Notes on a Visit to Wuhu 14. 9. 38 to 30. 9. 38. Having received a pass to Wuhu boarded H.M.S. Scarab at Hojee p.m. 13/9/38 and sailed for Wuhu 5 a.m. 14/9/38. S. Deas (B. & S.) also a passenger. Arrived Wuhu 3 p.m. and proceeded alongside H.M.S. Ladybird at A.P.C. Installation. Scarab proceeded to Wuhu a.m. 15/9/38 and berthed at B. & S. pontoon. Deas and the writer proceeded ashore to B.A.T. house, which we had permission to use, and where we remained during our stay in Wuhu. Called on Japanese Consul Okabe41 and requested a ‘Resident’ or Identity pass, which was sent to me the following day. Okabe informed me that he had heard from Nanking that I was arriving and would like to see military re occupation of property. I informed him that I expected to be in Wuhu until the end of the month and would see Military if it could be arranged. Occupation of B. and S. and Ewo Bund was mentioned and Okabe informed us that the reason they used our Bund was because N.K.K. property was not bunded! Bund. Large quantities of military stores are stacked on Taikoo and Ewo Bunds, including a large number of 30 gallon drums containing gasoline. It is estimated that there are 15,000 to 20,000 of these drums stored in the open on the Bund and proximity with further supplies being constantly landed from transports. There are at least 80 to 100 “puff-puffs” usually tied up to the Bund stone facing, discharging and loading stores. Shortly after our arrival it was observed that Japanese had commenced the construction of a landing stage or jetty on Ewo Bund, about 7 feet up river from the steps at the down river end of the property. The construction of the jetty, and its gasoline stored in proximity to our respective godowns was brought to the notice of Lt. Comdr. Clitherow42 of H.M.S. Scarab who did not consider a protest necessary. I then informed him that I proposed to lodge a protest with the Japanese Consul and Deas also lodged one regarding the gasoline. Clitherow subsequently decided to call on Chief of Military Transport Section regarding the gasoline only; this officer was not available but we interviewed his Chief

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Assistant to whom our complaints regarding both gasoline and jetty were made known and with whom I left a copy of my letter to Consul Okabe. Apparently no action was taken as the jetty was completed and the gasoline still remains on the Bund. Before I left Wuhu small steamers of 700/800 tons were discharging at the jetty. All stevedoring and collie work on the Bund is being done by Chinese soldier prisoners (of whom there must have been almost a thousand) under supervision of armed sentries, and there seemed to be no particular prohibition of smoking in the neighbourhood of the gasoline. Ewo Godown. I informed Consul Okabe, also the Chief of the Military Police, that I intended to open the godown and this was done by breaking the locks. The roof had apparently suffered from the bombing in the vicinity and there were several leaks! Repairs were arranged for and carried out at a cost of approximately $160.00. The godown was full of bags of wheat and/or rice practically from the floor almost to the roof, and owing to the absence of passages, and lack of room, it was impossible to make an inventory. Shippers’ representatives were present and reported that a large number of bags on top were damp and rotting and that this would spread to the remainder if bad bags were not removed. They were informed that if ownership could be established by the production of receipts or godown warrants, the question of removal of damaged cargo would be considered and this has been referred to their Principals (who were not in Wuhu). New locks were placed on the doors, shutters secured and approaches cleaned up. The godown had been entered by thieves, and two cases of socks, etc. pilfered. Entry was apparently obtained through a ventilator which has since been repaired. Ewo Compound. The Compound is fully occupied with military stores and a number of small wooden huts have been erected. So far as I could observe the anti-aircraft battery has been removed. Further detailed inspection of the compound was prevented by sentries. A few days after my arrival the Chief of the Japanese Consular Police called on me to say that Lt. Col. Mybara, Chief of the Transport Section, wished to see me. I proceeded with him to Transport Headquarters in a Japanese military car, taking with me Deas to assist in interpreting and also as we both wished to point out the position regarding our respective Bunds. In addition to Lt. Col. Mybara, there were present three other Japanese officers (one of whom left for Shanghai during the interview), an official interpreter, and the Chief of the Consular Police. The interview lasted about 1½ hours and there was a lot of desultory talk and discussion amongst the Japanese officers. Mybara enquired about ownership of the hulk (Madras) and then said he understood that many Chinese soldiers were on board during the bombing and asked me if this were so. I replied that it was not so, but that in any case I was not prepared to discuss any matter regarding the hulk, this now being in the hands of the British Ambassador at Tokyo. I was only prepared to discuss the

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question of the occupation and return of the compound. The question regarding the hulk was repeated one or more times and on each occasion a similar reply was made. I then said that we wished to resume occupation of our compound as soon as it could conveniently be arranged and also payment of rent for the period during which it had been occupied. There was more desultory conversation among the Japanese officers, and at intervals Col. Mybara made statements to the following effect: 1. There was a war on, and the compound was not being used by us and they were guarding it. 2. It was not occupied by them; it was only being used by them. 3. Under International Law neutrals had no rights. 4. “Military necessity” and convenience. Our replies were to the effect that the property was British and neutral and that the Japanese Government had informed the British and other Ambassadors that the rights and property of neutrals would be respected. Col. Mybara ultimately agreed that this was so and then said he had no authority to discuss the question of the compound which should be taken up in Shanghai. The question of the Bund frontage was then referred to and Col. Mybara asked the position. He was informed that the position regarding Ewo and Taikoo Bund was similar – the Bund was a private road and including the Bund stone facing was British property, constructed and maintained by the respective companies at their own expense. No rejoinder was made to this other than the observation ‘military operations and necessity’. One or two days following the interview a military policeman called and said he was instructed to obtain details of British property. Deas and I accompanied him to the Bund and pointed out both B. and S. and Ewo properties, also the erection of the jetty and the storage of gasoline. He asked if we were willing to rent our compound, and if so at what rent. I informed him that I thought the rent would be in the neighbourhood of £50 per month, and that if they wished me to do so – I would telegraph referring both matters to Shanghai. Later on three officers of Transport Section called on us and said they wished to rent our and B. and S. godowns. I informed them our godown was full and Deas informed them that B. and S. godowns were occupied. They also informed Deas that they wished to rent or buy B. and S. hulk, and were referred to Shanghai. Madras II. The Hulk is lying in its usual position, with the small pontoon on the inside. The connecting bridge on the deck of the latter has sustained further damage and now looks completely unserviceable. The Hulk has a decided sag in the centre: on the up-river end about 2½ to 3 feet of boot-topping is visible, and at the down riverend about 2 feet, while practically none is visible in the centre. Both Hulk and pontoons have large numbers of ‘puff-puffs’ and launches hanging on, and on one occasion a large launch was observed berthed on the river side of the Hulk with the crew on the Hulk deck. Crops. There has been an excellent rice crop in the neighbourhood. Good

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quality ordinary rice is selling retail at $3 - $3.50 picul, and best No. 1 rice at $4.80 to $5.00. Conditions. Conditions are quiet, with an almost entire absence of troops, except those of the Military Transport Section in the neighbourhood of the Bund. The number of sentries on duty throughout the city has been reduced. A fair amount of rebuilding is in progress, and the debris in the bombed area is being cleaned up. There are many small shops re-opened, but there is a shortage of supplies. Japanese sugar of a grade the usual price of which is $17 or $18 is selling at $40 per bag. One clash with guerrillas about four miles from Wuhu occurred during our stay. Artillery and rifle fire could be distinctly heard. The Electric Light Plant is operating but is controlled by Military. There is no day current and shops etc., are only allowed current for a short period in the evening. Population. Japanese sources informed us that large numbers of Chinese had returned and that the population was now approximately 180,000, but other sources said that this includes surrounding district – 80,000 would be a more accurate figure for Wuhu. The normal population of Wuhu formerly was 170,000 - 180,000. Very much larger numbers of people are observed in the streets than on my former visits although some areas are still deserted and remain untouched since they were bombed. Trading. Particulars are attached of cargo imported and exported by N.K.K. vessels during September. These particulars are compiled form information received from various shippers and brokers, and from stevedores working on the vessels, most of the latter being known to our Chinese, and the figures may be taken as accurate. Cargo can only be exported under licence issued by the Japanese Special Service Section and after payment of certain taxes to the Autonomous Government. It is not possible to do business except through Japanese sources. Merchants must either sell their export cargo to Japanese or ship it through Japanese hands and under a Japanese name, and the same applies to imports. One dealer was anxious to import Taikoo sugar and produced ready cash, but owing to difficulties of shipment was compelled to buy Japanese sugar. B.A.T. cigarettes arrived per N.K.K. vessel; presumably shipment had been effected through Japanese employees. (It was rumoured both in Nanking and Wuhu that B.A.T. had sold 1½ million dollars worth of cigarettes to the Showa Company43 in August.) Import cargo by N.K.K. vessel must be taken delivery of ex ship – none of it is placed in godowns. M.B.K.44 have opened an office and employ several Chinese, some of whom were formerly employed by our shippers. Their information is that it is the intention to import sugar, cigarettes, candles, soap, etc. and export cereals and other commodities. B. & S. B. and S. Hulk still remains at anchor about A.P.C Installation. We understand that permission was given for it to be returned to its usual berth by the Japanese some time ago, but objection was taken by the British S.N.O. at Wuhu. Their Chinese agent (Pao), shipping clerk, and chief godownman have received passes to return to Wuhu, and are due there in a few days time.

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Wounded. Only one of our Chinese, a former tallyman in the Hulk remains in the hospital. He unfortunately had his leg amputated, and although not now requiring medical attention, is still rather shaky, and as he has no friends and no place to go I have agreed to his remaining in hospital at our expense until other arrangements can be made. We may be able to use him in the future as a gateman. Staff. List of present staff in Wuhu, wages, etc. is attached. Nanking-Wuhu Railway. The railway from Nanking to Wuhu is interrupted at Taipingfu, 45 a bridge and portion of the line having been destroyed by floods. From Nanking to Taiping, 3rd class cars only are available. At Taiping passengers must walk about ¾ of a mile and then wait four hours in the open for connections to Wuhu. Service on the latter section is maintained by ordinary goods truck only. Passengers require a military visa and one train is scheduled to run each way daily but during my stay in Wuhu there were a number of days on which no train arrived or was despatched. Conditions in Wuhu are now such that there seems to be no reason against the resumption of normal trading other than that Japanese wish to retain everything in their own hands and consolidate their trading position. Although the Bund is occupied by Japanese military stores, it is quite possible for vessels to anchor above or below the port to discharge and load without interfering with “military operations”. It was mentioned by Japanese that it would be injudicious to allow Chinese passengers to be carried by foreign vessels and might be the means of introducing undesirable characters into occupied territory. The application of the arrangements regarding passengers for other occupied territory; also the fact that passengers landing at Nanking or Wuhu are examined by Japanese, should meet this argument. Nanking. I mentioned in my Nanking report that I had been unable to visit Ewo Godown or the Bund. When passing down river in Scarab it was observed that several wooden erections (godowns) have been built in Ewo compound, on the up-river side of the godown. Chinkiang. I have not yet been able to visit this port. In the last two weeks the French and American gunboats called there, but although the visit had been arranged with Japanese Naval authorities in Shanghai no one was allowed to land, and we understand the matter is being taken up by the American Embassy. Since my return to Shanghai I learn that permission has been given for A.P.C. launch and houseboat to return from Kowan to Chinkiang. Return Journey. H.M.S. Scarab which had been relieved by H.M.S. Aphis proceeded to A.P.C. Installation. Boarded her there p.m. 28/9/38, sailed 5 a.m. 29/9/38, arrived Nanking 8.30 a.m., proceeded alongside H.M.S. Bee. Detained until 11.20 a.m. and then sailed in company with H.M.S. Bee. Conducted through Mud Fort Barrier by Japanese destroyer, passed Chinkiang about 2.30 p.m. Kowan 3.45 p.m. arrived Kiangyin Barrier 5.50 p.m. and conducted through by Japanese destroyer. Anchored below the Barrier 6.30 p.m. Transfer-red from Scarab to Bee which sailed 30th, 5.20 a.m. arriving Shanghai 12.30 p.m. T. S. H. Hoey. Shanghai, 3rd October 1938.

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Number 449 Copies to:

British Consulate-General46 Shanghai October 31st, 1938

Foreign Office (3) No. 281, Tokyo, No. 139, Commercial Counselor, No. 96, Commander-in-Chief, Naval Liaison Officer, Nanking.

His Majesty’s Ambassador, British Embassy, Shanghai Sir, In August and September, as Your Excellency is aware, the representatives of six British firms, Imperial Chemical Industries, Jardine, Matheson and Company, Butterfield and Swire, China Soap Company, Asiatic Petroleum Company, and Yee Tsoong Tobacco Company, were able to visit Nanking by the aid of passes granted by the Japanese authorities, and they have now severally reported to me on their visit and on trading conditions. Apart from missionaries and certain members of the staff of the International Export Company, Limited, these men have been the first, and even till now practically the only foreigners to visit this area. Two of the representatives, those of Jardine, Matheson and Company, and Butterfield and Swire, also made a visit to Wuhu on H.M.S. Scarab. None of them were permitted to visit Chinkiang at that time. 2. I have now the honour to transmit a brief résumé of their general observations, omitting any reference to questions which relate purely to their company’s concerns, such as occupied property, and which are not of general interest. It is worth noting in the first place that the problem of the resumption of trade, which is the vital one, has been viewed by these firms from different angles. Butterfield and Swire and Jardines are concerned mainly with the shipment of goods along the river; Imperial Chemical Industries and the Asiatic Petroleum Company with the marketing of raw materials in the trading centres; and the Tobacco and Soap Companies with the problem of distribution of small stocks of consumers’ goods over as wide an area as possible. 3. Only one, namely, the Asiatic Petroleum Company representative, has stayed on in Nanking, after so much trouble was taken to secure passes for them: it is rather disappointing to find that all the others left – sometimes after a stay of only a few hours – and made no attempt even to ensure the safety of any property that remained or to secure payment of requisitioning or rent claims. All of them are however unanimous in the view that the present obstacles to a resumption of trade in Nanking are insurmountable and at the same time mainly artificial and could easily be swept away. They are, briefly, as follows:

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(a) No merchant ships are allowed above the booms at Kiangyin, (b) Even ships granted permission to proceed to Nanking are not allowed to berth at Hsiakwan (that is, the shipping suburb) but must berth some five miles below at the International Export Company’s wharf, (c) Wharf and bund facilities are open only to the Japanese Navy in the military bases. At Hsiakwan and Wuhu the wharves of Jardines and Butterfield and Swire are all occupied by the Japanese military, (d) Only Japanese merchants and forwarding agents are able to obtain freight on vessels proceeding above Kiangyin, (e) An import permit issued by the Japanese authorities is necessary before any goods, whether Japanese or otherwise, are allowed to land, (f) Cargo can only be exported under licence issued by the Japanese Special Service Section and after payment of certain taxes to the Autonomous Government, (g) It is impossible to travel in places arbitrarily designated as ‘military areas’ (Jardines’ godown and the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s depôt at Pukow are in such an area), (h) Difficulties are put in the way of foreigners attempting to obtain passes for travel to Nanking by rail. 4. What it amounts to is that the British merchant flag and the British trader are forbidden access, for a variety of pretexts usually lumped together under the term military necessity, to a vast tract of territory and a great waterway where British trading interests have for a century reigned supreme. 5. One inevitable consequence of this Japanese policy of the strangulation of foreign trade is that in this area trading enterprise has also disappeared from among the Chinese population. Those who are left of the business community, and most have fled, can only open up under Japanese protection, and they do not do so for fear of reprisals from patriotic Chinese. 6. The population of Nanking is estimated at 350,000, or roughly one third of the pre-war figure. The city is primarily a military base, and such trading and professional activities as have sprung up are almost entirely those needed to supply the demands of the Japanese soldiery. The number of small retail shops controlled by Japanese or Koreans is given in one estimate as three hundred and there are also roadside stalls selling produce. No signs of the reopening of shops of the agent or dealer classes were noticed. 7. It should be emphasized however that these lamentable remarks apply only to the city of Nanking, and the mistake must not be made of judging the state of the area as a whole from its once capital city. Even in Hsiakwan and certainly in some of the small middle Yangtze ports considerable trading activity was perceived, but usually from afar. “In the parts above Kiangyin”, says the Imperial Chemical Industries representative, “the Japanese are trading freely and have a number of river boats in constant service which enjoy a monopoly of whatever trade there may be. It is not possible to estimate what commodities they are carrying, or how much trading they are doing, since they usually off-load under military guard, and access to the wharves is impossible.”

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8. The Asiatic Petroleum Company’s representative goes so far as to say that the Japanese merchants are in control of the wholesale distribution of practically all consumption goods, such as matches, cigarettes, soap, sugar, oil, candles, sea-products, tinned goods etc. He cites also an item of 450 tons of petroleum products which were imported by Japanese steamers into Nanking from the middle of August to the end of September. It is even possible for Chinese agents to arrange shipment of cargo of British provenance to Nanking by Japanese steamers, 9. Lists, compiled by agents of Jardine’s, giving particulars of Japanese ships and their cargo plying between Shanghai, Nanking and Wuhu, throughout the month of September, leave no shadow of a doubt that considerable trade is going on. In the latter port offices of the Nisshin Kisen Kaisha and Mitsui Bassan Kaisha are functioning, the Mitsui Bussan Kaisha firm even employing some Chinese formerly in the service of the shipping agents of Jardine’s. There is no reason against the resumption of normal trading there other than that the Japanese wish to retain everything in their own hands and consolidate their trading position. 10. Instances of Chinese agencies arranging shipment of British goods by Japanese steamers, as referred to above, are not frequent, but it is by these means that the Imperial Chemical Industries, the China Soap Company and the Yee Tsoong Tobacco Company have managed to get their goods moving up, so that they now have small stocks on the market. Even this insecure and unsatisfactory opening is now threatened, for the Yee Tsoong Tobacco Company have ascertained that after a small shipment of their cigarettes was conveyed from Shanghai to Nanking by use of Japanese contacts, the Japanese merchants in Nanking considered it a threat to their privileges and as a consequence they have formed an association which is petitioning the Japanese military to prohibit further shipments of cigarettes to Nanking except for sale through Japanese. 11. As Your Excellency is aware, a considerable trade with Yangtze ports situated bellow Kiangyin has been built up since the commencement of the hostilities, and in this trade the British companies have secured the major share. At numerous villages on both banks vessels are calling regularly, and considerable profits are accruing to their owners. Similar prosperity unquestionably awaits them if and when they are permitted to call at the villages west of the barrier: there is no necessity for them to go to Nanking, or to any other centre of military activity, since at the smaller ports of call both north and south of the river considerable quantities of merchandise are awaiting transportation to Shanghai, and, even were the Chinese prepared to ship in Japanese vessels (which, generally speaking, they are not), the Japanese tonnage available is quite inadequate. I am assured by the major British shipping companies that, despite the incidence of hostilities and the alleged dangers from guerrillas, they could employ all their river craft profitably if the present restrictions were removed. In practice, guerrillas operating in the Yangtze valley are well-disposed towards vessels flying the British flag and are not a menacing factor.

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12. I have thought it necessary to go into these details in order to show the falsity of the Japanese contention that trade in the middle Yangtze is at a standstill. Trade, on the contrary, is gradually re-establishing itself, and this in spite of the intolerable restraints with which it is bound, and I am convinced that it is the design and policy of the Japanese authorities to resist British participation therein to the uttermost. Never was it more true that trade follows the flag. The Japanese merchants will endeavour to retain the monopolistic control over the importation and distribution of all commodities which they are securing. They will reserve for themselves, if they can, all business of a wholesale nature and confine Chinese merchants to small retailing business, while resisting as long as possible the resumption of business through ordinary channels. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (Sd) Herbert Phillips47 Consul-General. Enclosure in Nanking Printed Letter No. 59 of 4th November 1938 to H.M. Ambassador at Shanghai.48 Report on conditions at Nanking dated November 4th, 1938. The Japanese military control remains over Nanking. Sentries are posted at the town gates guarding road entrances, railway communication is controlled by the military, and the entire Bund frontage is still in the hands of either the naval or army forces. The Japanese Special Service Department exercises complete influence over the local Chinese Municipal Government. There are no signs that this military control may be relaxed in the near future; guerrilla units, apparently well armed, are active on every side of Nanking, and the Japanese troops have frequent engagements with them and suffer many casualties. It seems that the existence of the guerrillas necessitates the continuance of Japanese military precautions in Nanking. The number of troops here now is much smaller than in August last. The military have recently been occupied in razing whole blocks of houses in Hsiakwan between the railway station and the river. The Chinese occupants have been ordered to go elsewhere. According to the Japanese Consulate, the purpose of this is to prepare for wider and better roads, and to remove damaged houses and walls that were liable to collapse and endanger the public. Other rumours circulate that the Japanese propose to establish a concession in Hsiakwan, or to erect large military barracks. The area in which houses are being demolished seems indeed larger than is required for road building. Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co.’s Bund property is in close proximity, but has not been affected so far as I can 1earn. Both at Hsiakwan and in the Inspectorate-General of Customs’ enclosure on Chungshan Road inside the wall, the military have erected numerous large matsheds for storage purposes.

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The Japanese civilian population of Nanking was recently estimated by a member of the Japanese Consulate at over 2,000, engaged in business. Their entry was restricted, he stated, otherwise the number would probably be over 5,000. The only reason for the restriction, I think, is the difficulty which the Special Service Department has in finding and appropriating sufficient houses and shops to accommodate the new-comers. Japanese shops usually carry large stocks of goods, and the general stores have a wide variety, all apparently of Japanese origin. It is difficult to see how they can have sufficient turnover to make a profit. The former Metropole Hotel,49 which was used for a long while as Japanese Staff Headquarters, has now been re-opened as a Japanese hotel, known as the Asia Hotel. The local Chamber of Commerce has made arrangements for the opening of a small bank in Nanking, to be called the Nanking Commercial Bank. Its capital will be $240,000, and it will not issue bank-notes. Business conditions in the town, though gradually improving, are still poor, and the Chinese shops have only small quantities of goods for sale. Large numbers of the population are still in need of relief. A Chinese store-keeper with a larger quantity of goods than most, including American, Australian and English tinned food-stuffs, stated that he brought his stocks from Shanghai to Nanking by the Japanese N.K.K. boats. Goods are also carried by the Shanghai-Nanking railway, but a transportation permit must first be obtained from the Japanese military authorities. The traveling conditions on the Shanghai-Nanking railway are now much improved. Better-class passenger coaches have been brought from Japan and borrowed from the North-China railways, and the service has been speeded up. The following schedule is in force: Departure Arrival Shanghai 8 a.m. Nanking 3.10 p.m. (Tokyo time) Nanking 9.40 a.m. (Tokyo time) Shanghai 2.50 p.m. The fares are 2nd class Yen 9.40; 3rd class Yen 4.70; 4th class Yen 3.15. Freight cars are also in use, and maybe hired to carry goods between Nanking and Shanghai at prices ranging from Yen 60 to 90. Some of the freight cars are said to have come from Japan. The transportation of goods by Chinese merchants in the Nanking area is not only subject to various forms of irregular taxation, at which malpractice by the Japanese are said to be as bad as the Chinese, but must also be authorized by licences and permits issued in accordance with regulations by the municipal authorities and the Special Service Department. The latter retain the authority to forbid the movement of goods. The Nanking Municipal Government issue business licences permitting a business to open, but in the case of any enterprise of the nature of a public utility and concerned with telephonic and telegraphic communications, news agencies, electricity, gas and waterways, a permit to operate must be obtained from the Special Service Department. Telephones are now being installed in Nanking by the Japanese concern, the Central China Electricity Company. Telephonic communication with Shanghai will shortly be resumed.

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The Reformed Government moved to Nanking from Shanghai at the beginning of October. The Waichiaopu50 is accommodated in the premises of the former International Club on Chungshan Road. On September 13th this Government appointed Mr. Kao Kuan-wu (高冠吾)51 to be Director of the Nanking Municipal Government in place of Mr. Jen Yuan-tao (任援道), who resigned from the position because his duties as Minister of Public Security in the Reformed Government were too heavy. According to a press report the Municipal Government will be elevated to the status of a Special Municipal Government. Tax receipts for August were reported at $80,000, an increase of $30,000 over the July receipts. Private motorcars are now taxed at the rate of $12 a quarter. The imposition of a tax on opium and the official monopoly in the drug were reported in Nanking despatch No. 56 of October 26th. The municipal authorities, who have taken over and let unoccupied houses, are now engaged in building houses and shops in certain parts of the town for subsequent lease. A considerable amount of rebuilding is taking place in the badly damaged Taiping Road. Most of the shops there are Japanese. The Reformed Government has decided to establish law courts in several towns in Kiangsu and Anhui. A district court and higher court will be established at both Nanking and Soochow, and district courts at Chinkiang, Yangchow, Wusih and Ch’angshu. 52 In Anhui there will be a district and higher court at Wuhu, and district courts at Pengpu53 and Fengyang.54 The Nanking district court which, it is said, will be opened during November, will have a Mr. Chung Hung-sheng as President, and the number of judges will, owing to financial difficulties, be restricted to four. A model prison is also planned. The Director of the Finance Bureau of the Municipal Government informed the press that on September 15th 7,000 property owners had applied for registration of rights of ownership of property in Nanking, as compared with more than 30,000 property owners who had applied for registration with the former Nanking Municipal Government. September 15th was the final date to which registration under the present regulations was extended (Nanking despatch to Embassy No. 17 of June 29th, 1938). No concrete case has so far occurred raising the question of the registration of British property. The population of Nanking according to municipal statistics has remained steady since June last, and was given at 349,655 persons in September. The majority live in the central and south parts of the town. Very few wealthy Chinese have returned. In order to prevent undesirable persons from residing in Nanking, the municipal authorities have withdrawn the former residence certificate (安民 擭照), and are now issuing a “lawful citizen certificate” (良民證). Considerable difficulty has been experienced in obtaining coal locally. The Japanese military and the municipal authorities have taken over all stocks, and allowed none to be moved. Negotiations are proceeding between the Coal Dealers’ Guild and the municipal authorities regarding the distribution and sale of coal, and will doubtless turn on official squeeze requirements. The Nanking International Relief Committee sent out investigators during the latter part of the summer to investigate the acreage and yield of rice and oth-

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er crops, and the general conditions in the farm villages in the districts around Nanking. Their report revealed that public order and conditions of travel in these regions had greatly deteriorated since March last, and that soldiers and armed men of all sorts and multiple local chieftains had brought about a state of armed chaos. The burning of villages, cruelty, robbery, and the arbitrary requirements of soldiers continued. An especially interesting fact is the recrudescence of liking. Any and every sort of armed authority levies local taxes on goods which are being transported. The report states “rice from a distance of 20-25 miles is paying as many as three sets of transport levies alone (amounting to more than one dollar per tan55). Local products brought 25 miles by water regularly pay eight or more assessments. On cotton, for example, ordinary farmers or dealers without official favour have been paying $6.55 per tan.” Despite the destruction of farm buildings and the loss of tools and animals as a result of the war, the Chinese farmers managed to cultivate the greater part of their land. The main agricultural products are rice and soybeans. Floods and the wet, cool weather during most of the summer somewhat lessened the yield which seems, however, sufficient for the year’s needs of the farm and city population of these regions. In the areas for which Wuhu is the export centre, the rice crops are said to be abundant. The Relief Committee’s investigators reported a great scarcity of cloth and clothing, cotton wadding or yarn, kerosene, matches, soap and medicines among many village communities. Mr. Lean of the Asiatic Petroleum Company at Nanking recently obtained a pass without difficulty to visit Chinkiang. Part of Asiatic Petroleum Company property there has been badly damaged. The area known as the ex-British Concession has been practically demolished by Japanese bombing. The Japanese garrison is very small and it would seem as if the numerous Chinese guerrillas in the vicinity could easily re-capture the town. The Japanese Consular officials who have been at Nanking for the past several months viz, Messrs Y. Hanawa, 56 Consul-General, Kasuya57 and Tanaka,58 Vice-Consuls, left for Hankow on the fall of that town. The new Consul-General Mr. Tomokazu Hori59 arrived at the end of last month. He speaks English very well, having been Japanese Consul at Los Angeles for some time. The new Vice Consuls are Messrs. F. Uchida,60 and T. Yamamoto. The former has been trained in Germany and speaks poor English, the latter, however, has spent much time in America and speaks English perfectly. The Japanese Consular officials at Nanking appear to have very little influence with the military authorities when questions of foreign rights and interests here are raised. Such a remark as the following “We try to approach the military when they are in a good mood” suggests the difficulty of their position. I will refer to the property of British firms at Nanking in my reply to Embassy despatch No. 55 of October 21st. E. W. Jeffery H. M. Consul

4 Violation of British Property and Interests

R. G. Howe, Esquire, C.M.G., H.M. Charge d’Affaires, British Embassy, Shanghai

British Consulate,1 Nanking(at Shanghai), 3rd February, 1938.

Sir, With reference to the incidents on the Yangtse River, above Nanking, on December 12th, when the concentration of British ships was bombed by Japanese aeroplanes, I have the honour to report that as the direct result of these bombing attacks Mr. W. H. Williams, of my staff, suffered damage to his personal possessions amounting to £24.7.6, and I have the honour to suggest for your consideration that a demand for compensation in that amount be addressed to the Japanese Government. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, (Signed) H. Prideaux-Brune British Consulate, Nanking at Shanghai January 20th, 1938 His Majesty’s Consul Nanking Losses caused through Bombing Concentration of British Shipping on the Yangtze River 14 miles above Nanking on December 12th Sir, My full name is Walter Henry Williams and I am employed in the British Consular Service. On December 12th I was on board the hulk Chinwo which formed part of the concentration of British Shipping on the Yangtse River, fourteen miles above Nanking, when on three separate occasions bombs were dropped from Japanese areoplanes. Many of the bombs dropped within a few yards of the hulk

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causing extensive superficial damage to that portion of the hulk which was being used as living quarters for the British residents of Nanking. I attach hereto a list of the articles with values which I lost or were ruined owing to this bombing and I respectfully request that I may be compensated. The articles of clothing included in the list had been washed and were on a drying line that was broken either by concussion or bomb splinters and lost overboard. A heavy rack was forced from the wall on to my Victrola and records which were thereby ruined. The bottles of wines and spirits were broken by the concussion. I am prepared at any time if called upon to make a Statutory Declaration in support of this statement. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. Williams Claim against Japanese Authorities 1 Hat 3 Shirts 6 Handkerchiefs 1 Suit underwear 1 Pr. pajamas 1 Bathtowel 1 Victrola 9 Victrola Records 1 Hairbrush 2 Bottles 25 year old brandy 7 Bottles Booth Gin 8 Bottles French Vermouth 1 Bottle Peppermint 2 Bottles 3 star Brandy 4 Bottles Braves Wine 2 Bottles Whiskey

£ s. d. 1- 8- 6 1 - 11- 6 5-0 12 - 6 1 - 1-0 5-0 10 - 10 - 0 1- 2-6 4-6 1- 1-0 1 -10 - 0 1 -10 - 0 7-6 15 - 0 1- 5-0 18 - 6 £24 - 7 - 6

Minute Sheet2 Japanese invasion of Nanking: prospects of settlement for violation of Embassy and destruction and theft of property. ___________________________

A. Violation of Embassy, by unauthorized entry of Japanese soldiers. B. Losses suffered by members of the Embassy (confined, actually, to loss of motor-cars). C. Losses suffered by private persons and firms (loss of motor-cars, loss and damage in houses and offices).

Violation of British Property and Interests

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From tentative conversations in Nanking with M. Fukui, and with the U.S. Embassy there, I believe the Japanese would be willing to agree to a settlement on the following lines: A. a local apology, B. claims to be paid at once, without investigation by the Japanese, C. claims to be scrutinized by the Japanese; and I think they will expect us to produce proof that the loss and damage was caused in each case by Japanese soldiers. When I left Nanking the details of the proposed settlement with the Americans had still not been decided on, but I believe it will follow the above general lines as regards A and B. The one thing that Japanese are seriously concerned about is A – the violation of the Embassy. The best chance of getting a fair deal for C – the private losses – seems to lie in arranging for all these matters arising out of the invasion of Nanking to be dealt with as a whole, in one single settlement. If we show ourselves inclined to be exacting about A, they may be inclined to be rather more accommodating about C than they would otherwise be. They are very anxious to get us to settle locally and quickly about A and B – in order to get those matters (which they regard as the serious ones) disposed of, after which they would no doubt hope to shelve the question of the private claims indefinitely. If the matter is to be treated as a whole it is bound to take a little time – there must be time for private claimants (or those who are reasonably accessible) to visit Nanking and assess their losses; and we must be careful not to commit ourselves to a premature settlement regarding A. The first thing is to arrange for private claimants to make short visits to Nanking. If the situation there does not get worse this should be reasonably possible in the fairly near future (it depends mainly on the mood of the military). As regards the general principles of the settlement, it seems that if an amicable arrangement is come to about A (acceptance of a local, oral apology, presumably) the Japanese might be fairly asked to meet us half-way in regard to the private claims–which would mean giving us the benefit of the doubt where there is a doubt, and generally approaching the question in a fair-minded way. H.I.P.B. 5/2/38 From To Dispatched Received Peking

Consul Nanking3 H.M. Ambassador a. 1145 p./m. a. 0990 p./m.

W/T 24th February, 1938 25thFebruary, 1938

No. 58 I have received a reply from Japanese C. G.4 to letter dated January 24th sent to him by Mr. Prideaux-Brune requesting payment for lost cars. Japanese C. G. has arranged for $7,500 to be paid to you through Japanese C. G. Shanghai as compensation for cars belonging to Messrs. Ritchie, Graham, 5 Prideaux-Brune and Military Attaché and taken from British Embassy. He said that Japanese

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were anxious to settle claims connected with the Embassy violation early and without investigation. Under this head claims have not yet been presented for repairs to cars of Molland, MacDonald and Elton6 (A.P.C.). He said A.P.C. installation at Sanchaho was occupied by Chinese troops and that they took Williams’ car. Commissioner of Customs7 claim is also not being paid. I should be grateful for instructions whether I should inform Japanese C. G. that you are unwilling to accept settlement of the above Embassy’s claims until other British subjects can visit Nanking and present their claims. Embassy’s claims are not likely to suffer from same delay but I think Japanese will be very unwilling to accept some of the private claims. As part of the payment now being offered by Japanese has been asked for it seems difficult however to refuse to accept it. Jeffery

(20/9x(2)/1938)

British Embassy8 Shanghai, 28th February, 1938.

E. W. Jeffery His Majesty’s Consul Nanking Dear Jeffery, Our telegram No. 43 of the 28th about claims arising out of the Japanese occupation. The following is a list of car claims which remain unsettled. 1. W. H. Williams, Ford V.8, No. 5016, removed from A.P.C. Sanchaho installation, value $2,400. 2. H. D. Hilliard, Nash, No. 1249, from Mr. Hilliard’s compound, value $4,000. 3. China Import and Export Lumber Company, 1937 “White” truck, engine No. 8A-5893, license No. 3010, from U.S. Embassy compound, value $5,300. 4. Same company’s 1934 Chevrolet six cylinder sedan, engine No. 4486839, license No. 71, last seen in garage attached to company’s premises at Hsiakuan, value $2,800. 5. Mr. Price, Marquette Buick 1931 Tower, light green with cream wheels, number unknown, from International Export Company’s compound at Hsiakuan, value $1,500. Certain claims have been omitted from the above list: (a) the A. P. C. cars, which are being dealt with, I gather, direct with the Japanese Consulate-General here; (b) Donald’s car, which we have not been asked to include and prefer not to; (c) Warren’s car, for which we have been unable to obtain a valuation as he is still out of Shanghai. It should however be presented as an Embassy claim if we can get in touch with him.

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Claims 1 to 5 above should be treated on their merits as ordinary war damage claims in accordance with the new circular instructions which will shortly be reaching you. There will no doubt be further claims to be included as soon as British subjects get a chance to visit their properties at Nanking. I am sending you under separate cover a copy of a letter which we have sent to the Japanese Embassy on this point. With regard to Williams’ car you will, I hope, make every effort to obtain evidence as to who took it, and you can assure him that the Embassy will do its best to see he gets compensated somehow. Yours ever, (Signed) A. D. Blackburn From To Dispatched Received Peking

Consul Nanking9 H. M. Ambassador a. 1400 p./m. a. 1000 p./m.

Wireless 19th March, 1938 20th March, 1938

No. 66 Japanese Consul informs me that Japanese authorities are paying to A.P.C. Shanghai $1,000 in full settlement of claims for damage to their motor vehicles at Nanking. Two A.P.C. trucks and one motor car will be returned to me from Japanese Consulate General compound. One truck and a motor car are at present in British Embassy here. I should be glad of information from A.P.C. concerning settlement and number of their motors in Nanking. Jeffery W. H. Donald: Claim10

No. 6

British Consulate, Nanking April 27th, 1938.

His Excellency Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, K.C.M.G., H.B.M. Ambassador, Shanghai Sir, I have received a despatch from His Majesty’s Consul-General, Hankow, transmitting a copy of a letter addressed to him by Mr. W. H. Donald asking for compensation for damage to his property by Japanese at Nanking. A copy of this letter is enclosed herewith. In my reply to His Majesty’s Consul-General, Hankow, I have informed him that the Auburn motor car to which Mr. Donald refers was not left in the British Embassy, but, according to a written statement by an American, Mr. G.

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A. Fitch, was taken by Japanese troops on December 14th 1937 from where it stood on Hankow Road, Nanking. From Mr. Donald’s address and occupation it does not appear that he is a neutral in the present Sino-Japanese hostilities, and the presentation of a claim on his behalf to the local Japanese representatives would probably irritate them and cause them to take less generous attitude towards payment of compensation to other British subjects in whose cases satisfactory evidence is difficult to obtain. I have the honour therefore to request Your Excellency’s instructions whether I should send a preliminary notification of Mr. Donald’s case to the local Japanese Consul-General. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul. Enclosure in Mr. E. W. Jeffery’s despatch No. 6 to H. M. Ambassador dated April 27th, 1938.

H.B.M. Consul-General, Hankow

Hankow, China. March 2, 1938.

Sir, I wish to report damage which I have suffered in the undermentioned circumstances, and I request you to endeavour to secure compensation thereof. 2. My full name is: William Henry Donald; address: care of Generalissimo’s12 Headquarters, China; Occupation: with the Generalissimo. I am a British subject holding Passport No. 2/1934 issued at Nanking on January 23, 1934. 3. The property described below, which I am informed has been taken or destroyed by Japanese at Nanking, is owned by me, and was left by me at Nanking upon my departure on December 7, 1937: 1 Auburn motor car; convertible; eight cylinder; present value Ch. $2,500 (replacement value Ch.$6,000). This car was left in the Compound of the British Embassy, Nanking, on December 8, 1937………… 2,500 1 Frigidaire, new, value Ch.$500…………………………….….… 500 1 Dining-room table, 1 sideboard, 10 chairs, made by Modern Home, Shanghai, new, value Ch.$500…………………………………. 500 1 large couch, made by Simms, Tientsin, value……………… Ch. $200 2 Standard reading lamps, Italian wrought iron, value………….. 60 40 2 Chromium standard lamps, value……………………………… 2 Porcelain table lamps ..………………………………………… 10 1 Teakwood table ………………………………………………… 20 1 Peking blackwood bench ………………………………………. 60

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3 Blackwood tables, (carved) @ Ch.$45, $30, and $25………….. 100 75 8 Pieces blackwood furniture (2 chairs, 4 stools, 2 bookcases) …. 1 Korean blackwood cabinet……………………………………… 60 5 Rugs, value………………………………………………………. 150 1 Arm chair, made by Modern Home……………………………... 120 3 Sofas, value……………………………………………………… 150 2 Desks, teak and redwood……………………………………….. 55 2 Office chairs…….………………………………………………. 30 2 Stoves…………………………………………………………….. 64 Total Ch.$4,694 The furniture described above was removed from the bungalow at Square City, Ling Yuan, 13 to the Finance Ministry, inside Nanking City on December 8, 1937, and was, according to reports, stolen or destroyed by fire by Japanese soldiers. A quantity of other household effects which I am unable to detail has also been destroyed at Nanking. 4. As the direct result of the incidents mentioned above, I have suffered damage amounting to Ch.$4,694, according to the list given above, and I certify that the value which I have placed against each piece of property is a fair and reasonable estimate of its value at the time of its loss or total destruction; and the minimum sum necessary to replace it. 5. I am unable to produce, at this writing, any receipts, but 6. I am prepared at any time, if called upon, to make a Statutory Declaration in support of any or all of the above statements. Yours sincerely, (SGD) W. H. Donald

No. 8

British Consulate,14 Nanking. May 16th, 1938.

His Excellency Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, K.C.M.C., His Majesty’s Ambassador, British Embassy, Shanghai Sir, I have the honour to enclose herewith a copy of a despatch which I have addressed to the Japanese Consul-General at Nanking concerning compensation for the loss of Mr. W. H. Williams’ motor car, and a copy of his reply thereto. 2. At the time of the evacuation from Nanking on December 10th last, Mr. Williams’ car was being used for official purposes and had at the last moment been driven to the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s installation at San Cha Ho. It was taken from there by unknown persons sometime after December 11th and has not to my knowledge been seen since. Mr. Williams himself, now at the

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British Consulate-General Shanghai, is better able than I to describe the circumstances in which his car came to be removed from the British Embassy and left at San Cha Ho. 3. It is impossible to find any evidence here as to who took the car, and owing doubtless to this lack of evidence, the Japanese authorities disclaim responsibility for the loss of the car and refuse to pay compensation. Mr. Williams is in a most unfortunate position, for had his car not been used for official purposes, he would have left it at the British Embassy, and would have received compensation in common with other owners whose cars were taken away from the Embassy. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul. Enclosure No. 1 in Mr. E. W. Jeffery’s despatch No. 8 of May 16th, 1938 to H.M. Ambassador, Shanghai

Y. Hanawa, Esquire, H.I.J.M.15 Consul-General, Nanking

British Consulate, Nanking, 3. April 25th, 1938.

Sir, At an interview I had with you about three weeks ago, I referred to the loss of the motor car belonging to Mr. W. H. Williams, a member of the staff of this Consulate. Mr. Williams was attached to the British Embassy last December, and just prior to the evacuation of Nanking by British subjects on December 10th his car was locked and left in the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s installation at San Cha Ho. A foreign press correspondent saw it there still on the morning of December 11th, but since that date it has disappeared. The car was a Ford V8 Fordor Saloon, and bore license plate No. 5017. Mr. Fukui, your predecessor, with whom I discussed the disappearance of Mr. Williams’ car, alleged that it had been taken by Chinese troops. In my opinion, however, there is very small possibility that Chinese troops could have managed to escape with the car. The only road exit from the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s installation leads back through the I Chiang Gate 16 and through the city of Nanking on to Wuhu or Hangchow. On December 11th Nanking was surrounded by Japanese troops and Wuhu was already occupied by them. It appears to me extremely unlikely that Chinese soldiers would have ventured to drive the car, or have succeeded in escaping through these Japanese occupied areas.

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As regards passage over the river, Chinese soldiers were frantically trying to cross about that time by any available raft or craft, of which there were few, and in their hurry and confusion they would have had very considerable difficulty in moving and transporting Mr. Williams’ locked car. In view of these conditions then existing at Nanking I think it is most probable that Mr. Williams’ car came into the possession of the Japanese troops. The case is similar to that of the Morris Isis saloon car belonging to Asiatic Petroleum Company, which disappeared from the San Cha Ho installation and for which compensation was paid by the Japanese authorities. I have the honour therefore to request that a solatium of two thousand and four hundred dollars may be paid to Mr. Williams for the loss of his car. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul. Sino Japanese hostilities: damage suffered by W. W. Ritchie and H. H. Molland17

No. 9

British Consulate, Nanking. May 30th, 1938.

His Excellency, Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, K.S.M.C., His Majesty’s Ambassador, Shanghai Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith five copies of formal statements of damage suffered by two British subjects in Nanking, W. W. Ritchie and H. H. Molland. The damage they have suffered amounts to fifty three pounds one shilling and seven pence half penny and five pounds eighteen shillings and nine pence respectively, and is attributed to the actions of Japanese soldiers. I have sent a preliminary notification containing a summary of each case to the Japanese Consul-General at Nanking. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient. humble servant, (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul.

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To H. B. M. Consul Nanking

Violation of British Property and Interests

Nanking, 18th March, 1938.

Sir, I wish to report damage which I have suffered in the undermentioned circumstances, and request you to endeavour to secure compensation therefor. My full name is William Walter Ritchie, my address House No. 3, Nan Tsu Shih An 南祖師庵, Nanking, and my occupation Director of Posts (Postal Commissioner) for the Postal District of Kiangsu. I am a British subject, holding passport No. 9/1936, issued at H.B.M. Consulate, Nanking, on 7th January, 1936. The residence from which the property was taken adjoins the British Consulate, and was, till occupied by Japanese soldiers on 19th December, 1937, flying the Union Jack on a large flagstaff, and had prominent notices in English and Chinese displayed, showing that the property was in British occupation. My name on a brass plate was affixed to the main gate, and is still there. My last visit to the property before the losses occurred was on 8th December, 1937, when everything was in order on the premises. I also spoke to my servants in my garden, without entering the house itself, on the evening of December 9th, 1937, and was informed that the contents of the house were then intact. The premises were left in charge of my Houseboy Chen Kwang-tsai (陳光 彩), Coolie Li Chi-yuan (李齊元) and Gatekeeper Li Hwei-yuan (李會元). No damage was done or abstraction made, prior to 19th December, 1937, when the premises were forcibly occupied by over 100 Japanese soldiers, who affixed a notice bearing the characters “井上部隊第三中隊” to the front gate. My servants had been taken away by Japanese soldiers on 13th December, 1937, but the Coolie and Gatekeeper were subsequently released; the Houseboy, Chen, has not since been heard of, and is said to have been shot. On return to the house, the Coolie and Gatekeeper found the contents in order, but on occupation by Japanese soldiers on 19th December, 1937, these servants were driven out, and took refuge in the British Embassy grounds, adjoining my residence, from which they witnessed the almost daily abstractions by Japanese soldiers of articles known to be my property, and described in the list now attached. On 4th January, 1938, prior to evacuation of the residence, the Japanese soldiers used a motor truck and carried off a load of my belongings, after which the premises were left vacant, and in the charge of my servants. There has not been any restoration of the stolen property. As the direct result of the incidents described above, I have suffered damage amounting to $894.00, equivalent at 1/2 ¼ per dollar to £53:1:7½. I attach a list of the articles missing, to show how this total is made up and I certify that I am sole owner of these articles. I enclose statement by Coolie Li Chi-yuan and Gatekeeper Li Hwei-yuan, concerning the taking away of my property by Japanese soldiers.

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I certify that the value placed against each piece of property is a fair and reasonable estimate of its value at the time of its loss, and I am prepared at any time, if called upon, to make a Statutory Declaration in support of any or all of the above statements. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) W. W. Ritchie Director of Posts for Kiangsu District Enclosure to despatch of 18th March, 1938, to H.B.M. Consul, Nanking. English translation of the statement submitted by Coolie Li Chi-yuan and witnessed by Gatekeeper Li Hwei-yuan of W. W. Ritchie’s residence. I am named Li Chi-yuan and am House Coolie in the residence, No. 3, Nan Tsu Shih An, Nanking, formerly occupied by Mr. W. W. Ritchie, Director of Posts, and was one of the servants placed by him in charge of the property. On 13th December, 1937, I was forcibly taken away by Japanese soldiers, but on writing down in Chinese particulars of my employment I was released same day, and returned to the residence. On 19th December, 1937, I was forcibly driven out of the residence by over 100 Japanese soldiers who put up a notice on the front gate “井上部隊第三中隊” and I then took refuge in the adjoining premises of the British Embassy, where I have been kindly supplied with rice and allowed to sleep in an outhouse. I was able to witness over the low separating wall the abstraction by Japanese soldiers of articles belonging to my master. The British flag was torn down and burnt. The soldiers remained on the premises from 19th December, 1937, to 4th January, 1938, and on the last-named date used a motor truck to take away from the residence articles belonging to my master. I have had translated for me and explained in detail in my own language the statement of my master and the list of articles taken, and certify that all is correct. Submitted by: Li Chi-yuan, Coolie. Witnessed by: Li Hwei-yuan, Gatekeeper. Nanking, 18th March, 1938.

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List of articles taken from the residence of W. W. Ritchie, House No. 3, Nan Tsu Shih An, Nanking, on various dates between 19th December, 1937, and 4th January, 1938. 1 set of 8 golf clubs in golf bag (3 clubs just bought)…… $105.00 1 dozen new golf balls …………………………. 15.00 1 lamp on blackwood stand …………………… 12.00 1 medicine cupboard with medicine and toilet requisites... 40.00 1 blackwood table with drawer ………………… 20.00 Table cutlery and silver and sundry china articles for table .. 85.00 1 oil painting (English original) in frame ……… 30.00 1 Chinese picture in frame ……………………… 25.00 1 Ihagee18 (German) camera with Zeiss lens, tripod, leather case, extra plate holders and exposure meter, in condition as new …………………………………………… 150.00 3 walking sticks (2 Malacca canes).……………. . 40.00 1 set chair, stool and table ……………………… . 13.00 Kitchen utensils …………………………………. 40.00 Sundry clothing, 4 pairs boots, 6 pairs shoes, 3 blankets, 4 sheets, 6 silk chair covers ……………………. 200.00 12 flower pots-ornamental …………………….. 40.00 6 vases ………………………………………….. 25.00 Coal: 3 tons @ $18.00 …………………………. 54.00 Total: 894.00

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I certify that this list is correct and that I am sole owner of the articles mentioned. (signed) W. W. Ritchie Nanking, 18th March, 1938. Statutory Declaration Claims I, William Walter Ritchie, of the Chinese Postal Service, do solemnly and sincerely declare that the statements made in my letter of the 18th March, 1938, to H.B.M. Consul, Nanking, attached hereto, are true, and I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true and by virtue of the provisions of the Statutory Declaration Act, 1835. Declared at H. B. M. Consulate, Nanking, this Twenty-ninth day of April, 1938, before me.

To H.B.M. Consul, Nanking

(signed) W. W. Ritchie (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul. Nanking, 29th April, 1938.

Sir, I have the honour to report damage which I have suffered in the undermentioned circumstances, and to request you to secure compensation therefor. My full name is Harold Hodge Molland, my address House No. 5, Nan Tzu Shih An (南祖師庵), Nanking, and my occupation Deputy Postal Commissioner for the Postal District of Kiangsu. I am a British subject, holding Passport No. C. 43316 issued at H.B.M. Consulate, Nanking, on 30th July 1937. The residence in which the damage occurred is close to the British Consulate, and was, till occupied by Japanese soldiers on the 19th December 1937, flying the Union Jack on a tall flagstaff, and had prominent notices in English and Chinese displayed, showing that the property was in British occupation. My last visit to the property before the damage occurred was during the first week of December 1937, when everything was in order on the premises. The property was left in charge of my Coolie Hsiao Chun-t’ing (蕭春庭), Gardener Chiao Shui-tseng ( 喬水真 ) and Gatekeeper Li Hwei-yuan ( 李會元 ), the last named being Gatekeeper for my house and house No. 3 adjoining it. No damage was done prior to 19th December 1937, when the premises were forcibly occupied by Japanese soldiers who affixed a notice bearing the characters “井上部隊 第三中隊” to the front gate. My Coolie and Gardener were taken away by Japanese soldiers on the 13th December 1937, and both are reported to have been killed. The Gatekeeper was taken away and wounded, but managed to return.

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However, on occupation of the house by Japanese soldiers on the 19th December 1937, he was driven out and took refuge in the British Embassy grounds. I attach hereto a signed statement by Gatekeeper Li Hwei-yuan (李會元) in connection with this case. As the direct result of the incidents described above, I have suffered damage amounting to $100.00, equivalent at 1/2 ¼ per dollar to £5:18:9. This is due to the fact that the case containing my piano was broken open, and the piano itself badly damaged by severe breakage of the front and superficial damage over most parts of the highly polished surface. The following is copy of a letter received from Messrs. S. Moutrie & Co., Ltd.,19 of Shanghai, and is dated 4th April 1938: “With reference to your recent visit to our Store regarding repolishing your piano in Nanking, we herewith confirm that it would be impossible to carry out this work satisfactorily in Nanking and that this instrument would be required to be returned to our factory for this purpose. “The cost of this work, which includes the fitting of a new cover to the keys and also a new front strip, would be as follows: “Repolishing piano, bright lacquer finish, $50.00 “Supplying and fitting new fall and front key rail, $20.00 $70.00 “Time required – three weeks.” It will be observed from the above-quoted letter that the piano must be sent to Shanghai for the necessary repairs. In addition, therefore, to the amount of $70.00 referred to in that letter, there will be transportation charges to and from Shanghai, and these charges are estimated, reasonably I think, at $30.00, making a total of $100.00 or £5:18:9 as being required to restore my piano to its former condition. I certify that the amount of indemnification referred to herein is fair and reasonable, and I am prepared at anytime, if called upon, to make a Statutory Declaration in support of any or all of the above statements. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) H. H. Molland Enclosure to despatch of 29th April, 1938, to H. B. M. Consul, Nanking. English translation of the statement submitted by Gate-keeper Li Hweiyuan of Commissioner’s and Deputy Commissioner’s residences, Nos. 3 & 5, Nan Tsu Shih An, Nanking. My name is Li Hwei-yuan and I am the Gate-keeper of staff residences, Nos. 3 and 5, Nan Tsu Shih An, Nanking, formerly occupied by Mr. W. W. Ritchie,

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Postal Commissioner, and Mr. H. H. Molland, Deputy Commissioner, respectively. I was forcibly taken away by Japanese soldiers on the 13th December last and managed to return until the 4th January, 1938. I took refuge in the adjoining premises of the British Embassy owing to the residences being occupied by Japanese soldiers then. Coolie Li Chi-yuan of residence No. 3, who was already in the premises, told me that the residences were both occupied by Japanese soldiers since 19th December last with a notice bearing “井上部隊第三中隊” pasted in front of the residences. I was able to see over the low boundary wall of the Embassy premises the removal of articles from the residence No. 3 by the soldiers on the 4th January. Soon after the departure of the soldiers, I came back to the residences to check over the condition of the houses and found things in house No. 5 (formerly occupied by Mr. H. H. Molland, Deputy Commissioner) were in disorder and damaged condition. Submitted: Li Hwei-yuan, Gate-keeper, Witnessed: Li Chi-yuan, Office Coolie. Nanking, 27th April, 1938.

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Sino-Japanese hostilities:damage suffered by Ram Singh and S. Sadhu Singh20

No. 28

British Consulate, Nanking, August 4th, 1938.

His Excellency, Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, K.S.M.G., His Majesty’s Ambassador, Shanghai Sir, With reference to my despatch No. 9 of May 30th last, I have the honour to transmit herewith five copies of formal statements of damage suffered in Nanking by two British subjects, Ram Singh and S. Sadhu Singh. The statements were prepared in Hankow and transmitted to me by the Acting British ConsulGeneral at Hankow. 2. The damage they have suffered amounts to one thousand two hundred and eighty pounds, sixteen shillings and eight pence and fifty six pounds four shillings and eleven pence respectively, and the responsibility therefor is laid on Japanese soldiers. 3.I have sent a preliminary notification containing a summary of each case to the Japanese Consul-General at Nanking. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul. H.B.M. Consul, Nanking

Hankow, 17th June, 1938.

Sir, I wish to report damage which I have suffered in the undermentioned circumstances and request you to endeavour to recover compensation therefor: 1. My full name is S. Sadhu Singh and my present address is No. 47 Sankiao Street,21 Hankow, occupation Silk Merchant. 2. I am a British subject holding Passport No. 1623 issued at Simla, India, on the 15th June 1936. I am registered at the British Consulate General at Nanking and also at Hankow. 3. I was the sole owner of property consisting of clothing, furniture and personal effects, all of which were contained in my place of residence at No. 322 Chungshan Road, Nanking. I was forced to leave Nanking on the

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20th November 1937 owing to the Japanese invasion of that city and the whole of my said property was left intact at No. 322 Chungshan Road aforesaid. By a letter dated the 4th March 1938 H.M. Consul at Nanking informed H.M. Consul-General at Hankow that the whole of my said property had been lost by looting and that according to general report the responsibility for the general destruction lies with the Japanese. I have only recently been informed by H.M. Consul-General, Hankow, to this effect. 4. As a direct result of the incidents described above I have suffered damage amounting to $931.00 equivalent at 1/2½d. to £56-4-11. I attach a detailed list of the articles lost or destroyed to show how this total is made up. I certify that the value which I have placed against the property is a fair and reasonable estimate of its value at the time of its destruction. 5. I am prepared at any time if called upon to make a Statutory Declaration in support of any or all of the above statements. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) S. Sadhu Singh List of Property Belonging to Mr. S. Sadhu Singh Lost or Destroyed at No. 322 Chungshan Road, Nanking One gramophone with 60 records One washing table One cot One wardrobe with mirror Four art paintings One big size mirror One table Two round wooden chairs Three ordinary chairs Two rugs 6’ x 9’ One easy-chair and four cushions Filters and utensils Two door curtains Personal clothings Three pairs shoes Four window pongee curtains

$210.00 20.00 20.00 150.00 16.00 32.00 20.00 20.00 12.00 56.00 35.00 60.00 35.00 170.00 15.00 60.00 Total C.N. $931.00 (signed) S. Sadhu Singh

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Claims Arising out of Sino-Japanese Hostilities: Cases in Nanking Consular District22 British Consulate-General P.O. Box 259, Shanghai October 12th 1938.

Number 421 His Majesty’s Ambassador, British Embassy, Shanghai

Sir, I have the honour to forward herewith a preliminary list of cases in which British subjects have reported losses suffered as a result of the Sino-Japanese hostilities in the Nanking Consular district. This list contains losses directly attributable to the Japanese forces. 2. I would suggest that this list, which is by no means complete, and will further require amendment and addition as further evidence is forthcoming, should be sent to His Majesty’s Consul in Nanking for transmission to his Japanese colleague. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (signed) Herbert Phillips Consul-General. Enclosure in Shanghai dispatch to Embassy Shanghai No. 421 of October 12th 1938 List of Cases (Nanking) (Japanese) 1. The China Import and Export Lumber Company, Limited, report that stocks of lumber were looted from their yards at Nanking between December 15th 1937 and January 31st 1938. They estimate their losses at Shanghai $91,877.47. 2. The China Import and Export Lumber Company, Limited, report the disappearance of a Cheverolet motor car belonging to the company after the 11th December 1937 from the junction of the San Cha Ho and the Yangtsze River. They estimate their damage at Shanghai $2,800.00. 3. Dr. Lall conducted an eye clinic at 344, Chien Kong Road, Nanking. Between November 1937 and March 1938 he lost the contents in the capture of Nanking or thereafter. His loss is $1,860.00. 4. The Union Brewery Limited23 report that installations and equipment belonging to them were in use in the North Hotel 24 at Nanking and these were totally destroyed when the North Hotel was destroyed by Japanese Forces in December 1937. This company state their losses to be $1,545.11.

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5. Mr. R. J. Holmes reports that his belongings stored in the office of the National Motors Limited, 188, North Chung Shan Road, were looted by Japanese soldiers on or about December 18th, 1937. It is claimed that the Japanese soldiers took three military trucks to the premises and removed the property in question. He states his loss to be £390.0.0 sterling. 6. Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, Limited, 26 report that their steam launch Loeta was commandeered by Japanese troops on December 12th, 1937, at a point below Wuhu. This vessel has not been returned to the Company who state their loss to be £712.10.0 sterling. 7. Mr. C. G. Copley27 reports that his household furniture and effects contained in Mandarin Court, 10 A Tong Chia Hsiang 28 were looted during the taking of Nanking City by the Japanese Forces. He estimates his loss on account of this looting to be £139.5.3 sterling. 8. Dr. C. B. Whitehead, Trustee for Messrs. Rimmell and White. Mr. U. J. Kelly29 acting on behalf of the above, reports that buildings on lots 10, 11, and 12 in the ex-British Concession at Chinkiang 30 were completely destroyed by Japanese incendiary bombs. He reports the loss to be approximately $80,000.00. 9. Mr. A. R. Turner31 reports that his furniture and household effects were left in a bungalow attached to 188 North Chung Shan Road behind the premises of the National Motors Limited. He reports that these effects were looted by Japanese Military some time in December 1937. He estimates his loss at $3,000.00. 10. The Central Agency Limited32 report that stocks of cotton thread consigned to an agent in Nanking were totally destroyed or looted when the Japanese Military occupied Nanking. The property which was still owned by the above named company was valued at £1,671.15.6 sterling. 11. National Motors Limited report that their workshops situated at 188 North Chung Shan Road, Nanking, were entered by Japanese soldiers who removed workshop tools and equipment resulting in a loss to the company amounting to £98.19.3 sterling. 12. National Motors Limited report that two cars garaged at their workshops at 188 North Chung Shan Road, Nanking, were taken by Japanese soldiers who went to the premises and took the cars away. The value of the two cars is stated to be £215.15.11 sterling. 13. National Motors Limited report that Japanese soldiers entered their office premises situated at 188 North Chung Shan Road, Nanking, and looted furniture, fittings and equipment valued at £98.7.4 sterling. 14. The Auto-Palace Company33 report that five cars belonging to them were commandeered by Japanese soldiers between the 15th and 18th December 1937. Four of these were taken from the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s garage and one from the garage at the residence of the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s Manager. They state the value of these cars to be £916.1.6 sterling. 15. The Office Appliance Company Limited 34 report that goods on consignment to Messrs. Steiner and Company, 35 47 Chung Shan Road, Nanking, were looted by the Japanese after the capture of Nanking. They estimate their

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loss to be £70.17.9 sterling. 16. Mr. C. E. Morton36 reports that his Chevrolet coupé motor car was removed from the Standard Oil Company’s installation at Wuhu a few days after the 12th December, 1937. He states the value to be £71.5.0 sterling. Embassy “Vauxhall” Car at Nanking: Condition of37

No. 48

British Consulate, Nanking. October 4th, 1938

His Excellency, Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, K.C.M.G., His Majesty’s Ambassador, British Embassy, Shanghai Sir, With reference to Your Excellency’s despatch No. 46 (123/9X(2)/1938) dated September 12th 1938 regarding the “Vauxhall” motor car at present in the garage of the British Embassy at Nanking, I have the honour to report that the car has now been inspected by a local motor mechanic. 2. He describes the condition of the car as bad. The battery is ruined from disuse, the tyres are badly worn and need replacing, two window glasses are broken, several of the dashboard instruments and controls are missing, the front bumper is damaged, and other minor repairs are necessary. The engine, which is intact, appears from a superficial examination to be undamaged, though long disuse would necessitate its being completely overhauled. When dismantled, the engine may be found to need repairs or replacements. The coachwork of the car has not suffered any serious damage. 3. Local dealers think that it would be possible to dispose of the car in Nanking after the necessary repairs have been done, but that the price obtainable would probably be low. I understand that a motor car can now be sent to Shanghai by railway freight train. 4. I submit the suggestion that the car be repaired by a local garage, which could afterwards attempt to sell it. If the price offered is too low, the car could then be shipped to Shanghai. I have the honour to inquire whether it is desired to fix a minimum price for the sale of the car. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant, (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul.

Violation of British Property and Interests

Sino-Japanese hostilities: damage suffered by Mr. N. H. Price

No. 55 (and 4 copies)

95 38

British Consulate, Nanking. October 19th, 1938.

His Excellency Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, K.C.M.G., His Majesty’s Ambassador, British Embassy, Shanghai Sir, With reference to my despatch No. 28 of August 4th, 1938, I have the honour to transmit herewith five copies of a formal statement of damage suffered by Mr. N. H. Price in Nanking as a direct result of the Sino-Japanese hostilities. The damage he has suffered amounts to eighty nine pounds one shilling and three pe£89.1.3 nce, and the responsibility therefor is laid on Japanese soldiers. 2. I have sent a preliminary notification containing a summary of the case to the Japanese Consul-General at Nanking. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient, humble servant (signed) E. W. Jeffery Consul The International Export Company (Kangsu) Limited.

H. B. M. Consul. Nanking

Nanking, China. 12th September, 1938.

Sir, I wish to report loss which I have suffered in the undermentioned circumstances, and request you to endeavour to secure compensation therefor. My full name is Norman Harry Price Address – The International Export Co., Ltd., Nanking Occupation – Chief Engineer I am a British subject, holding Passport No. C 43307 issued at Nanking on 27th April, 1937. I am registered at the British Consulate General Shanghai. On August 26th, 1937, I had to proceed to Shanghai for business reasons. I therefore placed my car in the ground floor of a godown known as the Egg Processing Godown. My reason for storing the car there was, because I did not know how long I would be absent from Nanking, and prior to my departure,

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there had taken place several air raids, so I considered the Godown the safest place to store the car. I certify I am the sole owner of this car, the description of which is as follows: Marguette Buick 1931 Tourer, light green with cream wheels. Engine number 19851, 23.4 Horse power. A photograph of this car is attached. When I returned to Nanking on May 4th 1938, I found the car missing and on enquiry from International Export Co. Chinese employees was told that the car had been taken away from the premises by the Japanese Military Authorities. In support of this statement I enclose eye witness accounts of the commandeering. As a direct result of the incidents described above, I have suffered loss amounting to $1,500 equivalent at 1s/2¼d to £89.1.3, and I certify that the value which I have placed against this car is a fair and reasonable estimate of its value at the time of its loss. I am prepared at any time, if called upon, to make a Statutory Declaration in support of any or all of the above statements. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, (signed) N. H. Price Translation On December 16th, 1937, Japanese soldiers entered Hogee and proceeded to the ground floor of the Godown known as the Egg Processing Godown. In the center of the ground floor were stored two motor cars which belonged to the Chinese Manager and Mr. Price, the Company’s Chief Engineer. The soldiers drove away the Chinese Manager’s car but as Mr. Price’s car was locked and could not be steered, they only pushed it from the Egg Processing Godown to the yard outside, fronting the Receiving Room, and then departed. On December 20t at 11 a.m. two Japanese officers arrived by motor cycle and knocked on No. 8 Gate. When I opened the gate together with No. 5 watchman, I noticed that the motor cycle had fixed on it a plate which read Chung Tao Troops. They told me that they would come to take the car away at 12 noon today. I replied that the car in the factory had already been taken away by their soldiers on December 16th, but they replied that they definitely knew there was another car still in the factory. At 12:10 p.m. eight Japanese soldiers arrived in a military car and compelled me to open No. 7 Gate and then the car ran directly to the front of the Receiving Room and stopped along side Mr. Price’s car. For more than one hour they examined the engine of the car and also searched all the departments in the factory, finally they took away Mr. Price’s car in tow and went out through No. 7 Gate towards Mei Tan Kang39 Submitted by No. 1 Watchman, Hsu Chih Ho

Violation of British Property and Interests

Employed by the International Export Co., Ltd., Nanking.

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Translation We hereby witness that during the afternoon of December 20th, 1937, at approximately 12 noon, eight Japanese soldiers entered the factory premises of the International Export Co., Ltd. via No. 7 Gate in a motor car and proceeded to the godown known as the Egg Processing Godown. Arriving outside the yard of this godown near the entrance to Egg Receiving they attached with a rope to their motor car the motor car of light green colour which we knew to be the property of Mr. Price, the Company Chief Engineer. After some time they then drove away with Mr. Price’s car in tow through No. 7 Gate. (Signed) Chu Ming Hung, Kao Te Hsi, Yu Hai Ting, Chang Hsing Tai All employed by the International Export Co., Ltd., Nanking.

5 Royal Navy Reports of Proceedings

The Commander in Chief,2 China

H.M.S. Bee1 at Wuhu 17th December 1937

Sir, I have the honour to report my proceedings as follows since parting with the flag of Vice-Admiral, Yangtze.3 2. 10th December H.M.S. Bee, flying my flag, left Hankow at 1200 on Friday, 10th December, with the intention of proceeding down river and making contact with the Commander of the Japanese Naval Forces as soon as possible in connection with the safety of British shipping in the Yangtze. 3. H.M.S. Bee arrived at Kiukiang at 2230 and the Commanding Officer H.M.S. Mantis4 came on board and I discussed with him the question of a “notified area”5 for British shipping at that port. I also obtained from him the latest information concerning the barrier reported to be in course of laying in the vicinity of False Island.6 4. 11th December H.M.S Bee sailed from Kiukiang at 0600 and passed the barrier at 0930, the situation being reported in my signal 1130 of 11th December. The ship anchored for the night 30 miles above Wuhu. 5. Information was received at 1450 of the shelling by Japanese batteries of our concentration four miles above Nanking and of their resulting movement to a position two miles above Hsia San Shan. H.M.S Scarab with Captain G. E. M O’Donnell on board towed Messrs. Jardine Matheson’s hulk. The remainder of the concentration – including H.M.S. Cricket – proceeded under their own steam up river to the new anchorage. The movement of all ships was reported complete at 0025. Fortunately no ships received direct hits during the shelling and there were no foreign casualties, although several ships were sprayed with splinters and two Chinese were killed in a sampan alongside the hulk. Messrs. Butterfield and Swire’s S.S. Whangpu was the actual target of the shelling. According to the Military Attaché, Lieutenant Colonel W. A. Lovat-Fraser, who was on board at the time, she was subjected to deliberate fire by two field guns from the right bank for one hour while weighing and proceeding up river. 6. In view of the above facts and the signals I had received from the Senior Naval Officer at Wuhu to the effect that the Japanese had occupied the town in

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an orderly manner at 1630 on 10th December and that, inter alia, they required that all foreigners should have passes before they could land, I requested Captain O’Donnell, who was in charge of the concentration of British shipping above Nanking and had been on board Scarab as Senior Naval Officer at Nanking for a considerable period, to meet me at Wuhu the following morning, if the situation permitted, to discuss the situation. He sailed up river from the concentration in the China Import Export Lumber Company’s S.S. Tseangtah at 0230 on the morning of 12th of December, bringing with him Mr. H. I. Prideaux-Brune, His Majesty’s Consul at Nanking, and Lieutenant Colonel LovatFraser, the British Military Attaché. 7. 12th December I sailed down river at 0600 and at about 0845 heavy firing was heard down river. H.M.S. Bee arrived at Wuhu at 0930 and was requested by H.M.S. Ladybird to proceed alongside her. On passing the town a large number of Japanese field artillery were observed in full view on the bund trained over the river. They were guns of between five and six inch, and one, situated a few yards below the Customs House, was deliberately trained round on Bee as she passed. Whilst turning abreast Ladybird to go alongside, a shot was fired from this gun which passed directly over Bee, falling only 300 to 400 yards beyond her in the river. 8. On arriving alongside Ladybird she was seen to be in considerable disorder and I heard for the first time of her previous shelling, a full report of which is forwarded as an enclosure to this letter (enclosure A). She had been unable to report previously owing to her W/T aerials having been shot away. It appears that had it not been for the intervention of Captain O’Donnell and the Military Attaché, who were already on shore from Ladybird protesting, Bee would have suffered in the same way as Ladybird. The Japanese Military Headquarters, however, were in the Customs House, which is on the bund within 50 yards of the gun which fired. Captain O’Donnell and Lt. Col. Lovat-Fraser were on their way to the Customs House, and consequently were within a few yards of the gun when it fired and were able to stop further rounds. It will be seen from the Commanding Officer Ladybird’s report that he had pointed out the whereabouts of British property and the position of British shipping to the Japanese Senior Military Officer on the previous day. 9. I immediately proceeded on shore to interview Colonel Hashimoto, 7 the Senior Japanese Military Officer. He made futile excuses but admitted eventually that firing on the British Gunboats was his mistake, but that they had orders to fire at everything moving in the river. I arranged with him for the burial of Sick Berth Attendant, T. N. Lonergan8 who had been killed in Ladybird and for the Japanese army to be suitably represented at the funeral. I subsequently confirmed these arrangements by letter, a copy of which is enclosed (enclosure B). 10. In the meantime the motor sampan with a Lieutenant, the Medical Officer of Ladybird, and three unarmed Japanese soldiers onboard as a safeguard was sent down river, to ascertain whether any medical assistance was required in the merchant ships which had been shelled at the same time as Ladybird as they

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were out of visual touch. It was found, however, that none had been hit and no assistance was required. 11. Reports on the three aerial attacks on our concentration at Hsia San Shan at 1330, 1430, and 1615 were received during the afternoon and news that as a result the concentration had scattered. The first two attacks were dive bombing. H.M. Ships opened fire with lewis guns at the first attack and with 3” pompoms and lewis guns at the succeeding two. The shooting is reported to have been extremely good and it seems possible that the providential escape of all ships from any direct hit may have been due to this action. As a result of the attacks and their effect on the Chinese personnel of the ships, Lieutenant Commander J. I. M. Ashby,9 H.M.S. Cricket, in charge of the concentration, submitted that the whole convoy should proceed to Wuhu where he knew I was in touch with the Japanese. In view of the facts as they appeared to me, however, I did not think it advisable to create a fresh situation by movement from the notified anchorage. The situation at Wuhu moreover was extremely tense and H.M. Ships Bee and Ladybird were lying alongside covered at point blank range by Japanese field guns – despite my protests. Elsewhere on the bund guns were firing intermittently at anything which moved on the river. So, relying on energetic action at Shanghai taking effect, the concentration was ordered to remain where it was, and was subsequently instructed to remain undarked for the night, as this is the correct practice for neutral shipping in a safe anchorage. I was also influenced by Colonel Hashimoto’s statement that there were Japanese batteries down river that would open fire on anything without lights. 12. At about 1700, while I was at the Customs House, the Butterfield and Swire tug Chuting 10 was observed coming up from the concentration off the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s installation, and although trained and ranged on by the Japanese shore batteries, came alongside Bee unmolested. I was at this time having a second interview with Colonel Hashimoto (reported in my 1815 of 12th December). I requested him that she might proceed down river again with orders from me to ships not to move. He asked for one hour in which to let his batteries know and she left Bee at 1800 by arrangement with him with a large flood lit white flag and was not seen to be interfered with in any way. 13. It was now quite dark and further movement on the river was obviously out of the question. I received requests by W/T at 1517 and again at 1900 from the Commander of the United States Yangtze Patrol and from the United States Commander in Chief at Shanghai to attempt to make contact with the U.S.S. Panay. My last news of her was that she had moved up river from our Nanking concentration at 0900 that morning heading for an anchorage above Pheasant Island, 10 miles above the place where H.M. Ships Cricket and Scarab were at anchor with our concentration. At 2135 I received news from the Vice Admiral Yangtze that Panay had ceased transmitting in the middle of a message at 1335. At 2243, however, I received a further message stating that Panay had been boarded at

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1100 the same morning by a Japanese Military Officer with troops in a sampan and that a reasonably friendly contact had been made. The facts therefore all pointed to a defect in her W/T transmitting gear. I knew she had with her a convoy of three ships and not less than seven attendant small craft, and it seemed at the moment that had anything more serious occurred one of these many craft could not have failed to have brought the news to our concentration which, as they all knew, was only ten miles down stream. 14. 13th December At 0830, 13th December, no further news having been received, I decided that as there appeared to be little I might do at Wuhu after attending the funeral of S.B.A. Lonergan which was taking place at 0900 that morning, I would proceed down river at noon to make contact with the Panay. I informed the Japanese Senior Military Officer in writing and all other authorities by W/T accordingly. At 1006, while the funeral party was away from the ship, a signal was received stating that Panay had been sunk the previous day by Japanese bombing, and that fifty-four survivors, many wounded, had reached Hohsien 11 on the north bank. This news had reached Hankow by telephone from the survivors. Colonel Hashimoto was at once informed verbally and in writing. Colonel Hashimoto was asked to embark six Japanese soldiers in Bee as a guarantee of good faith but they did not arrive in time and Bee sailed down river at 1200 for Hoshien, without them. 15. The funeral of Sick Berth Attendant Lonergan had taken place without incident at the British Cemetery at 0945. It was attended by myself, the British Consul, Military Attaché, the Captain of the Ladybird, three other officers, 60 ratings, and twelve bearers from Bee and Ladybird, two doctors from the Wuhu General Hospital, a representative of Colonel Hashimoto, two other Japanese officers and twelve Japanese soldiers. The service was conducted by Acting Bishop Craighill12 of the China Inland Mission.13 The Japanese were unable to provide either a coffin or a hearse – there was no suitable wood in either gunboat to make the former–and the body was carried by relays of bearers to the cemetery – a matter of some two miles – sewn up in canvas on a stretcher provided by the Japanese. It was very noticeable that none of the Japanese troops met on the way paid the slightest mark of respect to the body or even to their own officers who were in the procession. Very few Chinese were seen in the town or the neighborhood and those that were wore a brassard with the Japanese emblem. 16. On her way down river H.M.S. Bee called at the concentration of British shipping four miles below Wuhu to transfer the Military Attaché to the British Lumber Company’s S.S. Tseangtah, the British Consul being left in Ladybird to maintain touch with the Japanese Military authorities. The Medical Officer of Ladybird, Surgeon Lieutenant W.A. Ryan, together with his seriously wounded case, were embarked before sailing as Bee’s Medical Officer had been left in hospital in Hankow. 17. The actual position of Hohsien was not very clear and the town itself

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was not marked on any of the charts we had on board. However, on approaching the Hohsien district we saw large columns of black oily smoke and found the Mei Ping and Mei Hsia,14 Socony oilers, alongside the upper Kai Yuan pontoon on the right bank, burning furiously and practically gutted. It was obvious that nothing could be done for them and there was no sign of any foreigners. Another ship was seen near the left bank about one and a half miles further down so I closed her and sent a boat to investigate. She proved to be the Socony oiler Mei An and was aground. No sign of life was to be seen, her bridge and upper works were completely destroyed and she had obviously received a direct hit from a bomb. The remainder of the ship was in great disorder and had apparently been abandoned hurriedly. Bee’s siren was blown at intervals, but there was no movement on shore. The Panay’s outboard motor sampan was ashore a few hundred yards below the Mei An and was recovered and brought on board. She also had evidently been abandoned in a great hurry as there was a steel helmet and some Embassy papers still in her – the latter were immediately sealed up and eventually turned over to the Captain of the Oahu. There were several bullet holes in the hull. 18. I then decided to go alongside the lower Kai Yuan pontoon and try and obtain some information on shore. Whilst proceeding there, two foreigners and a Chinese were seen waving from the right bank and a boat was lowered and the two foreigners brought off, the Chinese, who turned out to be the barber of the Panay, was too frightened to come off. These two proved to be Mr. Pickering 15 of Socony and a Chief Machinists Mate from the Panay and they informed me that there were some twelve other foreigners hiding about one and a half miles inland from the Kai Yuan pontoons. A search party under Lieutenant J. M. S. Cox16 was sent and these, with the exception of three who were missing, were brought off. They were Mssrs. Sherwood 17 and Goldie18 of Socony, Jorgensen19 of Mei Hsia, and Mendy20 and Blasina21 of Mei Ping and six ratings of Panay who had been at the naval canteen on board Mei Ping at the time of bombing. The three missing were Mr. Vines of the British American Tobacco Company, Hodge – fireman of the Panay and Mr. Marshall of Colliers Magazine who was reported to be seriously wounded. They were believed to be trying to find their way overland to Wuhu and a signal was therefore sent to the Senior Naval Officer there to warn Colonel Hashimoto. They eventually arrived safely at Wuhu the next morning, Colonel Hashimoto having sent a motor truck to meet them along the road. At this time a Japanese reconnaissance machine circled low overhead to the great consternation of those who had just been brought off. The Chinese employees of Socony and the crews of the Mei Ping and Mei Hsia came down to the pontoon and the wounded were attended to as far as possible and were given money and sent away again as there were too many to take on board. 19. On receipt of Vice Admiral Yangtze’s signal saying that the survivors were at Hohsien, a further search of the charts showed a small creek or canal marked “to Hohsien” and I decided to start for there at dawn in the barge fitted

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with a portable W/T. the river between the main channel and the creek being unsurveyed. Owing to the burning hulks just ahead of Bee, I moved out and anchored in the stream for the night. The fact that Bee would be off Hohsien again in the morning was signaled by searchlight over the left bank of the river at intervals after dark. 20. The Japanese River Gunboat Hodzu22 arrived darkened from down river at 1930 and anchored just above me. Her Commanding Officer stated that she had been sent to rescue the officers and men of the Panay and offer them a passage to Shanghai. On being informed of the situation Commander Ueda proposed landing at once on the left bank to make contact with the survivors. I, however, succeeded in dissuading him in view of the certain effect a Japanese landing party would have on the local Chinese on whom I was depending for information of the whereabouts of the survivors. Both on this occasion and when subsequently offering assistance the Japanese seem to have left out of account entirely the undesirability of starting the rescue party with a battle if they had landed in enemy country. Information was received that the U.S. River Gunboat Oahu would arrive next morning to assist in the search. 21. 14th December At 0615 the barge with Panay’s sampan in tow left the ship and we proceeded towards the creek asking on the way whether any Americans had been seen. They had been seen and a pontoon was pointed out where we could land at the mouth of the creek. On the way there we passed the Mei Yi, Mei Ying, Mei Foo (eleven) and Mei Foo (nine), which had formed part of the convoy and had been hidden there when the convoy originally scattered from Nanking. They were beached and apparently undamaged. Movements on shore near the pontoon and the surrounding buildings were somewhat furtive so a Union Jack was waved vigorously and was fortunately recognized as I found we had been covered by about 40 militiamen who then stood up in their well concealed trenches. Enquiries on landing showed that Panay’s survivors had been at Hohsien but were thought to have left. The canal to Hohsien, which was about three and a half miles inland, had very little water in it, but there was a good, if somewhat rough, road so we walked there and met the Magistrate, Mr. Wang, 23 a very charming little man who spoke perfect English having lived in America for about seven years. He told me that the survivors had left the previous night by sampan for a place called Hanshan24 about 20 miles further inland up another canal. There is a perfectly good road to it but the American party had been forced to go by sampan as the retreating Chinese army had seized every form of conveyance including rickshaws, except two which were in the Magistrate’s yamen.25 Mr. Wang told me that he had heard that the party had arrived at Hanshan and on trying to telephone them I was fortunate enough to immediately get Mr. Atcheson26 of the United States Embassy. I assured them that I could guarantee

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their safety if they returned to Hohsien and he replied that they were all very shaken and could not face any disappointment. I assured him again that a Japanese ship had arrived specially and had orders to do everything to help. I also spoke to Mr. MacDonald, the Times correspondent, and they agreed eventually to make the return journey but they could not start before 1100 as eleven stretcher cases had to be carried back into the sampans. I also learned that Sandro Sandri,27 Italian journalist, and C. L. Ensminger,28 Fireman U.S.N., had died of their wounds after leaving Panay and that their bodies had been left at Hohsien. The journey was expected to take eight or nine hours and I made all arrangements with Mr. Wang for coolies to carry the stretchers down to the landing and for others to meet the ships’ boats to carry up food and medical supplies, also for a large sampan or junk to assist in bringing the survivors to the ship as my available boats had little capacity. I then returned to the ship bringing with me three wounded Chinese sailors who had escaped from the Mei An and learned form them that Captain Carlton29 of that ship had been killed on his bridge and his body was still there. I subsequently arranged that the Japanese should recover his body and transfer it to U.S.S. Oahu for passage to Shanghai. 22. On my return to the Bee I found that Oahu had arrived with instructions to assist and to take the survivors to Shanghai. In addition, Mr. Okamura30 of the Japanese Embassy and an officer on the staff of Admiral Hasegawa31 arrived by flying boat from Shanghai to convey a formal apology for the Wuhu incidents and thanks for our assistance to the Americans. They were accompanied onboard by an officer on the staff of Rear Admiral E. Kondo, D.S.C., 32 the Senior Japanese Naval Officer on the river, who had been sent up by destroyer. Additional doctors were also sent up by seaplane. The Japanese Rear Admiral himself arrived in the gunboat Ataka33 at 1325 having steamed at full speed day and night through mines and barrier at some considerable risk, to be of assistance. 23. Owing to preparation of orders, etc., for the evening’s operation, I was unable to pay an official call on him, but he, although senior to me, 34 paid a private call and offered every kind of assistance. In view of my experience in the morning I had to dissuade him from sending any persons with our party, but I borrowed a pulling cutter to be manned by British ratings and towed by one of our boats and told him that the presence of two doctors on board Bee and Oahu would be very much appreciated to assist in treating the wounded on their arrival on board. He told me that as soon as Oahu and Ladybird were ready to sail with the survivors he would escort them to Shanghai, sweeping ahead and a torpedo boat escorting on each side of the gunboats. 24. Unfortunately on the arrival of Ataka, Admiral Kondo fired a salute to which I considered I must reply. This was the first factor to disturb my plans for the evening as the Chinese on shore at the creek, which was out of sight of the ships, thought it was a bombardment, and coupled with the fact that I had moved

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Bee and Oahu and the Japanese Hodzu nearer the creek, put them in a very distrustful mood. 25. I led all the available boats with doctors, stretchers, medical stores, food, etc., up towards the landing place in good daylight at about 1700 when, to my horror, having given my personal guarantee to the local Chinese that the Japanese would not attack and to the survivors that their safety was assured, I saw a Japanese landing craft off the pontoon. This motor boat as I have already reported in my signal 1018/15th December, was flying a white triangular flag about 3 ft by 3 ft with a small red Geneva cross on a staff about nine feet long in her bows and had been allowed to approach within a few yards of the pontoon, but was then seen by the Chinese to have armed men in her with rifles leveled and so quite naturally was fired on. She immediately made for the far bank and passed us so that we came under a cross fire. We also were displaying a large red cross flag and thinking that we like the Japanese could not be trusted, the Chinese also fired on us. I had got the barge well in under the bank fairly well sheltered, but it took some time before they recognized me and we were able to convince them that we were all right. It subsequently came to light that the Japanese Military authorities in endeavoring to be helpful had on the previous day dropped leaflets from aeroplanes all over the countryside telling their units to render all assistance to the Americans. One of these leaflets had been picked up by the Military higher up the river and they accordingly dispatched the motor boat in question. The Chinese were still convinced that the Japanese were going to attack and although I had persuaded the party of militia near the pontoon that all was well, another platoon further down the bank, of whose existence I was unaware, opened up a heavy fire on our motor sampan which had been delayed until after dark rounding up and getting rid of the Japanese motor boat. Although I had succeeded in getting into touch with this second platoon, they fired a couple of rounds at Ladybird’s sampan which had been sent to make up numbers as all the local collies had bolted inland and I was left without the junk or sampan on which I was relying. 26. Immediately on landing I had sent the main party, consisting of Surgeon Lieutenant W. A. Ryan, the Medical Officer of Oahu, sick berth ratings and about fifteen ratings from Bee and Oahu under Lieutenant F. B. P. BrayneNicholls,35 on to Hohsien, and now that all was peaceful, followed with the remainder. On my way up I was met by one of my men returning with a message that the gates of the town were shut, the walls lined with sentries and that the main party had not been at all well received. I had a telephone message sent to Mr. Wang and he immediately let them in and himself came to meet me at the gates where I was received by a guard of honour. I told Mr. Wang of our predicament in landing and he at once sent off instructions both by telephone and by runner to the militia on the riverbank and much to my relief and the peace of mind of the unsuspecting survivors, not a shot was fired when we eventually returned to the gunboats.

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27. The survivors themselves had been delayed on the canal by rumours that Hohsien was being attacked by the Japanese and did not arrive there until 2030. The canal ended about one and a half miles inland from the town so that there was a good five miles walk to where our boats were. Conditions were much better than I had expected as I found that the doctor of the Panay, contrary to what I was led to suppose from garbed telephone messages, was not wounded, and had succeeded in rescuing a fair supply of first aid equipment so that the wounded had been wonderfully well looked after in the circumstances and the services of my medical party were hardly required. Sufficient stretchers had also been obtained from the military at Hohsien the first time the party had passed through there. Unloading the sampans and carrying the stretchers over slippery bamboo rafts and up a steep bank was a somewhat difficult and lengthy task, but after a sandwich and a drink we started on our trek to the boats at about 2230. Some of the survivors were hobbling through injuries or having no boots and so with the stretcher coolies stopping from time to time to rest, it was not until 0150 that we got the last on board. Mr. Wang’s last two remaining rickshaws were gratefully pressed into service. 28. 15th December I arranged with Mr. Wang for the coffins of the two dead, which incidentally he had very thoughtfully buried secretly the day before so that they should not fall into Japanese hands, to be brought down to the landing place at 9 a.m. Owing to mist on the river, however, I could not send for them until 1130 when they were duly brought off, all ships half masting colors. 29. The offer of transport to Shanghai of one or two wounded in a Japanese flying boat was flatly refused by all of them as also was any attempt at treatment by the two Japanese medical officers on board Bee and Oahu, but however the offer was accepted for Captain O’Donnell who still had a splinter in his hand and required X-ray examination. 30. The convoy consisting of one Japanese destroyer, Ladybird, Oahu and one Japanese minesweeper sailed down river in that order at 1300 for Shanghai, unwounded survivors who could not be accommodated in Oahu having been transferred to Ladybird. The Japanese Rear Admiral sailed unexpectedly in the Ataka earlier in the day. 31. I am doing my best to get preferential treatment for Mr. Wang should the Japanese decide to shoot up Hohsien and its gallant though rather dense militia men. 32. A written report on the two attacks on the British convoy above Nanking referred to in paragraph 11, which has just been received from the Commanding Officer H.M.S. Cricket, is attached (Enclosure D). I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) Reginald V. Holt36 Rear Admiral.

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The Commanding Officer, H.M.S. Cricket37 31st December 1937 The Rear Admiral and Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze.

In view of the abnormality of the times the following letter of proceedings is forwarded for the month of December. December 2nd. 1100 Customs Cruiser Hai Hsing38 arrived Nanking flying the German Swatstika flag at the ensign staff. I had been warned previously by the Consul that she was expected. She was carrying the German Ambassador and the Chinese Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs. An interview with General Chiang Kai-Shek had been arranged to discuss either an armistice or the Nanking safety zone, the Ambassador acting as an intermediary. As the Hai Hsing left Nanking next morning it appeared probable that nothing had been settled. 1135 H.M.S. Scarab arrived with the Flag Captain onboard. December 8th. 0730 Scarab and Cricket shifted berth to San Cha Ho creek opposite A.P.C. upper installation. This berth allowed the Consul and Military Attaché to proceed daily to the consulate and obviated their having to sleep ashore. All foreign nationals were now accommodated in Scarab, or Cricket and hulk, Whangpu, Wantung and A.P.C. Tien Kwang, in the safe anchorage. During the evening the Chinese Military fired the villages down river from Hogee and the vicinity of Tiger Hill.39 The reason given was to clear away obstructions and give a field of fire for the defense. December 9th.In the morning the Chinese fired Hsia Kwan, and villages at the base of the walls of Nanking. This was done quite systematically and with exception of the Bridge House Hotel, foreign property was undamaged. 1515 Five medium bombers bombed the Pukow water front. Bombs were seen to fall some in the river close to the wharves, and one wharf was set on fire. U.S.S. Panay which had remained in Nanking harbour shifted berth immediately after the raid and joined H.M. Ships at San Cha Ho. 1715 Scarab and Cricket shifted berth and joined the shipping in the safe anchorage. During the period December 3rd to December 10th air raids were of daily occurrence. Targets were Military Aerodome, the Wuhu-Nanking Road and Chinese lines in that vicinity, Pukow Railway Station and the railway depot and repair sheds situated some 3 miles behind Pukow. The air raid warnings ceased to function on December 8th. No Chinese machines were observed in the air during any raid, but A.A. 40 fire was still in operation, and appeared to have increased considerably in volume from that used in November. December 11th. See separate report. December 12th. See separate report. December 13th. 0900A Japanese landing force passed down river. Force consisted of about 700-800 men with field guns in 14 M.L.C’s41 and 9 sampans

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towed by Jardine’s tug Loeta. Latter manned by Japanese and flying Japanese colors. 0925 Three Japanese fighters subjected the Rosina 42 Concentration to an inspection, at the same time doing dummy dives on the shipping. Aircraft lookouts remained closed up, and hands were at repel aircraft stations, although out of sight, whenever an aircraft was sighted. Many machines passed over the ship and concentration during the day. U.S.S. Panay’s motor boat was recovered undamaged in the evening. December 14th.1225 Scarab sailed for Wuhu. December 22nd. H.M.S. Capetown arrived Kowan in convoy. A.P.C. Wo Kwang was dropped at Kowan as she had insufficient speed for the convoy of 12 knots. After disembarking stores to Cricket, Capetown and convoy left at 1345. December 25th. 1205 S.S. Whangpu and tug Changteh arrived from Shanghai in convoy of Atami.43…… (Signed) J. I. M. Ashby Lieutenant Commander. Commanding Officer. The Senior Naval Officer, Nanking, H.M.S. Cricket.44 17th. December, 1937. No. 564. The Vice Admiral and Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze. (Copy to Chief Staff Officer and S.O. (I.)45 Shanghai). ------------------------------------------------------The following separate report is submitted with reference to the events occurring on December 11th. and 12th., 1937. December 11th. Ships in company, Scarab with Flag Captain, Cricket, S.S. Whangpu, S.S. Wantung, S.S. Tseang Tah, A.P.C. Tien Kwang, Wo Kwang, Jardine’s hulk with many English residents and their property, tug Shun Wo,46 tug Taikoo, tug Ho Ying,47 Socony ships Mei An, Mei Ping and Mei Hsia. All ships were anchored in the announced safe anchorage, 2.2 miles above San Cha Ho, merchant ships with steam at immediate notice, Scarab and Cricket, steam at short notice. Heavy firing had been heard on the right bank from dawn continuing throughout the forenoon. At 1425 two projectiles burst in the water some 20 yards off Cricket’s port quarter. Those were followed by regular two gun salvoes at short intervals, projectiles falling around the assembled shipping and hulk. Merchant shipping immediately proceeded up river, Scarab and Cricket raising steam. After some ten or eleven salvoes had been fired, and all merchant shipping was under weigh, the firing ceased. At 1505 Cricket weighed and proceeded alongside hulk, took in tow Taikoo lighter No. 13, and lay off the left bank, while Scarab proceeded alongside hulk, slipped its moorings and took it in tow alongside. While Cricket was lying off firing recommenced and shells began to fall around the merchant shipping, which was still proceeding up river, by this time From Date To

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– about 1530 – a mile above Cricket. Two gun salvoes were again being fired and deliberately followed the shipping up river. As the projectiles were observed to be falling short, it is probable that the firing only ceased when the shipping was out of range. Scarab with Jardine hulk and Cricket with lighter followed up river and anchored eight miles above Nanking at 1830. At 2230 S.S. Whangpu returned and took the hulk. Taikoo tug returned and took over lighter and in company with Scarab and Cricket proceeded up river, joining the remainder of the British shipping at a point two miles above Hsia San Shan, at 0010, 12th December. This anchorage had been signaled to C-in-C by S.N.O. in Scarab, T.O.R. 2155, with the request that Japanese authorities should be informed. Damage Sustained A.P.C. Tien Kwang – 12 small holes all above water A.P.C. Wo Kwang – Several shell fragments. One Chinese wounded in towed sampan. Jardine Hulk – Two Chinese killed in sampan alongside. S.S. Whangpu – Port lifeboat holed and superstructure slightly damaged by splinters. The Senior Naval Officer, Nanking, H.M.S. Cricket.48 17th. December, 1937. No. 565. The Vice Admiral and Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze. (Copy to Chief Staff Officer and S.O. (I.) Shanghai). --------------------------------------------------December 12th At 0430 Flag Captain, Consul, and the Military Attaché proceeded up river to Wuhu in S.S. Tseangteh, leaving Cricket in charge of the concentration, Scarab in company. Concentration disposed as in Raid 1. Sporadic field gun fire was heard and shell bursts seen on the left bank some two miles from Cricket. At 0815 U.S.S. Panay and Socony convoy moved up river. Panay stopped alongside Cricket, transferred the wounded Chinese from Wo Kwang, and informed me that having observed shells bursting in the river some 600 yards astern of him, he was moving to an anchorage some 23 miles above Nanking. As my concentration anchorage had already been reported to C-in-C I decided to remain and await developments, putting ships to immediate notice for steam. At 1000 Japanese landing activities were seen on the left bank above Rosina Beacon. Landing party consisted of one tug with a pontoon alongside, 14 M.L.C’s and three junks, carrying some 700 men and about four or five field guns. One field gun was landed at Rosina Beacon and apparently trained on the ships. At 1200 five M.L.C’s with machine guns in the bows carrying troops with rifles, circled the concentration on a tour of inspection. On passing the Cricket, the officer in the bow of the leader saluted me. I returned his salute. On passing the hulk, they shouted, “Don’t be afraid. We are not going to hurt you.” From Date To

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The whole maneuver was carried out smartly with an air of efficiency. Apparently satisfied as to our bona fides, the field gun was re-embarked and the whole landing party proceeded down stream. Their departure and apparent friendliness eased our minds considerably. At 1325 three small fighter aeroplanes were observed approaching from down river, at a height of about 4,000 feet. They passed over the ship, turned, and immediately commenced a dive bombing attack. Owing to the utter unexpectedness of the attack, the noise of the air craft, and the bursting bombs, it was found difficult to pass orders; however, some rounds of Lewis gun were got off by Cricket and Scarab. Three dives were carried out by each machine, eight bombs being dropped from about 1,000 feet. The raid occupied about four minutes, machines making off down river. Estimated size of bombs 20 to 30 pounds. See plan for Raid 1. I immediately removed all foreigners from hulk and S.S. Whangpu to Cricket and ordered the concentration to weigh and spread out. I placed aircraft lookouts and cleared away all secondary armament. At 1430 three medium bombers in V formation were sighted approaching from down river, flying at a height of about 7,000 feet. They appeared to fly immediately over the ship. Being unwilling to precipitate another attack, and hoping that the first attack was a mistake, fire was deliberately withheld until bombs fell. Six bombs, heavier than in the first attack, were dropped in one salvo. See plan Raid 2. Size of bombs 50 to 75 pounds. Only one round of three-inch was fired, as the machines disappeared into the sun and were lost to sight. At 1610 transference of foreigners and baggage having been completed, S.S. Whangpu and hulk were under weigh, and I was boarding her in my motor boat to give her orders when three small fighters in V formation were seen approaching from down river. They immediately carried out a dive bombing attack as in Raid 1. The target appeared to be S.S. Whangpu and hulk and/or Cricket. Fire was opened with three-inch, pom-pom, and Lewis gun by Cricket and Scarab. Four bombs were dropped in three dives. See plan Raid 3. It appeared that the machines were driven off by gunfire which was well controlled from both ships. Machines made off down river. As the hulk was now abandoned, I moored it off the right bank, to leave S.S. Whangpu more freedom of movement. The Chinese in all ships were now hysterical with fear and almost out of control. It was therefore decided, at a conference of masters, to place all ships three to four cables apart alongside the left bank, which is steep too. This arrangement allowed: 1. A separation of targets, necessitating a definite attack on any one ship. 2. A berth alongside the bank which would facilitate salvage, and minimize loss of personnel by drowning. 3. A position whence the Chinese refugees could go into the reeds for cover or abandon the ship as they wished. 4. Safety for masters and their officers, by going ashore during raids. This was accordingly carried out after dark, Cricket and Scarab moving in

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and anchoring in extended order three cables off the line. During this very day, I should like to bring to your notice the tremendous assistance and co-operation I received from Mr. P. H. Munroe-Faure, and E. Jacobs, master of the A.P.C. Tien Kwang, Mackenzie, master of S.S. Whangpu, and D. Brotchie, master of S.S. Wantung. Throughout the day the women and civilian refugees behaved splendidly. (Signed) J. I. M. Ashby Lieutenant Commander Senior Naval Officer, Nanking

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H.M.S. Bee, at Nanking, 31st December 1937 Report of Proceedings49

The Rear Admiral and Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze Sir, I have the honour to submit the following report of proceedings from the time of taking over the duties of Senior Naval Officer, Lower River, in H.M.S. Bee at False Island boom on 24th December, 1937, at 0940, to the present date. 24th December On embarking in H.M.S. Bee from H.M.S. Cockchafer50 at 0940, I was informed by an officer from the Chinese gunboat Weining51 that she was about to sail down river to lay mines twenty miles below Anking.52 I told him that I was proceeding to Anking to embark missionaries and asked to be allowed time to do this; he agreed but insisted that I should leave Anking before 1600, as the mines would be laid at dusk that evening, probably in the Taitzechi53 Crossing. I sailed at once for Anking, where I arrived at 1350. The First Lieutenant landed and got in touch with the missionaries, only three of whom wished to be evacuated. They informed me, however, that others, to the number of about twenty, wished to be picked up at Kwei Chi Cheng,54 further down river, and that all required a passage to Wuhu. I proceeded accordingly. At 1750 intermittent rifle fire was opened on the ship from the south bank, at a range of about one cable, but no damage was done. The firing ceased at 1800 and I anchored for the night off the place where the remaining missionaries were expected to arrive the following morning. 25th December As there was no further firing during the night, a boat with a white flag and one of the missionaries was sent inshore at daylight to get in touch with the Military and get in touch with the missionaries. The local militia, who were at first apprehensive, soon apologized for their mistake of the night before, explaining that they thought the ship to be Japanese.

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Nineteen missionaries were embarked at 1000 and I got under weigh at 1030. From 1400 onwards till the arrival at Wuhu all personnel were kept off the upper deck, to obviate the danger from sniping from the banks, as there were large numbers of Chinese soldiers on either bank. Wuhu was reached at 1645, and H.M.S. Bee was berthed alongside H.M.S. Scarab. The missionaries disembarked. Canteen leave was given. 26th December I called on Commander Veda of H.I.J.M.S. Hodzu, the Senior Japanese Naval Officer present, who later returned my call. He was extremely friendly and told me that the Japanese Navy expected eventually to get to Chungking. He arranged for me to call later in the forenoon on General Tani.55 Both the General and his Chief of Staff were equally friendly, and reiterated their desire to maintain law and order in the city and to induce the Chinese to return. I informed him that this was most unlikely unless they showed themselves prepared to guarantee the safety and fair treatment of all non-combatants. He is to return my call officially on my next visit to Wuhu. He has been unable to do so today as he is very busy organizing the “mopping-up” of Chinese irregulars southwest of the city. During the forenoon I landed and inspected the damage done to British property by Japanese soldiers on their first arrival in Wuhu. As British and American property had been looted I instructed the Commanding Officer, H.M.S. Scarab, to get into touch with the Japanese Consular Official lately arrived in Wuhu, and point out to him the damaged and looted British property. 27th December At 0630, H.M.S. Bee proceeded down river, and secured alongside Wuhu Oil Barge, taking in forty tons of oil fuel from her. Before I sailed, the Master of S.S. Tatung56 asked me to inspect the damage done to his ship and the Peking57 hulk, and to advise him as to the practicability of their salvage. As both vessels are well aground with their holds flooded and bottom plating badly strained, I told him that I was of the opinion that their eventual salvage would be best ensured by leaving them there for the winter while repairs could be effected, rather than by attempting to tow them off now. S.S. Whangpu arrived just before I sailed, with salvage experts onboard to survey the sunken and grounded vessels at Wuhu. I sailed at 1230 for Nanking, arriving at 1635. The Japanese Officer of the Guard called from H.I.J.M.S. Ataka, and it was arranged for me to call on Rear Admiral Kondo next day. The situation on shore appeared quiet, but there were a number of large fires on both sides of the river. 28th December I called on Rear Admiral Kondo at 1000, as arranged by the Commanding Officer, H.M.S. Aphis, on my instructions the previous day. Both he and his Chief of Staff were extremely pleasant, and during the course of our conversation he assured me that he would keep me fully informed of the situation on the river generally, and said that I could, of course, move about the river as I pleased, but asked me to be careful of mines in the Mud Fort and Kiangyin areas

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(as reported in the Senior Naval Officer, Shanghai’s signal timed 1822 of 27thDecember), the day previously. I asked him whether it would be possible for me to call on the Military Authorities, and he said that he would try and arrange this, but that at the moment the Military were still very busy clearing up the city of armed Chinese. Nanking and Pukow were quite quiet but fresh fires were seen started throughout the day. It appeared that the Japanese were wantonly destroying Chinese property. I inspected the hulk with a view to using it as a recreation space, but as there were over 180 Chinese living onboard under very uncomfortable conditions I decided that this was impossible. 29th December I interviewed the Japanese Chief of Staff during the forenoon, and told him that I could not yet tell him the date of departure of the forthcoming down-river convoy as the salvage experts had not decided whether to leave the Tatung and the hulk ashore for the winter or to attempt to float and tow them to Shanghai. At 1430 the Chief of Staff informed me that further mines had been discovered at Mud Fort and said that they could not contemplate convoying ships in this area for the present until sweeping operations had been carried out. 30th December During the night of 29th December, H.M.S. Scarab reported that owing to a breakdown in her wireless set she was unable to maintain the necessary wireless communication. H.M.S. Aphis was despatched to Wuhu at 1100 to take over the wireless guard there. During the afternoon, at an interview with Rear Admiral Kondo’s Chief of Staff, I was informed that the sweeping operations reported the day before had been successfully completed at 1300, and that as the Japanese Military were now in complete control of both banks of the river between Shanghai and Wuhu, it was not considered necessary for further escort. While I was onboard I protested vigorously against Japanese military planes practicing machine gun fire within 1,000 yards of His Majesty’s ships. He telephoned immediately, since when we have not been worried by this rather disturbing display of high spirits. My relations with the Japanese are most cordial and they are, I think, trying to help us in every way. But one is always up against their reluctance to accept responsibility in any form unless driven into a corner. The health of the Ship’s Company remains good, and they are in excellent spirits. Dog watch lectures and indoor games have been arranged to keep them amused. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) H. T. Armstrong Commander

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H.M.S. Bee at Shanghai, 31st January 1938 Report of Proceedings58

The Rear Admiral and Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze Sir, I have the honor to submit the following report of proceedings of H.M. Ship under my command, from 1st January, 1938, to the present date. 1st January A convoy, consisting of the tugs Changteh, Shunwo, and Chuting with twelve lighters, sailed at 0955 from Nanking for Shanghai. The convoy was accompanied by H.M.S. Scarab, the start being delayed by fog. During the afternoon it was arranged for me to have an interview with the Senior Military Staff Officer onboard H.I.J.M.S. Ataka. He was unexpectedly friendly and we discussed the situation freely. The gist of our conversation was reported in my message timed 1900 of 1st January. 2nd January At 1400, five heavy Chinese bombers raided Nanking. According to the Japanese, nineteen bombs were dropped. One of these fell in the river abreast the International Export Company’s premises, and one behind the Power Station. It is not known whether any damage was done. The Japanese ships and shore batteries opened a heavy and prolonged fire on the Chinese planes, which returned in an up-river direction apparently undamaged. The Japanese fire was extremely erratic to begin with, but improved as soon as the planes settled on a course up-river. As the Japanese anti-aircraft batteries on shore are situated in a southwesterly direction from Nanking on either side of the river there came a moment when the fire from the batteries and ships was concentrated over H.M.S. Bee. However, no fragments fell onboard either H.M.S. Bee or the hulk, although a minor panic was started among the Chinese onboard the latter. Owing to the possibility of Chinese attacks on ships and the Bund at Wuhu, I ordered H.M.S. Aphis to move from her former position to the vicinity of the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s installation near Wuhu. H.M.S. Bee remained at her anchorage above Nanking. 3rd January At an interview with the Japanese Chief of Staff, I protested against the previous day’s firing in H.M.S. Bee’s direction. He assured me that in future more care would be taken. I also asked him for information concerning the whereabouts of the British tug Loeta. He told me that he would make enquiries and inform me later. 6th January U.S.S. Oahu with the United States’ Consul arrived during the forenoon. The Consul told me that he had instructions to open up the American Embassy

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and suggested that I should accompany him ashore as the representative of the British Consul. When we arrived in the Japanese flagship, H.I.J.M.S. Ataka, a Japanese Consular Official told us that he had received orders to arrange for the American Consul’s entry into the city, but could not allow me to go within the city walls. To this I replied that I wished to inspect the naval coal stocks outside the city. After a good deal of vacillation, the Military authorities agreed to permit me to land, and I was taken to the British Naval Canteen. On arrival at Messrs. Butterfield and Swire’s property I found all the buildings and surrounding land had been occupied by the Military and was being used as a dumping ground for stores and ammunition. I protested strongly to the Chief of Staff who was with me and asked to see the Senior Army Officer; after some delay a general surrounded by his staff came out to meet me. I repeated my protest which created an awkward silence. This was followed by a torrent of abuse from the assembled officers. I could not understand what they were saying, but as one of the officers shook his fist at me I presumed that it was not meant to be friendly. The two naval officers with me, who had retired out of sight, were then called for and I was taken back to H.I.J.M.S. Ataka where I protested to Rear Admiral Kondo. He was extremely polite and said that the Japanese would of course pay compensation and he would do his best to make the Military evacuate, though, as they needed the buildings, it might be difficult. They would, of course, respect it in every other way. S.S. Suiwo,59 the tug Hanwo 60 and two lighters arrived from Shanghai at 1700. Mr. Skyrme,61 the Shipping Superintendent of Messrs. Jardine, Methson & Co., came in the Suiwo for the purpose of reviewing the situation at Nanking and Wuhu. The Hanwo brought a new anchor and cable for the Nanking hulk Chinwo, as the existing anchor and cable were defective and unsafe. 7th January S.S. Kintang62 arrived at Nanking from down-river at 0800. She joined the Suiwo and Hanwo which sailed for Wuhu at 1030. The two lighters were left at Nanking. I called on Rear Admiral Kondo during the afternoon and informed him of the forthcoming movements of British shipping on the lower river. During the afternoon, Mr. Fukuda, 63 Diplomatic Adviser to the Imperial Japanese Army, called on me and, much to my surprise, apologized on behalf of the Army for the occupation of British property on the Bund. He was extremely pleasant and appeared genuinely distressed at the thought that we considered the behaviour of their Army to be incorrect. We again discussed the occupation of British property and he asked me whether I could possibly arrange for the buildings to be leased to the Japanese as the Army was particularly desirous of using the buildings and he thought it unlikely that they would leave. Moreover, he said that it would take time to evacuate them. I informed him that I would ask higher authority about this and that until he heard from me again the Military could remain. I felt that by leasing the property the firms concerned would at least get some financial return and also would be assured of receiving full compensation; besides this, there was no prospect of the firms needing the offices for some time.

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In my signal timed 1651 of 7thJanuary to you I said that I had acceded to their request as I realized that if it were not approved I should be informed. Unfortunately your signal reporting that the Chinese had been informed of all British property on the Bund and that efforts had been made to obtain assurances from them that the waterfronts would not be bombed was not received until late the same night. 8th January As soon as your signal timed 2313 of 7th January arrived I went onboard H.I.J.M.S. Ataka and asked to be taken to the British property. Two naval officers were detailed to accompany me and we had an interview with the general who had his headquarters in the office. I informed him that he must evacuate at once. He was considerably put out at this and a long discussion ensued during the course of which he informed me that as the Chinese Army had used the building to defend the Bund and had had to be cleared from the house he could not understand our attitude, specially as they were prepared to pay full compensation and rent. After further discussion he said that he would inform me of his decision later, whereupon I was conducted to H.I.J.M.S. Ataka by an armed escort. At 1800 an officer came onboard with a letter from the general stating that the evacuation of British property would be completed by noon the next day. 9th January H.M.S. Cricket arrived at mid-day from Shanghai. She had onboard Mr. H. Prideaux-Brune, the British Consul for Nanking, Lieutenant-Colonel Lovat-Fraser, the Military Attaché, and Wing Commander Walser, the temporary Air Attaché, together with the German Consul-General and Embassy staff. The British Consul and Military Attaché and German officials landed during the afternoon but the Air Attaché was not allowed ashore because the Japanese had not been informed by the authorities in Shanghai that he would accompany the Military Attaché. He was accommodated onboard H.M.S. Bee pending permission being given for him to land. The Consul and Military Attaché took up residence in the Consulate. The down-river convoy, consisting of S.S. Suiwo, Whangpu, Hanwo and one tug, with lighters Nos. 1, 6, and 11 from Wuhu, arrived at 1230. H.M.S. Cricket sailed at 1400 for Chinkiang to observe the situation there, it being my intention to bring her back to Nanking on 13th January. The evacuation of British property was confirmed by the British Consul p.m. 10th January The down-river convoy sailed for Kuan at 0705, taking from Nanking the lighters 13 and 15. At 0947 the ships were escorted through the Mud Fort barrier by a Japanese gunboat. I subsequently arranged for the Suiwo to leave the convoy and remain at Kuan, whence she was to proceed to Chinkiang on Wednesday, 12th January, to weigh the moorings of Messrs. Jardine Matheson’s hulk. 11th January S.S. Whangpu, Siangwo,64 a tug, and lighters Nos. 1 and 6 left Kuan for Shanghai. 12th January

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The convoy arrived at Shanghai. The British tug Saucy65 arrived at Nanking from the wreck of U.S.S. Panay. It was arranged to leave Messrs. Jardine Matheson’s tug Hanwo at Kuan, as the Japanese had announced their intention of restricting their upward sailings from Shanghai. Satisfactory arrangements having been made with the Japanese, the Air Attaché left H.M.S. Bee and took up residence ashore with the Consul. 13th January The tug Saucy sailed from Nanking down-river at dawn, and the Suiwo, towing lighter No. 13, left Chinkiang for Kuan. 14th January H.M.S. Cricket left Chinkiang, having observed the situation there, and arrived at Nanking later in the day. Mails and provisions for H.M.S. Aphis were transferred from H.M.S. Bee to H.M.S. Cricket for conveyance to H.M.S. Aphis at Wuhu the next day. S.S. Wuchang66 and the tug Saucy left Kuan for Shanghai. 15th January H.M.S. Cricket left for Wuhu at 0700 to relieve H.M.S. Aphis. The Japanese had become more and more irritated by the continued presence at Nanking of the Military and Air Attachés, so I arranged for them to return to Shanghai in H.M.S. Aphis. S.S. Kintang arrived from Wuhu at 1600, and left the next morning for Shanghai. 16th January H.M.S. Aphis arrived at 1130 from Wuhu, and the Military and Air Attachés embarked in her. She sailed for Shanghai at 1300, and reached Kuan at 1910. Owing to the restricted sailings from Shanghai, S.S. Suiwo was instructed by Messrs. Jardine Matheson to obtain a full cargo before leaving Kuan. She was, therefore, withheld from the down-river convoy from Kuan to sail on Monday, 17th January. 19th January A certain amount of difficulty was experienced in arranging for the sailing on 20th January of S.S. Suiwo, Hanwo, and the lighters. On 18th January, Rear Admiral Kondo informed me that he agreed to the sailing of these vessels, but on the morning of the 19th, he told me that only the Suiwo and Hanwo would be allowed to sail, and that the movement of the lighters could not be allowed. The reason given was that he did not know the contents nor the reason for their movement. I think this may have been due to the fact that a few days previously the Shipping Companies concerned had asked for the lighters to be allowed to go to Tungchow,67 thus giving rise in the Japanese mind to the idea that they were trading in that area to the detriment of Japanese Military operations. It would seem that Rear Admiral Kondo’s attitude was dictated by the Japanese authorities in Shanghai. However, after long discussion, Rear Admiral Kondo was persuaded to al-

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low the convoy, including the lighters, to sail the following day without let or hindrance. 24th January I protested strongly, both verbally and in writing, to Rear Admiral Kondo against the commandeering of one of the International Export Company’s pontoons, carrying fifty-six tons of naval coal, by the Japanese Army. He informed me that steps would be taken to recover both the pontoon and the coal, and that he would tell me when this had been done. 26th January Rear Admiral Kondo in H.I.J.M.S. Ataka sailed down-river most unexpectedly early in the morning. The duties of Japanese Senior Naval Officer present were taken over by Commander Chiba of H.I.J.M.S. Atami, a discourteous and unpleasant man. The absence from Nanking of Rear Admiral Kondo is believed to be only temporary. 27th January I recalled H.M.S. Cricket from Wuhu to attend a conference, consisting of the Commanding Officers of H.M. Ships Aphis and Cricket and myself, on the situation on this section of the river. Accordingly H.M.S. Cricket arrived during the forenoon from Wuhu, and H.M.S. Aphis arrived shortly after 1300 from Shanghai. The new Consul for Nanking, Mr. E. W. Jeffery, with Mr. Williams, arrived in H.M.S. Aphis to relieve Mr. Prideaux-Brune at Nanking. 28th January H.M.S. Aphis sailed for Wuhu at 1100, it being my intention that the Commanding Officer of H.M.S. Cricket should become the British Senior Naval Officer at Nanking during the forthcoming visit of H.M.S. Bee to Shanghai. During the afternoon I received information that the International Export Company’s pontoon which had been removed by the Army authorities on 19th January, had been returned to its original position on 25th January. I have not yet been informed of this by the Japanese Naval authorities, although they promised to do this as soon as the pontoon was returned. The coal had been used by the Japanese and I am claiming compensation for this. 29th January Mr. Prideaux-Brune and Mr. Fitch of the International Safety Zone Committee embarked and I sailed from Nanking shortly after 1000. As H.M.S. Bee passed the Mud Fort and Kiangyin Booms, she was led in each case by a Japanese gunboat. The Mud Fort Boom was passed in a snowstorm, which made it impossible to see the flags, but on passage up-river I hope to make and up-to-date tracing of the passage. The Kiangyin Boom is well marked by flags and gas buoys. I anchored for the night at Chinkiang. The situation ashore remains as reported by the Commanding Officer of H.M.S. Cricket in his message timed 1800 of 10th January. The Military still refuse to allow any foreigners to land. 30th January I called at Kuan and embarked Mr. Barr of Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, for passage to Shanghai. At about 1715 I anchored off Vine Point68 for the night.

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In the evening Mr. Fitch gave a very interesting lecture to the Ship’s Company on the events which had taken place in Nanking since its capture by the Japanese. 31st January Shanghai was reached at 1500, and Mr. Prideaux-Brune, Mr. Fitch and Mr. Barr were disembarked. H.M.S. Bee secured alongside the starboard side of H.M.S. Grimsby69 at the British Naval Buoys, with her bows upstream. The health of the Ship’s Company remains good. It has not been possible to give any leave during the month but various games have been bought and sent up from Shanghai, which have proved useful in keeping the Ship’s Company amused out of working hours. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, Signed H. T. Armstrong Commander Senior Naval Officer, LowerYangtze.

No. 23/c/8

H.M.S. Bee at Shanghai, 28th February 1938 Report of Proceedings70

Sir, I have the honour to submit the following report of my proceedings as Senior Naval Officer, Lower Yangtze, from 1st February, 1938, till the present date. 2. During the ship’s stay at Shanghai early in February, several discussions took place between the representatives of the Embassy and Shipping Firms and myself, on the subject of traffic on the lower Yangtze. 3. On 4th February, the Senior Naval Officer at Shanghai (the Commanding Officer of H.M.S. Grimsby), and I, called on Admiral Hasegawa in H.I.J.M.S. Idzumo.71 He was extremely friendly. The gist of our conversation was reported in my signal timed 1405 of 4th February. I asked him whether arrangements could be made for me to land at Chinkiang on my way up river, as I had been asked by the local managers of the Asiatic Petroleum Company and the Standard Oil Company if I would inspect their properties there, and, if possible, deliver wages due to their employees. He said he would do his best to arrange this but unfortunately permission to land was refused by the Military Authorities. A final meeting of the Marine Superintendent of the Shipping Companies was held onboard H.M.S. Bee during the same afternoon. * * * * * * * * 5. H.M.S. Bee sailed from Shanghai at 1315 on 5th February, Mr. Bos72 of the Dutch Embassy having been embarked for passage to Nanking.

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6. On arrival at Chinkiang at 1130 on 7th February, I anchored close inshore near the Japanese Senior Naval Officer’s ship, and waited for the Officer of the Guard to call. As he had not done so by 1400 I sent my First Lieutenant and asked when it would be convenient for me to call on the Senior Naval Officer, as I had an urgent request to make. Arrangements were made for me to go onboard immediately, and I was cordially received by Commander Shibuya. I asked why the Officer of the Guard had not called, and he replied that he considered it unnecessary in war time. I then asked him whether he could arrange for the employees of the Asiatic Petroleum Company and the Standard Oil Company to come to the pontoon where I would pay them their wages. He told me that he would have to ask the Military Authorities first, but that he thought it could be arranged. I then returned onboard H.M.S. Bee. 7. At 1500 a message was brought to say that the Military Authorities still objected to my landing but that the various employees would be sent onboard H.M.S. Bee for payment. This was eventually done. 8. Considerable military activity continues at Chinkiang and large quantities of stores and ammunition are being sent across to the northern bank. A few Chinese appeared to be returning, but to all intents and purposes the city is quite dead. 9. Nanking was reached at 1320 on 8th February, and Mr. Bos disembarked. Mails and provisions were transferred to H.M.S. Cricket. The Senior Naval Officer reported that the situation was improving and that he and his officers had been allowed to land that day and have lunch with the German Consul. This is the first time that British naval officers have been allowed inside the city since the occupation by the Japanese. 10. I sailed up river at 0900 the following day. While off Hohsien the Japanese gunboat Seta73 was seen to precede up the creek and bombard the north bank. There was a certain amount of rifle and pom-pom fire in return but the source could not be seen, although it is assumed to have been a band of Chinese irregulars, who are causing the Japanese considerable trouble in this district. 11. Wuhu was reached at 1440 the same day, and H.M.S. Bee secured alongside H.M.S. Aphis at the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s pontoon. I found conditions at Wuhu much better than during my last visit to the port at the end of December. A few Chinese were returning and one or two junks and sampans were to be seen moving on the river. Foreigners are allowed to move about freely during the daytime, but it is wise to remain onboard after dark. A part of the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s godown is being used as a badminton court, and there is a small field which can be used by the Ship’s Company for football. The office has been converted into a temporary canteen for the men and is very popular. During my stay at Wuhu I visited several British properties, such as those of Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Jardine Matheson, the Asiatic Petroleum Company, etc., at the request of the owners. I also visited the American Church Mission and the Spanish priests. All were very cheerful but full of stories of hardships and indignities imposed upon them by the Japanese.

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12. I left Wuhu at 1010 on 11th February and arrived at Nanking at 1420. S.S. Wantung sailed from Shanghai for Wuhu to carry out salvage work there. She also carried a cargo of 100 tons of beans for the International Safety Zone Committee at Nanking. 13. The Captain of the French gunboat Doudart de Lagree74 called on me during the forenoon of 12th February and I repaid his call later. He told me that he had come to Nanking to assert the right of French ships to move freely on the river. I called on Admiral Kondo the same day and asked him where the Wantung should berth on her arrival the next day, but he would not give me an immediate answer. Accordingly, I signaled to Wantung to anchor near Bee on her arrival the next day, until arrangements for the discharge of the beans could be made. 14. Wantung arrived at 0800 on 13th February with Mr. Ritchie the Postal Commissioner onboard. An hour later the Consul and I were informed that the Military Authorities objected to the landing of the beans. Further discussions on the subject took place during the day but as no headway was made I decided to sail the Wantung up river at daylight the next morning. It was hoped that some agreement could be come to for the beans to be discharged when the salvage operations at Wuhu had been completed. Mr. Ritchie landed during the afternoon without incident. 15. Wantung sailed for Wuhu at daylight on 14th February and arrived there at 1350. While at Nanking the representative of Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Mr. Deas (in Wantung), informed me that there was a certain amount of distressed cargo and some personal property at Kuan, which the company was anxious to take to Shanghai. I requested the Senior Naval Officer at Shanghai to acquaint the Japanese authorities there of this, so that no misunderstanding should arise. The Senior Naval Officer replied that since the policy agreed upon was that the embarkation of the property was undesirable unless an agreement with the local Japanese was possible, he did not propose to inform the Shanghai authorities until I confirmed that the necessary local arrangements had been made. Having obtained from the company full particulars of the cargo and personal property in the meantime, I informed Rear Admiral Kondo of the situation and requested that arrangements should be made for the Wantung to embark the cargo on her way down river. He informed me that he would have to approach the Military Authorities before giving a reply, but as the Military were conducting operations in the Kuan area he considered it unlikely that they would agree to a ship stopping there. 16. On 19th February I was informed by Rear Admiral Kondo that the Japanese authorities at Shanghai could not agree to the embarkation of the cargo at Kuan by Wantung for the reason given the day previously, and that they asked that the ship should proceed direct to Shanghai. I therefore informed the Senior Naval Officer Shanghai of this and that I should order Wantung to proceed direct to Shanghai after unloading the beans at Nanking unless I heard to the contrary. H.M.S. Cricket sailed for Nanking from Shanghai the same day.

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17. The following day (20th February) I received a signal at 1030 from H.M.S. Cricket to say that she had been stopped by the Japanese destroyer Hasu75 at the upper end of the Kiangyin barrier while the Commanding Officer of Hasu made enquiries from Nanking. I was considerably surprised at this as I had informed Rear Admiral Kondo of the movements of H.M.S. Cricket two days previously. However, shortly afterwards I received another signal to say that H.M.S. Cricket was proceeding after an interview between the two Commanding Officers. It seems that the Commanding Officer of Hasu had not been informed of the movements of H.M.S. Cricket by the Japanese Naval Authorities at either Shanghai or Nanking. Rear Admiral Kondo has since apologized to me for this discourtesy. H.M.S. Cricket arrived at Nanking at 1520 on 21st February. 18. On 22nd February ships were dressed over all in honour of the birthday of George Washington. H.M.S. Aphis arrived at 1200 the same day, embarked her mails and provisions from H.M.S. Cricket, and returned to Wuhu at 1340. 19. Mr. Rabe, a German official of the International Safety Zone Committee of Nanking, was embarked in H.M.S. Bee on 23rd February, and I sailed shortly after 1000 for Shanghai. The passage down river was uneventful. Conditions were obviously steadily improving. There were many more junks to be seen and villagers were busy repairing the damage done to their homes. I called at Kuan and asked the Chinese representatives of the Shipping Companies their opinions as to the prospect of restarting trading. They were not very optimistic as they said that the landing of the Japanese in the district had frightened the local Chinese. 20. There is a considerable trade between Shanghai and Tungchow which seems to have been untouched by the Japanese. Butterfield & Swire and Jardine Matheson run regular steamship services between these two ports. 21. I arrived at Shanghai at 1500 on 25th February and secured alongside the Senior Naval Officer’s ship, H.M.S. Grimsby. During my stay at Shanghai I had a number of interviews with the heads of the Shipping Companies and also with the Counselor and First Secretary of the Embassy. I told them I considered the time had now come to press for limited sailings of ships above the boom so that when trade did re-start our ships would be in the foreground. Arrangements were made to send a tanker to Wuhu to replenish the oil stock there and I asked Admiral Hasegawa to inform the authorities concerned of her passage up river. * * * * * * * *

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H.M.S. Bee 13th of March 1938 Conditions on the Lower Yangtze76 Conditions on the lower Yangtze, still by no means normal, have much improved during the last two months and although the area is still in a state of considerable confusion, there are signs of a revival of peaceful activities. 2. The lower river is partially blocked by the booms at Kiangyin and Mud Fort, but the passages through both have been well swept and the booms themselves present no real danger to navigation. The Japanese persist in leading foreign ships through however, and declare that mines are still being swept up. 3. The three major river ports of Chinkiang, Nanking, and Wuhu are to all intents and purposes dead cities, and it is difficult for anyone who has not landed to imagine the utter desolation and extinction of normal life and activity. The Chinese inhabitants remaining are all of the poorest class and are living under appalling conditions of poverty and discomfort. The atrocities which were such a marked feature of the early occupation of both Nanking and Wuhu have practically ceased, although isolated cases of rape are still reported and all Chinese are liable to be impressed for work without remuneration. While these conditions last it is unlikely that the better class Chinese will venture to return and reestablish themselves. 4. Observers proceeding to Shanghai by train from Nanking report that the intervening country has been practically completely devastated and that the depredations of soldiers billeted in the district are stopping the farmers from restarting work on their holdings. 5. No steps have been taken to organize any proper sanitation or health services, and the medical resources are quite inadequate for dealing with an outbreak of cholera, typhus, dysentery or smallpox. This matter is causing considerable concern to the foreigners now resident in Nanking and all fear serious epidemics or even plaque during the summer months. 6. Puppet administrations, under Japanese patronage, have been set up in each of the three river ports. They exert little influence and command less confidence. Whether more influential leaders are prepared to return and take office remains to be seen. A disturbing feature is the appearance of armed robbers in the Nanking and Wuhu districts. They are the natural outcome of the Japanese occupation and may be a considerable source of irritation to the gunboats and other river shipping until law and order is restored. Their presence is also bound to affect the return of confidence among the civil population living outside the larger cities. Even in Shanghai armed violence is more prevalent than before and will probably make its appearance in Nanking and Wuhu as soon as the Japanese withdraw the greater part of their forces. 7. Trade in the occupied areas is practically at a standstill and the possibility of it restarting on any large scale seems unlikely until influential Chinese and foreign firms are prepared to advance the necessary capital for rebuilding the damage done to the original centres. On the other hand farm produce and agri-

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culture should almost certainly revive fairly quickly provided that the essential seeds and livestock for restocking can be procured, but it may take a year or more before it can equal anything like the normal output. The needs of the Chinese remaining in the district are so small that there will only be a very small demand for the lesser luxuries of life, such as tobacco and various foodstuffs. 8. Below Chinkiang there are still many junks to be seen but above this the few which have not been sunk or destroyed are either commandeered by the Japanese or remain tucked away up the creeks and inland waterways. Some are occasionally seen returning with refugees to Nanking or Wuhu but between these places the river is deserted except for Japanese craft. Commandeered N.K.K. river steamers run a weekly service from Shanghai to Wuhu. They are used by Army officers proceeding on leave or from port to port, by ronins, geishas, and occasionally small details of troops. It is suspected that cigarettes and foodstuffs for sale to the Japanese troops are carried. The stores for the small Japanese shops now being run by ronins in Nanking and Wuhu are brought up by train from Shanghai. There is a daily service to Nanking and Wuhu, but it is entirely under Military control and passes to travel on the train are extremely difficult to procure. 9. From the large number of troops, military stores, and ammunition still being accumulated at the three river ports it appears that the Japanese are preparing for a protracted campaign but at present there are no indications of an advance on a large scale taking place up river. 10. The question now arises as to our policy in this area in the near future. This, to some extent, must be governed by the objects of the Japanese in seizing by force this part of China. It may be that by so seizing the lower end of the river and by putting every possible obstacle in the way of all non-Japanese merchant shipping, they hope to win for themselves the monopoly of Yangtze trade. Or the object may be merely their advertised one of “liberating” the Chinese people from the yoke of the Nationalist Government and the suppression of an administration which was rapidly unifying China and reorganizing the country to the possible detriment of Japan in the future. The position of British trade on the Yangtze in the years to come depends largely on which of these two objects is the true one. 11. If the object is one of trade alone, and the Japanese are prepared to exclude foreign merchant ships from the river, even at the risk of war, it would seem that their chances of achieving that object during the next few years are good, and will remain so until Great Britain is in a position to fight Japan. Even so the seizure of the Yangtze valley might not, in itself, be a sufficient cause for war in the eyes of the British public unless higher issues were at stake, such as, for example, our threatened expulsion from the China Seas. The only reply that can be made to this is to encourage British business firms to take what share they can of the trade when it restarts in this area, notwithstanding Japanese antagonism. It is reasonable to expect that as trade has been extinct for some months, when it is revived its volume will be considerable. This being so it is to be hoped that Japanese merchants will be unable to cope with it, and therefore

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British and other foreign competition will be essential. Japanese merchants have been hard put to it to support a huge Army in fighting a none too popular war, and large numbers of their ships have been commandeered for use as transports, with the result that their capacity for immediate trade in the Yangtze has been much reduced. Hence if British firms are ready when the opportunity for trade presents itself, they may be able to win the market from their Japanese rivals. If, of course, trade is their object, the Japanese will put every naval and military obstacle in the way of this that they can, and it is difficult to see how our trade could survive such unequal odds without recourse to war. 12. The other possible object of the Japanese which must be considered is that the present campaign has only been a large scale punitive expedition, designed to destroy the Nationalist Government before it could reorganize and develop China to such an extent as to become a menace to the security of Japan. An argument which may be brought forward in support of this view is that where the Japanese in the past have annexed territory for their own use they have naturally done as little damage as possible. Examples of this are found in North China, where the city of Peking has survived practically undamaged. But in the lower Yangtze valley, and in particular in Nanking, which is or was the seat of the Nationalist Government, the Japanese troops have systematically laid waste the countryside and ravaged towns and villages. This seems to imply such an expedition has been the true object of the campaign in this area, and that the Japanese do not intend to occupy the area after hostilities cease. If this is the case, the recent spirit of antagonism towards attempts on the part of British firms to revive trade may be only actuated by spite on the part of individual military authorities, and may be no true indication whatsoever of the intentions of the Japanese Government in this matter. Indeed, if their object is only that of destroying the Kuomintang,77 it may be that when the campaign is over and a local government has been set up, there will be no artificial obstacles to British trade on the part of Japan. 13. For the immediate future it would appear that our best line of action is to exert continued pressure on the Japanese to allow the free movement of our merchant ships on the river, on the condition that the Shipping Companies can guarantee that their ships would have genuine and useful cargos to carry. Our right of free movement is at present maintained by moving the gunboats as frequently as practicable between Shanghai and Wuhu. To obtain free movement of merchant shipping is the only way in which Japanese efforts can be combated, and will hamper their purpose considerably, especially if other interested powers are prepared to follow our lead. If such a policy is pursued, the time will come when we shall be able to support our demands by greater force than at the moment, and we shall then be in a much better position than if we now merely acquiesce to Japanese demands. At the same time diplomatic pressure must be brought to bear on the Japanese for the early and fair settlement of claims in the occupied area. A course of action to be guarded against is the moving of merchant ships for no other reason than to assert the right of free movement. It is essential that

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the ships, in moving, fulfill a useful and legitimate purpose. To fail to do so may well appear needlessly provocative, and such pinpricking does not seem specially likely to strengthen our position when the crucial moment arrives for the opening of the river to Hankow.

No. 23/c/9

H.M.S. Bee at Shanghai, 31st March 1938 Report of Proceedings78

The Rear Admiral Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze Sir, I have the honour to submit the following report of proceedings as Senior Naval Officer, Lower Yangtze, from 1st March, 1938, to the present date. 2. During the afternoon of 1st March I had a final interview with the First Secretary of the Embassy and Mr. Blackburn, the Chinese Counselor, at Shanghai. It was decided that as soon as the shipping firms could give the Embassy their assurances of definite cargos being available at Kuan the Japanese would be asked to arrange for a ship to pass through the boom. I put forward another suggestion that if the firms could not guarantee cargos it might be worth while sending up a trade ship which would call at the smaller towns and villages above the boom in the hope of restoring confidence among the Chinese and starting some form of trading between ports. 3. I sailed from Shanghai at 1015 on 2nd March, after embarking Mr. Waters of the Asiatic Petroleum Company for passage to Wuhu. His object in going up river was to superintend the unloading of the oil tanker Asiatica and to investigate the possibilities of selling the Wuhu stock of the Asiatic Petroleum Company to either the Chinese or the Japanese. The tank vessel Asiatica had sailed at dawn and was met at Pitman King79 buoy, where both ships anchored for the night. The S.S. Shinfu, registered at Singapore and under charter to a Chinese merchant, was also anchored there. As I had no information about the ship I boarded her and obtained the above information from her Captain, a Russian. The Shinfu loaded from junks after dark and on two occasions during the night the Japanese guardship, which was anchored two miles down river switched a searchlight on her, but no further action was taken. 4. The Asiatica sailed at dawn the following day and H.M.S. Bee two hours later so that both ships should arrive at the Kiangyin boom at the same time. The boom was passed without incident, a Japanese destroyer leading both vessels through the buoyed passage. On passage up river I stopped at Kuan and made further enquiries as to the possibility of trade restarting there. The Chinese agents were still far from opti-

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mistic but I instructed them to do all they could to obtain information about possible cargos. 5. I arrived at Nanking at 1400 on 4th March and disembarked mails and provisions for the British Consul and the American and German Embassies. Mr. Jeffery, the British Consul, embarked the same evening for passage to Wuhu as he wished to observe the situation there. 6. H.M.S. Bee sailed up river at 0700 on 5th March and, on arrival at Wuhu, secured alongside the oil barge. On completion of fueling H.M.S. Bee secured alongside H.M.S. Aphis at the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s pontoon, and Mr. Waters was transferred to H.M.S. Aphis. The Asiatica arrived later in the day and started to discharge her cargo to the oil barge. 7. The situation at Wuhu was found to be steadily improving and the Japanese becoming more amenable and open to reason. 8. I left Wuhu at 0730 on 6th March and arrived at Nanking at 1200, where the British Consul was disembarked. H.M.S. Cricket sailed down river at 1230 with Mr. Williams, a Consular official, onboard. 9. During the following week officers landed on two occasions to lunch with the Consul. Forty-eight hours warning had to be given to the Japanese authorities and full particulars were asked for by them. 10. During the afternoon of 12th March I was notified by Rear Admiral Kondo that the “Nanking Coast Battery” would be carrying out artillery practice the following day between 0830 and 1200, and that the area between Nanking and Mud Fort would therefore be dangerous. I warned H.M.S. Scarab, on her way up river, not to enter the area during the time stated. 11. Intermittent firing was heard between 0830 and 1200 the next day, but except for a few explosions on the Lion and Tiger Hills 80 nothing could be seen of the practice. It is thought that several of the detonations were those of demolition work as the Japanese had been seen to be dismantling many of the fortifications earlier in the week. H.M.S. Scarab arrived at 1530. 12. I left Nanking at 0900 on 14th March after embarking the Revd. Mr. Craighill of the American Church Mission from H.M.S. Scarab for passage to Wuhu. Wuhu was reached shortly after 1400. At about 1330 a Russian aeroplane was seen to be shot down by two Japanese planes, the pilot making a parachute descent during which he was ruthlessly fired at by the Japanese planes. 13. On arrival, the Senior Naval Officer at Wuhu, Lieutenant Commander R. B. S. Tennant81 of H.M.S. Aphis, informed me that although the conditions in Wuhu generally had improved the Japanese military authorities had instituted various restrictions as regards to movements of foreigners ashore and that it had been reported that attempts were being made to stir up anti-foreign feeling. He also informed me that Japanese soldiers had tried to enter one of Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s godowns the previous afternoon. In view of this I decided to call on the Japanese general immediately, rather than on the next day, which had been my previous intention. Accordingly the Captain of H.M.S. Aphis and I obtained a car from the Wuhu General Hospital and called on the general at his private residence. I reported the attempted entry of the godown and informed

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him that if he was unable to guarantee adequate protection of British property I should be obliged to move my ship to Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s pontoon and that I should have to land a guard. The general was very apologetic and said that he hoped I would not do this; he also assured me that every means would be employed to catch the offenders and that in future he would have the necessary police stationed on the Bund to prevent any further attempts at entry. During the course of our conversation he also gave me particulars of the Russian aeroplane, which had been shot down. 14. H.M.S. Aphis sailed for Shanghai at 0900 on 15th March for her periodical refit to be carried out. 15. At 0840 on 17th March a signal was received from H.M.S. Aphis to say that two British merchant ships had been stopped by a Japanese guardship close to Cooper Crossing Buoy and that a Japanese officer had informed them that the area was dangerous owing to hostilities on the north bank. Shortly afterwards a signal was received from the Senior Naval Officer at Shanghai saying that he had just been informed by Admiral Hasegawa that operations were about to start near Tungchow, and that the river between Plover Buoy and Cooper Crossing would be considered a dangerous area and that ships moving there did so at their own risk. H.M.S. Aphis was ordered to remain in the vicinity until all neutral ships except S.S. Wantung were clear of this area. S.S. Wantung remained at Tien Sheng Chiang82 in a place of safety. The restrictions were withdrawn by the Japanese at about 1500. During the afternoon information was received from Mr. Deas that the godown belonging to Messrs Butterfield & Swire had been looted the previous night. On receipt of this information I sent my First Lieutenant to inform the Japanese authorities that I intended to move my ship to the Butterfield & Swire’s pontoon next day and that I considered it essential that Chinese watchmen and Japanese sentries should be placed at once, or I should be obliged to land a guard. I realized that you would probably not approve of this threatened action but I hoped that the Japanese would not call my bluff. Fortunately they did not and the watchmen and sentries were arranged for that night. 16. I proceeded alongside the oil barge during the forenoon of 18th March and took from it 18.60 tons of oil fuel. I then proceeded up river to Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s pontoon. A party of Chinese bandits attempted to enter the compound during the night but they were beaten off by the watchmen and sentries since which time no further attempts have been made to enter the buildings. 17. On 19th March, S.S. Whangpu and the tug Chuting sailed up river from Shanghai to continue salvage work on the M.V. Tatung and the hulk Peking at Wuhu. The hulk Peking was refloated during the afternoon and secured in a safe position off the south bank of the river. 18. Later on 19th March a message was intercepted from the British Consul at Nanking to the Embassy at Shanghai (repeated to me) to the effect that the Japanese Consul General at Nanking had made a statement that as a resumption of hostilities above Wuhu was imminent, our persistence in sending ships up the

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Yangtze might result in a recurrence of the Panay incident. On receipt of this I hastened to inform the Embassy that the area of hostilities was at least twenty miles above Wuhu and that there could be absolutely no justification for this astounding and exceedingly tactless statement. 19. H.M.S. Ladybird arrived at Wuhu from Shanghai at 1320 on 20th March and secured alongside H.M.S. Bee at Messrs Butterfield & Swire’s pontoon. M.V. Tatung was refloated during the afternoon and safely secured astern of the hulk Peking. 20. I sailed for Nanking at 0900 on 21st March. The stay at Wuhu was most enjoyable and full advantage was taken of the recreational facilities afforded. The situation had much improved since my last visit scarcely a fortnight before and in many respects the appearance of the city was almost normal. There were still very few foreigners resident there, and these consisted mainly of the General Hospital staff and missionaries. 21. On passage down river I stopped the S.S. Whangpu near Kaiyuan in order that I might discuss the further salvage of the two Butterfield & Swire’s vessels at Wuhu with the Marine Superintendent of the Company. Nanking was reached later in the day and I remained there in company with H.M.S. Scarab until the morning of 23rd March, when I sailed for Shanghai. 22. The passage to Shanghai was uneventful, but it was most encouraging to see a large increase in the number of junks plying up and down river. This increase has been most noticeable during the last fortnight. In my opinion the time has now come to encourage British firms to revive their trade in this area, and I am sure that they will find a ready market if they do so. 23. The Japanese were seen to be dismantling the Kiangyin Forts and to be loading the guns into transports. The Chinese cruisers Ning Hai,83 Ping Hai,84 and Yat Sen85 were all in process of being salvaged. 24. H.M.S. Bee reached Shanghai at 1100 on 25th March and secured alongside H.M.S. Sandwich86 at the British Naval Buoys. During my stay at Shanghai I had several meetings with the Embassy and officials of the Shipping Companies, in which I took care to impress upon them that there had been a vast improvement in conditions on the lower Yangtze in the previous three weeks. In this connection there has been a rise in optimism in Shanghai itself recently, and I feel that the situation is taking a decided change for the better. 25. The health and spirits of the Ship’s Company remain good, and although two minor cases of leave-breaking occurred their behavior in other respects was excellent. I have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, (Signed) H. T. Armstrong Commander Senior Naval Officer, Lower Yangtze.

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Enclosure No. 1 to Yangtze No. 67/194 of 21st April 1938. List of Movements87 Ship Aphis

Bee

Cockchafer

Cricket

Falcon Gannet Gnat

Arrive -30 December 18 January 27 January 28 January 18 March -23 December 24 December 27 December 31 January 8 February 9 February 11 February 25 February 4 March 5 March 6 March 14 March 25 March -23 December 25 December 6 January 24 February -31 December 9 January 10 January 14 January 15 January 26 January 14 February 21 February 8 March --11 February -21 February

Port Nanking Wuhu Shanghai Nanking Wuhu Shanghai Nanking Matung88 Wuhu Nanking Shanghai Nanking Wuhu Nanking Shanghai Nanking Wuhu Nanking Wuhu Shanghai Hankow Matung Hankow Kiukiang Hankow Kowan (Chinkiang) Shanghai Nanking Chinkiang Nanking Wuhu Nanking Shanghai Nanking Shanghai Chungking Hankow Ichang89 Hankow Kiukiang

Depart 30 December 16 January 25 January 28 January 15 March -22 December 24 December 27 December 29 January 5 February 9 February 11 February 23 February 2 March 5 March 6 March 14 March 21 March -22 December 24 December 6 January 23 February -30 December 7 January 9 January 14 January 15 January 26 January 12 February 19 February 6 March --7 February -21 February --

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Ladybird Mantis Peterel Sandpiper Scarab

Tern

Royal Navy Reports of Proceedings

-20 March -8 January ---31 December 4 January 14 March -17 February

Shanghai Wuhu Kiukiang Hankow Hankow Changsha Wuhu Nanking Shanghai Nanking Ichang Hankow

16 March -7 January ---31 December 2 January 11 March -14 February --

6 U.S. Naval Intelligence Reports

IN REPLY REFER TO FILE No.

PR5/A8-2 (662)

UNITED STATES ASIATIC FLEET YANGTZE PATROL U.S.S. PANAY Nanking, China 15 November, 1937 From: Commanding Officer. To: The Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Intelligence Summary – week ending 14 November, 1937.1 RESTRICTED

1. Anchored at Nanking, China, and acting in the capacity of Station Ship, Nanking. Nanking quiet. Political and Military 1. Two air raids were conducted by Japanese air forces upon the Southern Capital of China during the past week. The first raid which occurred early in the afternoon of 10 November, brought twelve bombers accompanied by three pursuits cruising at an altitude of approximately 10,000 feet over the area in the vicinity of the Nanking Military Airfield where a number of large bombs were released. These bombs fell in open fields nearby and resulted in little if any damage to the terrain. No Chinese pursuit planes took to the air as usual since it is the sincere belief of the Chinese military authorities here that such procedure would not only subject the pilots of Chinese pursuits in the air to severe fire from anti-aircraft batteries below but would also impair the ability of the anti-aircraft battery defenses in delivering a maximum volume of fire due to the danger of one or more bursts striking a Chinese plane when the ultimate objective was to bring down a Japanese bomber. Chinese anti-air craft battery fire proved to be ineffective and rather weak. It seemed to follow as in previous air raids that the majority of bursts continuously lagged the enemy formations. It was noted with considerable interest that invariably when a series of bursts would strike close to one of the V-section formations, the bombers would break formation and conduct bombing operations independent of one another and then join later at a distant rendezvous. This plan apparently afforded maximum protection and at the same time did not prevent the individual planes from realizing their objective. The second air raid of the week which occurred on 11 November, 1937, proved to be a very interesting study in aerial tactics. Nine bombers and three pursuits approached the city from downriver at an altitude of approximately 9,000 feet. According to reliable observers, the planes flew in four independent sections, each section in V-formation.

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Chinese machine guns and anti-aircraft batteries opened fire at once but the bursts appeared to be low and always lagging the target. The first section of bombers which appeared shortly after the pursuits made their entrance, flew directly to the Military Airdrome outside Kwang Hwa Men, and dropped 12 bombs in succession. Several minutes later a second section of bombers appeared and dropped 8 bombs. All planes then disappeared to the south except for one lone bomber which left the formation and flew over the Airdrome dropping 4 bombs, then proceeding to circle the city passing over the power plant, Nanking University, and the American Embassy at an altitude of about 6,000 feet. When this bomber again reached the vicinity of the Airdrome it suddenly burst into flame and as though rising in a last majestic pose slowly bent a path of blazing glory toward the earth. Nothing seemed to have inspired the native populace more than that final scene. Everywhere in Hsiakwan and Nanking people were cheering. Morale seemed to be lifted high in an atmosphere that previously had a dull quietness about it. According to Chinese civilian sources and verified by Colonel Hwang, spokesman for the China Air Force, this plane was brought down by one of the new mobile units consisting of 4 - 75 m.m. anti-aircraft guns mounted on a truck, all guns firing simultaneously to produce volume of fire. Colonel Hwang confirms local newspaper reports that a second bomber was also brought down at Kiang Ning Ch’en,2 8 miles above Nanking on the right bank of the Yangtze. Bombing was conducted from level flight at all times. Approximately 80 rounds of anti-aircraft ammunition were expended by the Chinese. 2. A summary of reliable observations made in Soochow and reported as received by Lieutenant H. T. Jarrell,3 U.S. Navy, Liaison Officer to the American Embassy, is quoted herewith: The following men arrived in Nanking at 0900 12 November from Soochow, making the trip by motor car in only seven hours: (a) Captain Sutherland, U.S. Army, language student, Peiping, who is returning to Peiping via Tsinanfu4 and Tsingtao,5 after three months in Soochow. Captain Sutherland left Pukow the afternoon of 12 November for Tsinanfu. (b) Mr. McNulty,6 (American Presbyterian Mission and member of China International Relief Commission) who came to Nanking for a conference with Ambassador Johnson7 in behalf of the International Relief Commission. As a result of Reverend McNulty’s conference with the Ambassador, the latter telegraphed Mr. Gauss requesting that he contact the Japanese civil and military authorities in Shanghai and request that steps be taken to set aside a neutral area in Soochow for refugees. (c) Dr. Rice8 (American Presbyterian Mission, and Red Cross division of the International Relief Commission), who is arranging in Nanking for the receipt of patients and staffs of four Soochow Red Cross Hospitals. The above named men reported conditions in Soochow as follows: (1) Japanese planes, 12 to 20 in number, bombed Soochow constantly during the period 9 to 10 November. One hundred and seventy bombs were dropped along the railway, but no damage was done beyond that which could be quickly repaired. Eighteen different points in and around the city were bombed. Soochow

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is now without lights, power, telephone and telegraph. Japanese planes have scattered pamphlets warning the people to evacuate Soochow prior to 13 November, when the city will be bombed “indiscriminately”. (2) Persistent rumors among Chinese indicate that Japanese are using Italian built planes. (3) Chinese have no planes in the Soochow area, and their 20 m.m. anti-aircraft guns have an ineffective range. No Japanese planes have been brought down thus far. (4) Chinese are retreating from the Soochow area in the direction of Nanking. Military supplies are also being moved in this direction. Enroute Soochow to Nanking, the trio encountered no Chinese troops moving toward Soochow. With all transportation facilities commandeered by the military, the civilian population of Soochow is becoming panic stricken. Cases of looting and rape have been reported, but no attacks on foreigners, nor any sign of general anti-foreign feeling. (5) Twenty five hundred wounded soldiers were evacuated from Soochow during the period 12 to 13 November via rail, automobile and other modes of transportation. Their destination is Nanking, where local Red Cross Hospitals will be expanded and new ones set up as necessary. The American Presbyterian Mission Hospital staff of about 125 is also transferring to Nanking. (6) Captain Sutherland stated that General Ku Chu T’ung9 has transferred his headquarters away from Soochow. 3. Captain McHugh10 had an interview with Mr. Donald on the 11th and was assured by the latter that Chiang Kai Shek is more active than ever, much improved in health, and has surrendered none of his authority to others. This, if true, contradicts rumors heard around Shanghai to the effect that Chiang’s star is waning and that he is gradually being shelved in favor of other generals. 4. Reliable information from a German advisory source indicates that Chinese pursuit planes are kept in readiness at five improvised airfields in the vicinity of Nanking. These planes are retained in their present hidden areas for future military operations but will not be used in the defense of Nanking proper against air attacks. 5. It was learned in conversation with reliable British sources that seventy five planes of unknown design were recently supplied by the British Government to the Central Government on credit and that these planes in addition to several large shipments of English “Brenn” anti-aircraft guns11 were received through Hong Kong. 6. In behalf of the American Red Cross, Secretary Atcheson of the American Embassy delivered to Mr. Liu Jui-Heng,12 Chief of Public Health Administration, a check for 73,000 Yuan. 7. On 15 November, Ambassador Nelson Trusler Johnson accompanied by Lieutenant Commander J. J. Hughes,13 U.S. Navy, Captain J. M. McHugh, U.S. Marine Corps and Lieutenant H. T. Jarrell, U.S. Navy, paid an informal visit to Admiral S. K. Chen,14 Chinese Minister of Marine. (Signed) J. J. Hughes Copy to:

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CYP (2) YP (1) Am. Emb. Nanking (1) Sta. Ship Nanking (1) File IN REPLY REFER TO FILE No.

PR5/A8-2 (671)

UNITED STATES ASIATIC FLEET YANGTZE PATROL U.S.S. PANAY Nanking, China 22 November, 1937 From: Commanding Officer. To: The Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Intelligence Summary – week ending 21 November, 1937.15 1. Anchored in company with Commander Yangtze Patrol in U.S.S. Luzon16 at Nanking, China. Nanking quiet. Political and Military 1. During the past week extensive preparations were being completed for the timely removal, from Nanking, of the majority of high Chinese Government officials who are conducting the business of the Central Government. These preparations consist in evacuating all Chinese administration offices in Nanking, leaving only a skeleton force to carry on until the administration officials can be established in surroundings farther up the Yangtze. Families of Chinese administrators together with their household effects are leaving daily for Hankow where some will remain while others continue to Chungking or Changsha. It is the present intention of the Central Government to defend Nanking with determined effort. To aid in accomplishing this immediate objective, many thousands of troops from the interior are arriving in Nanking daily to reenforce the retreating Shanghai front. Some of these troops have received excellent military training whereas the majority have not been as fortunate due to the short time allotted for this purpose. Those troops who need further instruction in military tactics are retained in the vicinity of the Southern Capital and given rigorous training upon completion of which they will be sent to the front. Modern arms and equipment are furnished at Nanking to replace all old and obsolete arms and equipment brought down by the troops from the interior. It is hoped that this plan of employment will provide an efficient and effective fighting unit which by virtue of its training and equipment will decisively defeat the attacking enemy forces. Mr. Epstein,17 United Press Correspondent in Nanking, states that Soviet assistance can definitely be depended upon for supplying aviation materials, planes, and also Russian pilots. Planes have been flown, recently, from unknown points of origin in Soviet territory to Sianfu, Shensi,18 under control of Russian pilots. The planes RESTRICTED

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are then either crated and shipped to Hankow or flown to some intermediate airfield and then dismantled for further shipment. 2. Great confusion seemed to exist on 17 November in Hsiakwan, as hundreds of Chinese refugees attempted to embark on various steamers for up river. Large quantities of personal possessions and household effects were observed obstructing traffic on the main thoroughfare as Chinese officials attempted to restore order among the people. Whole sections of Hsiakwan and Nanking were abandoned by Chinese noncombatants in their eagerness to move into the interior of China when word was received from the Central Government that Nanking would be defended to the finish by the Generalissimo regardless of the cost. Local communication facilities were discontinued and wires taken down. Later it was learned that telephone communication would be permitted only between Government agencies and the necessary wiring would be placed underground for protection. Communication service with the American Embassy has again been established and it is believed that this service will continue. Nanking defense measures are rapidly being taken and it is believed that the city will be adequately prepared for a pitched battle if and when the Japanese succeed in cutting their way through the present blockade. Reports in Nanking indicate that in this respect the Chinese military forces are now providing a strong front against the attacking forces and that they are holding a slowly retreating line only until adequate reenforcements as well as modern arms and equipment are ready for service. Chinese military authorities believe that final plans will be completed this week and that offensive tactics will immediately be employed by Chinese military forces. (Signed) J. J. Hughes. Copy to: CYP (2) YP (1) Am. Emb. Nanking (1) Sta. Ship Nanking (1) File (1) Refer to File No.

UNITED STATES ASIATIC FLEET YANGTZE PATROL U.S.S. LUZON, (Flagship) Nanking, China 22 November, 1937 From: Commander Yangtze Patrol. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Intelligence Summary – Week ending 21 November 1937.19 1. Political and Military. The breakdown of Chinese resistance in the vicinity of the “Hindenburg Line” west of Shanghai, and the rapid advance of the Japanese forces towards A8-2 (1944) RESTRICTED

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Nanking has caused a general consternation in the Chinese Capital and preparations are hastily being made to evacuate the Government, if necessary, to locations farther inland. Thousands of non-combatants and refugees from areas now subjected to attack by the Japanese are franticly crowding the waterfront in Nanking and embarking on river steamers. Many foreigners are deserting the Capital in expectation of the eventual capture by the Japanese. The Government issued an official statement on Sunday (21st) of its impending removal to interior ports and requested the foreign embassies to depart as soon as possible. The Government expects to move its various offices to Hankow, Changsha and Chungking, and, in some instances, minor officials and clerical forces of the Ministries have already departed. Foreign embassies have formulated plans to follow the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as soon as the head of that department actually leaves Nanking. It is understood that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will be established, for the time being, in Hankow, together with the Ministry of Finance and Public Health. The Ministry of Communications will be removed to Changsha, while the Executive Departments will be removed to Chungking. To facilitate the departure of the Government and to accommodate the civilian population in their mass evacuation from the Capital, the Government has commandeered all river steamers of Chinese registry now operating in the Yangtze River above the Kiangyin barrier. It is generally believed that by Tuesday of next week all the Ministries together with the Generalissimo will have left Nanking. A rumor persists in the Capital that the Generalissimo and Pai Tsung-Hsi20 are at odds over the question of defending Nanking against the Japanese; Pai contending that the Capital can not be successfully defended while the Generalissimo contends that it can be. Furthermore, the general and persistent rumors that a shake up in the Central Government is pending are believed to have some truth behind them. It is known that General Chiang Kai-Shek has long been advised to “weed-out” certain non-cooperators and non-producers, both military and civil. An opportune time for such a move would be the occasion of the evacuation of Nanking by the Central Government when the “outs” would simply be left behind. The report circulated during the latter part of the current week that Chang Chun,21 former Minister of Foreign Affairs, had been executed was unfounded. From sources close to the Generalisaimo it is reported that the General is more active than ever, much improved in health, and has surrendered none of his military authorities to others. This, if true, contradicts rumors emanating from Shanghai to the effect that Chiang’s star is waning and that he is gradually being shelved in favor of other generals. 2. Aircraft Operation. Aerial activity on the part of the Japanese on River ports above Chinkiang was confined to one raid only on Nanking. On the 15th three bombers accompanied by three pursuits dropped a number of bombs in the vicinity of the arsenal, outside the wall in the South City. Damage done was insignificant. Chinese anti-aircraft opposed the raiders but was ineffective. There were no Chinese aircraft in the air at the time of the raid. The bombers appeared over the city from the eastward and carried out their operations from an altitude of about 8,000 feet.

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After disappearing to the westward they again appeared and dropped about ten bombs in the vicinity of the military air field. Fifty of the one hundred airplanes ordered by the Chinese Government from the U.S.S.R. have for some time been at Lanchow (capital of Kansu22). Nineteen of these planes recently arrived in the Nanking area and others are expected shortly. Half of the 50 planes, it is reported, are light bombers and half are pursuits. The Chinese Government, it is reported from reliable sources, has recently purchased sixty training planes from a foreign government for delivery within the next three months. The planes, it is further reported, will be assembled at Yunnanfu23 where a training school for pilots is being established. Chinese authorities in Hankow have stated that anti-aircraft batteries with modern control features together with searchlights with portable equipment are being sent to that city for defense against air raids. It is expected that the Wuhan Cities24 will be subjected to intensive raiding in the near future from a Japanese base of operations in the North, possibly Taiyuan in Shansi.25 From this point planes can reach any point on the Yangtze from Chungking to Nanking with much less distance than is being traversed at the present time from Shanghai or Formosa to Hankow. 3.Troop Movements. Ill-equipped troops continue to arrive in Nanking from upriver ports. The majority are from Szechuan. It is understood that 150,000 of these provincial forces are already between Nanking and Soochow. As an effective fighting force their value is problematical. The civilian population (Chinese) in Nanking are particularly apprehensive in case of a rout should these troops fall back on Nanking. 4. Additional Barriers in Yangtze. It is generally expected that in case the present barrier at Kiangyin is broken by the Japanese additional ones will be laid immediately. For some time material, consisting mostly of junks laden with stone, has been held in readiness in the vicinity of Silver Island26 below Chinkiang. Twenty miles above Chinkiang at Morrison Point is another selected spot. Hundreds of coolies have been observed blasting stone from the nearby hills and assembling the material on the right bank of the River at Little Orphan.27 Many junks have likewise been assembled at this point. The Chinese provincial authorities in Kiukiang have requested the river inspectors to inspect this section and advise as to the proper place for a barrier. Matung, just below Little Orphan, seems to be the spot determined upon. The Standard Vacuum Oil Company and the Asiatic Petroleum Company are assembling their larger river steamers in the vicinity of Chinkiang with the expectation of being able to proceed to Shanghai in case the barrier at Kiangyin is broken by the Japanese. (Signed) E. J. Marquart.28 cc: Yangpat 2ndMarBrigade NavAttaché

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IN REPLY REFER TO FILE No.

UNITED STATES ASIATIC FLEET YANGTZE PATROL U.S.S. PANAY Nanking, China 29 November, 1937 From: Commanding Officer. To: The Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Intelligence Summary – week ending 28 November, 1937.29 PR5/A8-2 (673) RESTRICTED

1. Anchored at Nanking, China, and acting in the capacity of Stationship, Nanking. Nanking quiet. Political and Military 1. During the past week vast and rapid changes concerning the Chinese Central Government were made in Nanking by responsible officials. All Government bureaus completed evacuation from the Southern Capital on 26 November, 1937, leaving a mere skeleton staff to conduct official business until organization can be adjusted at various selected centers within the interior. In transferring all of his civic duties to the care of T. V. Soong, 30 the Generalissimo hopes to concentrate his attention entirely on military objectives all of which are now under his personal supervision. Throughout the week thousands of Chinese non-combatants continued to evacuate from Nanking until on 27 November, 1937, reports indicated that mass evacuation had ceased. The city is now under control of military authorities who are rapidly preparing for the major battle which is expected to commence soon. Work on strong fortifications within and surrounding the Nanking city wall is in progress and more trenches are being built. Official communication lines which were taken down a week ago are being laid in underground channels for protection. All bus and taxi service has been transferred to the jurisdiction of military authorities. Along the bund are many pieces of field artillery, dismantled planes, trucks laden with thousands of rifles and machine guns, thousands of cases containing ammunition, and stacks of cotton padded uniforms. According to reliable estimates, the present Chinese ammunition supply can withstand a siege of five months. Confirmed reports indicate that Soviet participation in Sino-Japanese relations within this area is none too little and although a number of Russian planes are already here, many more are being sent. No Russian pilots have been reported as actually being in Nanking but they also are scheduled to arrive very soon. At the present time, Chinese pilots are manning Soviet planes in counter air defense tactics but without a great deal of success. This observation has been attributed in local military circles, to the inexperience and unfamiliarity of Chinese pilots with the new type planes. It has been noted in several instances by responsible persons that although the Russian planes are faster than similar Japanese planes, they are not as easy to maneuver and apparently more difficult to control. Despite difficulties, both Chinese and foreign planes are expected to play a major part in the final stages of the battle for retention of Nanking by the Chinese.

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2. Report was received from the R.F.S. Amiral Charner, upon her arrival in Nanking from Chinkiang on 27 November, 1937, that a new barrier consisting of two cargo vessels, five hulks chained together, and a large number of junks laden with rocks, was observed ready for sinking at a point 400 yards below Mud Fort, a distance of 16 miles below the Nanking Customs House. Several fortifications were also noted in the immediate vicinity. It is believed that one of the final preparations for providing an adequate defense of Nanking will be the sinking of these vessels, thus creating a new and perhaps more effective barrier than the one now laid. No information as to whether or not the area had been mined, has been received. A sketch of the location of this new barrier is appended to this report as enclosure (A). 3. A large number of air alarms averaging two per day this week, have been sounded in Nanking. The air raid which occurred during the afternoon of 24 November, 1937, is significant in that Japanese planes consisting of two bombers accompanied by seven pursuits, dropped a total of 20 twenty five pound bombs on a section of the city within the city wall for the first time since 25 September, 1937, killing forty civilians, including five children. The bomb fell in the vicinity of the National Art Gallery and very close to the Administration Offices of the Executive Yuan. No Chinese pursuits took to the air, but a rapid although ineffective anti-aircraft counter attack was maintained throughout the raid. Copy to: (Signed) J. J. Hughes. CYP (2) YP (1) Am. Emb. Nanking (1) Sta. Ship Nanking (1) File

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U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports

U.S.S. OAHU

Shanghai, China, 20 December, 1937.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 December, 1937.32 1. The U.S.S. Oahu was at Kiukiang Monday, 13 December, 1937, when word was received of the bombing and sinking of the U.S.S. Panay, near Hohsien, about 20 miles above Nanking, Yangtze River, China. The bombing had occurred on 12 December. The Oahu fueled to capacity immediately and departed for Wuhu upon orders received from Commander Yangtze Patrol. The following is a narrative of events that followed until the arrival of this vessel at Shanghai. Monday, 13 December, 1937. 1347 Underway for Wuhu at full speed. 1500 At Peng Tseh Cheng33 observed 95 junks secured to the right bank were tremendous piles of rock had been stored. This position just above the Little Orphan had been previously reported as the point where the river blockade was to be constructed, being on the downriver side of the entrance to the Poyang Lake.34 No definite work of actual blocking the river at this point was in progress at this time. 1617 Passed Matung Beacon and observed the construction of the actual barrier just above False Island. This barrier consisted of junks anchored across the stream, apparently the plan being to sink rock laden junks on this line. Two can-buoyed channels had been left near the right bank, and this vessel slowed and followed the one nearest the bank. At that time there was apparently no authority in the vicinity to control traffic through the barrier, and one Chinese river steamer passed through just ahead of this vessel. 1906 Passed Anking Pagoda.35 2400 Anchored at mileage 277 above Woosung36 in order to await daylight before approaching Wuhu as previously directed. Tuesday, 14 December, 1937. 0457 Underway down river. 0700 Hove to just above Wuhu awaiting signal “all clear” which was to be given by the H.M.S. Ladybird when it was considered safe for this vessel to enter. When the “all clear” signal was given, Oahu proceeded in the vicinity of the Ladybird and anchored. Then received word from Commanding Officer, Ladybird, that ship was in danger, and observed Japanese shore batteries on bund concealed under haystacks. 0800 Oahu secured alongside Ladybird to be clear of shore batteries. Observed that Wuhu was quiet and in control of the Japanese military. There were

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some evidences of fires and destruction but the main buildings of the town seemed to be intact. The hulk of the Jardine steamer Tuck Wo was secured to the pontoon just ahead of the Ladybird, having been bombed and gutted by fire. The Ladybird showed many evidences of damage from shell fire. 0830 After receiving word that military authorities down river, had received notice of our arrival, Oahu proceeded down river, at full speed. 1000 Approached mileage 221 above Woosung where H.M.S. Bee and several Japanese men-of-war were anchored. Observed hulks of S.S. Mei Hsia and S.S. Mei Ping secured to iron mines dock on right bank, both ships still burning. Observed S.S. Mei An beached on left bank below entrance to Hohsien Channel. There was no sign of the Panay. 1016 Anchored near H.M.S. Bee mileage 220 above Woosung. Commanding Officer made call on Rear Admiral Yangtze in H.M.S. Bee. It was learned that the Panay survivors had been contacted at Hohsien, a small town inland from the north bank and that boats would be sent up the channel to pick them up in the afternoon. Japanese vessels present during the day included H.I.J.M.S.37 Yaeyama,38 Hodzu, Kasasagi,39 Otori40 and various others. A Japanese hospital plane arrived during the morning and departed in the afternoon. Japanese representatives of Japanese Ambassador, Vice Admiral Hasegawa, and Read Admiral Kondo called on Commanding Officer, Oahu, offered regrets and condolences for the Panay incident. 1300 Received Socony officials and seven enlisted survivors of the Panay who had been on the Socony vessels at the time of the bombing. 1500 Executive Officer of the Oahu and Captain of the S.S. Mei Hsia went out in boat and sounded area where it was thought Panay had sunk. Could not definitely locate vessel, but approximate position was thought to have been located by slick on surface of water. The depth in this area varied between 7 and 10 fathoms.41 No oil or debris was noted. 1552 Underway in company with H.M.S. Bee and anchored off entrance to Hohsien Channel. 1625 Available boats were sent up Hohsien Channel to bring off survivors from Hohsien. 1750 H.M.S. Ladybird arrived from up river. Wednesday, 15 December, 1937. 0115 Ten stretcher cases were received, survivors of the Panay, including Commanding and Executive Officers. The remainder of the Panay survivors were divided up between the Oahu and Ladybird. 0400 Received Panay outboard motor sampan from H.M.S. Bee. 1004 Moored alongside H.M.S. Bee to facilitate transfer of survivors. 1200 Received bodies of C. L. Ensminger SKlc., U.S.N., and Sandro Sandri, Italian Newsman. 1258 Underway for Shanghai in company with H.M.S. Ladybird and being convoyed by H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi and Otori. 1330 Hove to and received remains of C. H. Carlson, Master S.S. Mei An

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and unknown Chinese quartermaster, from Japanese launch. 1507 Contacted H.M.S. Cricket at Hsia San Shan, and received Panay motor sampan. 1617 Anchored just above Nanking near left bank upon directions of Japanese ships. Observed several Japanese Army launches cruising up river near right bank. One launch machine-gunned two Chinese coolies who were found drifting down river on a raft. H.M.S. Ladybird was circling nearby and stopped and picked up Chinese coolies. H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi warned Ladybird in substance as follows: “A battle is going on and if you do this in front of our army we can not be responsible for you even if you are shot.” 1630 H.M.S. Ladybird moored alongside Oahu, being unable to use her anchors due to damage received in Wuhu. 1800 Occasional artillery fire heard from the direction of Nanking. 2000 Occasional sniping at Japanese ships was noted from north shore. Thursday, 16 December, 1937. 0659 Underway down river, several merchant vessels having joined convoy. 0720 Passed Nanking. Many Japanese men-of-war were at anchor near water front. Hsiakwan and Pukow water fronts showed much evidence of fires and destruction. Below Nanking Cutoff 42 observed debris and pontoons of hastily constructed barrier which had been broken through by Japanese. 1012 Observed R.C.S.43 Ping Hai beached in unused north channel below Bethune Point.44 1116 Noted Japanese army troops being transferred from Chinkiang by means of numerous barges, tugs, and small crafts, to north shore. 1340 Ladybird contacted H.M.S. Aphis at Kowan, mileage 119 above Woosung where numerous merchant vessels joined convoy. 1410 Passed Chinese man-of-war (possibly R.C.S. Yat Sen) beached on her port side – mileage 118 above Woosung. 1518 Passed numerous Japanese army transports upbound. 1630 Anchored at mileage 92 above Woosung. Ladybird moored alongside. Friday, 17 December, 1937. 0530 U.S.S. Panay survivors on Ladybird were transferred to Oahu for remainder of trip. 0613 Underway in company with convoy down river. 0649 Passed R.C.S. Ning Hai beached bow first on left bank above Kiangyin Forts. 0704 Convoyed through barrier opposite Kiangyin Forts by Japanese gunboat and mine sweeper. Took course through Fu Chiang Sha (Demodocus) Channel which had been buoyed, and lower channel south of Big Tree.45 Thus apparently the regular channel along Ju Kao Reach 46 had not been cleared. 0820 Japanese mine sweeper left formation, barrier having been negotiated successfully. Noted that remainder of river aids to Woosung had been replaced by improvised Japanese ones which were in approximately correct positions. 1453 Sighted about 20 Japanese transports and 3 hospital ships off Woosung.

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1453 Arrived Woosung and picked up Whangpu pilot. 1643 Moored alongside U.S.S. Augusta,47 Shanghai, and transferred Panay survivors to that ship. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan48 Copy to: Comyangpat (2) Yangpat (1) StaShip Shanghai (1) File. PR6/A8-2 (590)

U.S.S. OAHU

Shanghai, China, 27 December, 1937.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 26 December, 1937.49 1. At Shanghai, China, moored alongside U.S.S. Augusta. 2. After disembarkation of the U.S.S. Panay survivors the Oahu has been standing by to return to the location of the Panay bombing and assist in salvage operations. It is also planned to transport diplomatic representatives to Nanking and take medical supplies to Wuhu. 3. The local situation together with other events of note has been covered in the daily press. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan Copy to: Comyangpat (2) Yangpat (1) StaShip Shanghai (1) File. PR6/A8-2 (5)

U.S.S. OAHU

Hohsien, China, 3 January 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 2 January, 1938.50 1. Operations. This vessel departed Shanghai at 0700, 28 December, to assist in salvage work on the ex-Panay, to land Embassy officials at Nanking, and to deliver medical supplies to the hospital at Wuhu. Two Standard-Vacuum Company representatives were on board, to inspect the company’s vessels about Hohsien

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and determine salvage possibilities. The salvage vessel, Tug Saucy, was to be escorted to Hohsien. The Oahu stopped to fuel at the Texaco51 installation but due to various difficulties the company was unable to complete delivery until the evening of that day and as a result the vessel was delayed one day. The Japanese authorities had been notified of the Oahu’s scheduled movements. The Tug Saucy was picked up at Woosung on the morning of the 29th and both vessels proceeded as far as Tungchow Banks where anchorage was made for the night in order to conform with the schedule given the Japanese. On 30 December the entrance to Demodocus Channel, the present route around the Kiangyin Barrier, was reached at 0815. Japanese Light Minesweeper No. 5 appeared to be waiting there for the convoy as she immediately got underway, signaled “Am Leading”, and proceeded through the channel ahead. It was noted that in addition to the flag markers that were there on the Oahu’s trip downriver, several large regular buoys had been installed. Furthermore the regular channel along Ju Kao Reach was being marked and apparently being cleared of mines and obstructions. The Oahu and Saucy followed through close behind the Mine Sweeper and no difficulty was encountered. Communications were maintained entirely through international signals and the Japanese were found to be very proficient in their use. Station keeping was comparatively simple in spite of the fact that river gunboats have rarely maneuvered in formation. This formation probably appeared as strange as the down bound convoy (carrying the Panay survivors) consisting of H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi, H.I.J.M.S. Otori, H.M.S. Ladybird and U.S.S. Oahu. After passage through Demodocus Channel the main barrier opposite Kiangyin Forts was observed consisting mostly of sunken steamers part of which were showing above water. A channel had been cleared near the right bank. On the Chang Shan Hill 52 just below Kiangyin small caliber guns were mounted in plain view. These were apparently guns which had been removed from Chinese men-of-war. On Chang Shan and also on Kiangyin Hills approximately fifteen large caliber (12 to 14 inch) old style guns were noted. These guns were not mounted and Japanese Army activity in the vicinity indicated they were being removed. Just above Kiangyin the ex-Chinese cruiser Ning Hai beached on the left bank was flying a Japanese flag and salvage operations were in progress. Little steamer or junk traffic was noted in the lower river. Practically all steamers were Japanese transports. However there were a few foreign steamers concentrated at Kowan. All junks carried Japanese flags. The convoy anchored on the night of 30 December just below Chinkiang. On 31 December the convoy passed Chinkiang and approached Mud Fort just below Nanking and great caution was observed passing through mine fields which had been reported there. Japanese naval forces had apparently swept a clear channel and had buoyed sunken steamers for possible salvage. Some salvage pontoons were in place. On arrival Nanking the water front on both sides of the river was not recognizable due to widespread destruction. The Naval College at Nanking Cut-Off

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was completely destroyed. The British International Export Company plant was apparently undamaged but entirely deserted. Hsiakwan and Pukow bunds were complete shambles with scarcely a building left standing. The Japanese escort left the formation at Nanking and the Oahu and Saucy anchored near H.M.S. Bee upstream from Nanking. It was learned from the Bee that no one was being allowed to disembark at Nanking for several days at least. American Embassy officials on board had previously decided to remain on the Oahu until permitted to land in Nanking. It was also learned that the False Island barrier below Kiukiang had been completed and that a mine barrier had been established at Taitzechi below Anking. On 1 January, the convoy proceeded to Hohsien and anchored near the supposed location of the Panay. The probable position was indicated to the tug personnel and a boat with grapnel was sent out to drag. In a few minutes the wreck was located although somewhat farther out in the river and downstream from the supposed location. A diver went down in a short while and found the vessel lying squarely on her starboard side, parallel with the stream. He brought up a general alarm gong as verification of the ship’s identity. That afternoon a rather startling sight appeared in the channel, heading for the Oahu. It was the Standard Vacuum Company’s Motor Barge Mei Ying under her own power, with the American colors and the company’s flag flying, and in charge of the Mei An’s Boatswain. He and about 100 other employees of the company had been in Hohsien since the attack on the vessels, and when he saw the Oahu arrive he got the barge underway and stood out. Inasmuch as all these vessels had been reported wrecked the sudden sight of the vessel approaching with all flags flying was rather startling. The Company’s representatives then went to Hohsien and towed out another barge, the Mei Yi and initiated steps to care for the employees and salvage other vessels. The Mei An on the north bank had been set afire, probably by looters, and was practically gutted. The Mei Hsia and Mei Ping on the south bank had disappeared and undoubtedly were sunk. It was learned that about 700 Chinese troops were in Hohsien on 2 January and that these troops were part of the Shantung forces. They reported that Japanese troops had been through Hohsien several days before and that at the present a small detachment of Japanese troops was on the south or opposite bank of the river. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan Copy to: Comyangpat (2) Yangpat (1) StaShip Shanghai (1) File.

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U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 10 January, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 9 January, 1938.53 1. Operations. The Oahu remained at Hohsien until 5 January while salvage operations on the ex-U.S.S. Panay were taking place. A strong northerly wind delayed salvage to some extent making it difficult for the divers to bring up gear. On Wednesday, 5 January, this vessel proceeded to Wuhu to deliver medical supplies to the Wuhu General Hospital. The tug Saucy remained at Hohsien continuing the salvage work. The Standard Oil Company units (motor barges etc.) which had been recovered remained with the Saucy. Upon arrival Wuhu this vessel anchored in the neutral anchorage near H.M.S. Aphis at the Asiatic Petroleum Company’s Installation. At this time nine heavy Chinese bombers were making an attack on the Wuhu air field. Japanese shore batteries and men-of-war (Hodzu and Kasasagi) were firing at the planes. Apparently little damage was done because the Chinese bombers kept at high altitude and it is thought very few bombs were released. Medical supplies were landed for the hospital, and U.S. Embassy officials on board contacted Dr. Brown of the Wuhu Hospital and inspected American property in Wuhu. Incidents involving the U.S. flag were investigated by the Embassy staff. One of these was the alleged throwing of an American flag belonging to a hospital sampan into the river by Japanese soldiers. Suitable apologies had been made for this as well as other incidents by the Japanese authorities. It was learned that 14 Americans still remained in Wuhu, 9 being at the Wuhu Hospital and 5 at the American Church Mission. All but one or two nurses at the Wuhu Hospital had decided to remain. These nurses planned to go to Shanghai via the S.S. Whangpu sailing 9 January. Standard Oil representatives made an inspection of the Socony Installation and found all property intact. Some diesel oil had been removed by H.I.J.M.S. Hodzu but a receipt had been left for this. Practically all other American property was in good shape however there had been some looting in the city proper. This vessel departed Wuhu in the afternoon and returned to Hohsien for the night. Enroute certain Chinese villages on the right bank were noted burning fiercely. Hundreds of villagers had apparently crossed to the left bank and were assembled there. Upon arrival Hohsien a Chinese version of the incident was that the villages had been looted and fired by the Japanese soldiers seeking food and women. The Oahu arrived at Nanking at 0930, 6 January, and anchored near H.M.S. Bee, about two miles above the Chung Shan Road Landing. The Commanding Officer of the Bee stated that he had been vainly attempting to land in Nanking to inspect the British Embassy and other British property. Each time he was refused

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permission. A staff officer from the Japanese flagship arrived on board the Oahu shortly after anchoring, and stated that all preparations had been made to receive Mr. Allison and his staff, that cars were waiting at the landing, and that a launch would be sent to the Oahu to take their baggage and supplies ashore. This was all carried out and the Embassy personnel reached the Embassy without any difficulty. The next forenoon the Commanding Officer of the Oahu paid an official call on Rear-Admiral Kondo on his flagship, the Ataka, alongside the Chung Shan Road Landing. He was received very cordially. A car was sent to the Embassy for Mr. Allison in order that he might see the Commanding Officer if he desired, and then at the end of the visit both were sent to the Embassy in the car. The driver had instructions to wait and bring the Commanding Officer back when he was ready. This is told as an example of the more-than-cordial treatment now given American representatives and which seems to be the rule since the Panay incident. Mr. Allison stated that he had received the utmost cooperation since he had landed. Naturally a good view of Nanking could not be obtained from the car, but there seemed to be much less devastation in the city than might be expected. One or two of the large government buildings were gutted and there was considerable wreckage visible in Hsiakwan. The Japanese had refused to admit the idea of neutral zone about the embassies as was proposed, but nevertheless they seem to have accepted it as a fact; since there is such an area all about the American Embassy. This area is teeming with thousands of refugees, and the Japanese have sentries stationed all about to prevent the entrance of soldiers or other unauthorized persons. The place is so densely populated that a car has great difficulty making its way along the roads. There was a continuous line of troops on each side of Chung Shan Road, one line heading north and the other south. The troops were almost entirely made up of packtrains; flat two-wheeled carts drawn by single horses, mules, donkeys, and oxen, and each animal led by a soldier. There were but ten or twelve Chinese seen outside of the neutral zone and these appeared to be working for, or escorted in small groups by, Japanese soldiers. There seemed to be no actual hostilities anywhere about. The Master of the Jardine-Matheson steamship Sui Wo, which anchored beside the Oahu the night of January 6th stated that on the way up from Shanghai he had passed a Japanese destroyer being towed downriver. The destroyer appeared to have been hit by an aerial bomb about amidships and its back broken. This was somewhere above Kiangyin. The Oahu left Nanking Sunday, 9 January, to confer with the Superintending Constructor, to take valuable salvaged material on board from the Saucy, and also to obtain if possible a supply of gasoline and kerosene from the cargoes in the Standard-Vacuum Company’s craft at Hohsien. The security of valuables salvaged was an acute problem on the Saucy since no facilities were available, and it was advisable to transfer such material to the Oahu as soon as possible. A large supply of gasoline and kerosene was found and arrangements were

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made to load one of the motor-barges and bring it to Nanking for a reserve supply. A small quantity of fuel oil also was found and this was taken on board. Upon arrival the Japanese gunboat Toba 54 and destroyer Hira 55 were observed anchored ahead of the Saucy. Usual calls were exchanged. It was learned that on 8 January armed Japanese launches had patrolled Hohsien channel, fired into the villages but had apparently not engaged in any landing operations. Standard Oil units which were nearby at the time and manned by Chinese had not been molested. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan CC to: CINCAF IN ISABEL56 (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (18)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 17 January, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 16 January, 1938.57 1.Operations. This vessel proceeded to Hohsien, Sunday, 9 January, to take over valuable material recovered from the Panay by the Saucy. While there a small amount of fuel oil cargo was found on the Standard-Vacuum Oil Company’s motor barges and was taken on board. A supply of gasoline and kerosene was found on one of the motor barges and was brought back to Nanking the next day when the Oahu returned; the motor barge coming down under its own power. A considerable quantity of this gasoline and kerosene was then stored on board a Standard-Vacuum Oil Company’s junk and held at the Nanking anchorage for future use. On Wednesday, 12 January, the Saucy having completed salvage operations proceeded to Nanking towing the recovered Standard-Vacuum Oil Company’s small units; and departed for Shanghai the following day. She arrived Shanghai 15 January. Nanking remains quiet with little apparent activity. The British Embassy staff was permitted to land on 10 January58 as was the German representative. These officials were brought to Nanking from Shanghai in H.M.S. Cricket. However, Wing Commander J. S. Walser, British Air Attaché, was not permitted to land in Nanking until 12 January. The Japanese explanation was that no foreign military representatives were being allowed ashore at the time. 2. Military The accounts of the capture of Nanking are far from flattering to either side.

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The Chinese defending general is said to have fled the city without even informing his staff. The Chinese soldiers left on their own, looted and destroyed some of the city property and according to one account shot down many civilians and donned their clothing in order to escape. The handful of foreigners remaining organized the International Relief Committee and formed a so-called neutral zone in the heart of the city. This zone was recognized in fact by the Japanese but was never acknowledged as such officially. Upon entry into the city by the Japanese, troops were apparently turned loose and billeted in houses throughout the city. Individual soldiers or small groups of them were allowed to roam at will fully armed. They apparently looted and killed indiscriminately. A news reporter stated that bodies were piled high around the city gates after the Japanese arrival. American missionaries reported thousands of rape cases. It was only when the city had been cleaned up to some extent would the Japanese authorities allow foreign representatives to return. On 15 January the Kiang Ting an old side wheel river steamer which had been beached on the Pukow side of the river just above Nanking was set afire. It burned fiercely all night. The Kiang Ting had been used as a Chinese troop ship and had apparently been bombed and abandoned during the fall of Nanking. Chinese sources stated that the ship had been set afire by the Japanese. At any rate the fire created a stench which pervaded the entire vicinity and which suggested that there may have been bodies on board. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan CC to: CINCAF IN ISABEL (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (22)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 24 January, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 23 January, 1938.59 1. Local Situation. Nanking remains quiet with apparently little activity of any kind. The city is isolated in so far as foreign trade is concerned. There are usually a number of Japanese destroyers, gunboats, and transports in the harbor, but the last British merchantman (S.S. Kin Tang) departed down river for Shanghai last week. The Oahu and H.M.S. Bee remain at anchor two miles upstream from Nanking. No foreigners except American, British, and German diplomatic representatives have been permitted on shore. Likewise no foreigners are permitted to leave, except in

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the case of one German who is reported to have been permitted to go to Shanghai by train, accompanied by a military guard. The International Relief Committee which has been sheltering and feeding the Chinese refugees is said to have food enough to last the refugees about one month. The Japanese are controlling stores of food which they apparently will not issue until the Chinese return to their regular houses. However, the Chinese are naturally reluctant to do this because it is reported some of them tried it, and were immediately set on by troops who attacked their women. The railroad to Shanghai is said to be in operation but only for Japanese military use. No postal, telegraph, or telephone service is available in the city. The city power, light and water service has been partially restored. In this connection, the Embassy reports that soon after the capture of the city the Japanese authorities came into the neutral zone looking for Chinese technicians to start up the power plant. They were informed that about 40 of these technicians had taken refuge in the International Export Company’s plant when the city was captured, only to be taken out and shot shortly thereafter by Japanese troops. The Japanese continue to burn parts of the business district of Nanking, and looting continues although not to such an extent as previously. No reason can be seen for this sort of procedure except that the Japanese apparently do not intend to make use of the city now that they have captured it. Rear Admiral Kondo in H.I.J.M.S. Ataka departed Nanking for up river the 19th and returned the 21st. He apparently made a short visit to Wuhu. 2. Aviation. Heavy weather on the 19th and 20th prevented plane operations, but except for this interruption Japanese planes have been much in evidence each day. Apparently many of the operations are for training. A gunnery group with sleeve target was noted one day. No Chinese plane attacks on Nanking have been seen or reported during the week. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan Copy to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) FILE.

U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports

PR6/A8-2 (29)

U.S.S. OAHU

153

Nanking, China, 31 January, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 30 January, 1938.60 1. Local Situation. The Japanese still prohibit the landing of any but diplomatic personnel. The Commanding Officer of H.M.S. Bee has been threatened with rifles and rather unceremoniously handled several times by sentries or guards as he stepped out on the pontoon to call on Admiral Kondo, and he has not been allowed to deviate from the path on the pontoon between his boat and the Japanese flagship. Severe restrictions are placed upon every foreigner in the city; practically none has been allowed to pass out of the city gates, except the diplomatic representatives. It is told however that one German,61 representative of a German firm, has maintained his home outside the city and when he wishes to enter the city he travels in a fearfully-dilapidated old car carrying two live ducks from his place, and he presents the gate sentry with a duck. This usually gains him admittance, and on the way out he presents another duck, which serves to pass him out. The distance the Oahu necessarily is anchored from the city, the fact that the weather now often makes boating very hazardous, and the restrictions imposed by the Japanese, make it necessary to depend almost entirely upon radio for constant communication between the ship and the Embassy. The apparent lack of coordination or contact between the Japanese Army and the Navy is outstanding, and a feature of this seems to be the constant fear on the part of the Navy officers of the Army’s creating an incident. Thus a few days ago, when the Oahu’s coxswain walked a short distance upon the pontoon in connection with transferring some supplies to the Embassy car, a Japanese staff officer rushed out on the pontoon from the flagship and upbraided him violently, and scolded the Japanese naval sentry who had permitted the coxswain to do so. The officer seemed to be mainly concerned because of the fact that a detachment of soldiers was passing along the Bund at the time. The press reports state that the Chinese conducted air raids on Nanking but no raids have been noted by the Oahu nor by the Bee on the days stated. The Commanding Officer of H.M.S. Cricket, which has just arrived from Wuhu, stated that the city has been very quiet but there evidently has been severe fighting somewhere above, judging from the constant and heavy gunfire heard. There has been considerable activity on the part of the naval forces however in going back and forth between Nanking and presumably Wuhu. Gunboats and destroyers have been passing up and down river past the foreign warships’ anchorage. Japanese planes fly up and down river very frequently but no actual operations have been noted.

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The British still have many Chinese (employees of Butterfield and Swire, Asiatic Petroleum Company, etc.,) quartered on the Jardine hulk which is anchored 2 miles up stream from Nanking. So far they have been unable to land any of these people or reestablish them at their usual jobs. On 26 January H.M.S. Cricket arrived from Wuhu and on 27 January H.M.S. Aphis arrived from Shanghai with mail and stores for ships present. On 28 January H.M.S. Aphis departed for Wuhu, and on 29 January R.I.N.S.62 Ermanno Carlotto arrived from Shanghai bringing an Italian representative to Nanking. H.M.S. Bee departed for Shanghai the same day. The following account of the incident in which Mr. John Allison – Embassy official, was manhandled by Japanese in Nanking was obtained from Mr. Allison: On 25 January Japanese soldiers were alleged to have entered the Nanking University Agricultural School (American property) and carried off forcibly a Chinese woman to their barracks nearby where she was attacked. Upon representation being made to Japanese Consular authorities by the American Embassy they said that investigation should be made with an American official present. Consequently Mr. Allison and Mr. Riggs, a representative of Nanking University, accompanied by a Japanese consular policeman and a military policeman, questioned the Chinese woman at the University. The police were wearing civilian clothes and wore arm bands to show their police authority. After the questioning, it was decided to take the Chinese woman to the barracks to investigate the case further. Upon arrival there the Americans consulted with the police as to whether they should go in with the woman to insure a fair examination. The police thought not, but did not forbid them to come. The entire party started in through the gate and a Japanese soldier came rushing at them shouting “Back! Back!”. The party started to go out, and the police tried to explain that these were Americans. However the Japanese soldier slapped Mr. Allison and Mr. Riggs. About that time a Japanese officer appeared demanding to know what it was all about. During this time the Japanese soldier was continuing his attack and reached over the two police, who were trying after a fashion to protect the Americans, and tore Mr. Riggs’ collar. The party then returned to the Embassy car which was parked by the gate, plainly marked with American flags, and a cordon of Japanese soldiers with rifles and fixed bayonets surrounded the car. The party departed without further molestation, to the Japanese Embassy. The Chinese woman was left there, with the assurance that she would be fairly treated, and Mr. Allison demanded an apology from military authorities by noon the following day. Mr. Fukui, Acting Consul General for Japan took the attitude that Mr. Allison should not have been near the barracks. An apology was made the following day to Mr. Allison by Major Hongo, staff officer of the Garrison Commander. No apology was made by Mr. Fukui. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan Copy to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1)

U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports

STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (40) U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 14 February, 1938.

155

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 13 February, 1938.63 1. Operations. The Oahu departed Shanghai 10 February, arrived Nanking 12 February and resumed Station Ship duties at the latter port. Lower river conditions were quiet, with little change noted. Junk and sampan traffic had increased considerably however. Japanese destroyers or gun boats are still on duty at Kiangyin and Mud Fort for the purpose of convoying ships through the barriers. At Kiangyin Forts approximately a battalion of troops was observed on one of the hills. 2. Local Situation. It has been reported that the Japanese Army has been canvassing Japanese business men extensively in China and Japan, and is endeavoring to have them set up business in the various shops, factories, and other establishments vacated by the Chinese in the occupied areas. These business men are offered a lease, rent and tax free, for the next ten years, on any such property they may desire, but they must occupy the place and set up a legitimate enterprise at once. This reported program is difficult to reconcile with the Army’s intensive work of destruction of shops and factories in the occupied areas, and their ostensible program of future withdrawal. It is reported that the Japanese will shortly inaugurate an air mail service of three trips weekly between Wuhu, Nanking, and Shanghai. This service will be available to all foreign governments and firms, but Japanese stamps will be used. No mention was made of possible censorship. As the Oahu passed by Nanking proceeding to the anchorage just above the city, it was noted that there appeared to be much less activity than heretofore along the waterfront. There were but one or two transports in the harbor, the only naval vessels sighted were the Ataka, Rear Admiral Kondo’s flagship, and the gunboat Katada.64 No troops were in sight except what appeared to be a labor company marching along the Bund. Large sheds for storage or barracks have been constructed in a space just off the Bund. It is reported now that restrictions on foreign officers landing have been relaxed somewhat. The French gunboat Doudart De Lagree has been here for the last few days checking up on French property. A consular officer, with an American priest to act as English and Japanese interpreter, came up from Shanghai in the gunboat, and both have been ashore every day carrying out the investigation, and the officers of the gunboat were allowed ashore provided the

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matter was arranged beforehand. No information regarding the possibility of American or British officers going ashore has been received yet. H.M.S. Bee has just returned from a short visit to Wuhu. The Commanding Officer states that the Chinese troops are about six miles above the city and there apparently is considerable fighting going on. The Japanese shore batteries in Wuhu appeared to direct a heavy and rather constant fire upon the opposite bank of the river in the vicinity of Shansi Point. No Chinese troops could be seen however. Following are excerpts from along and very interesting account of the happenings in Nanking during and after entry of the Japanese troops. This account was written by one of the Americans65 who remained in the city throughout the whole affair, and because of the fear of reprisal by the Japanese upon the foreigners the account has not been given to the press. The excerpts should give a fair idea of the conditions that existed: “You will recall, those of you who have read earlier letters of mine, that our International Committee for Nanking’s Safety Zone had been negotiating with both the Chinese and Japanese for the recognition of a certain area in the city which would be kept free of soldiers and all military offices and which would not be bombed or shelled, a place where the remaining 200,000 of Nanking’s population could take refuge when things became too hot, for it had become quite obvious that the splendid resistance which the Chinese had put up for so long at Shanghai was now broken and their morale now largely gone. ....... “On December 1 Mayor Ma66 virtually turned over to us the administrative responsibilities for the Zone together with the police force of 450 men, 30,000 picules (2,000 tones) of rice, 10,000 bags of flour and some salt, also a promise of $100,000 in cash, $80,000 of which were subsequently received. General Tang, recently executed we have been told, charged with the defense of the city, cooperated splendidly on the whole in the very difficult task of clearing the Zone of the military and anti-aircraft, and a most commendable degree of order was preserved up to the very last moment, when the Japanese began on Sunday the 12th to enter the walls. There was no looting save in a small way by soldiers who were in need of provisions and foreign properties throughout the city were respected. We had city water until the 10th, electricity until the following day, and telephone service actually up to the date the Japanese entered the city. ....... “On December 10th the refugees were streaming into the Zone. We had already filled most of the institutional buildings, Ginling,67 the War College and other schools, and now we had to requisition the Supreme Court, the Law College and the Overseas Building, forcing doors where they were locked and appointing our own caretakers. The Japanese blimps were visible just beyond Purple Mountain, probably to direct artillery fire. Heavy guns were pounding the south wall and shells were dropping into the city. Several shells landed just within the Zone to the south the following morning, killing about forty near the Bible Teachers’ Training School and the Foochong Hotel. 68 Mr. Sperling, 69 our Inspector, a German, was slightly injured at the latter place where he was living. The U.S.S. Panay moved up river, but before it left I had a phone call (the last city

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gate had been closed and we had forfeited our right to go aboard the gunboat) from Paxton70 of our Embassy, giving me the last two navy radiograms to reach Nanking. ....... “We were now a community of 27 – 18 Americans, 5 Germans, 1 Englishman, 1 Austrian and 2 Russians. Out on the river was the Panay with the two remaining Embassy men, Atcheson and Paxton, and half a dozen others; the Standard Oil and Asiatic Petroleum motorships with many more, a hulk which had been fitted out as a sort of a floating hotel and towed upstream with some twenty foreigners including Dr. Rosen of the German Embassy, some 400 Chinese, and other craft. All were looking forward to an early return to the city. ...... “On Sunday I was busy at my desk as Director of the Safety Zone all day long. We were using the former residence of General Chang Chun, recently Minister of Foreign Affairs, as headquarters, so were very comfortably fixed, and incidentally had one of the best bomb-proof dugouts in Nanking. Airplanes had been over us almost constantly for the past few days, but no one heeded them now, and the shell fire had been terrific. The wall had been breached and the damage in the southern part of the city was tremendous. No one will ever know what the Chinese casualties were, but they must have been enormous. The Japanese say they themselves lost 40,000 men in taking Nanking. The general rout must have started early that afternoon. Soldiers streamed through the city from the south, many of them passing through the Zone, but they were well behaved and orderly. General Tang asked our assistance in arranging a truce with the Japanese and Mr. Sperling agreed to take a flag and message, but it was already too late. He (Tang) fled that evening, and as soon as the news got out disorganization became general. There was panic as they made for the gate, Hsiakwan and the river. The road for miles was strewn with equipment they cast away – rifles, ammunition, belts, uniforms, cars, trucks, everything in the way of army impediments. Trucks and cars jammed were overturned, caught fire; at the gate more cars jammed and burned – a terrible holocaust – and the dead lay feet deep. The gate blocked, terror-mad soldiers scaled the walls and let themselves down on the other side with ropes, puttees and belts tied together, clothing torn to strips. Many fell and were killed. But at the river was perhaps the most appalling scene of all. A fleet of junks was there. It was totally inadequate for the horde that was now in a frenzy to cross to the north side. The overcrowded junks capsized; they sank; thousands drowned. Other thousands tried to make rafts of the lumber on the river front, only to suffer the same fate. Other thousands must have succeeded in getting away, but many of those were probably bombed by Japanese planes a day or two later. One small detail of three companies rallied under their officers, crossed the Sanchaho, three miles up the river, and tried to attack the Japanese forces coming from that direction, but were outnumbered and practically decimated. Only one seems to have succeeded in getting back. He happened to be the brother of a friend of mine and appeared in my office the next morning to report the story. A fellow officer had drowned while the two of them were trying to swim the small tributary to the Yangtze which they had crossed before on rafts, and before daylight he had managed to scale the walls and slip in unobserved.

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So ended the happy, peaceful, well ordered, progressive regime which we had been enjoying here in Nanking and on which we had built our hopes for still better days. For the Japanese were already in the city and with them came terror, destruction and death. They were first reported in the Zone at eleven o’clock that morning, just a small detachment at the southern entrance to the Zone. That was the 13th. They showed no hostility, though a few moments later they killed twenty refugees who were frightened by their presence and ran from them. For it seems to be the rule here, as it was in Shanghai in 1932, that anyone who ran must be shot or bayoneted. Meanwhile we were busy at headquarters disarming soldiers who had been unable to escape and had come into the Zone for protection. We assured them that if they gave up their equipment their lives would be spared by the Japanese. But it was a vain promise. All would have preferred to die fighting than to be taken out and shot or sabered or used for bayonet practice as they were later on. There was still some shell fire that day, but very little landed in the Zone. ....... The Communications Building, the most beautiful in all Nanking, with its superb ceremonial hall, was in flames, but whether from shellfire or started by retreating soldiers, we do not know. On Tuesday the 14th the Japanese were pouring into the city – tanks, artillery, infantry, trucks. The reign of terror commenced, and it was to increase in severity and horror with each of the succeeding ten days. ....... A colonel and his staff called at my office and spent an hour trying to learn where the 6,000 disarmed soldiers were. Four times that day Japanese soldiers came and tried to take our cars away. Others in the meantime succeeded in stealing three of our cars that were elsewhere. On Sone’s71 they tore off the American flag, and threw it on the ground, broke a window, and managed to get away, all within the five minutes he had gone into Dr. Thompson’s house. 72....... Durdin of the New York Times started for Shanghai by motor that day, though none of us had much faith that he would get through, I hurriedly wrote a letter for him to take, but he was turned back at Kuyung. Steele of the Chicago Daily News managed to get out to the river and reported that a number of Japanese destroyers had just arrived. A lieutenant gave him the news of the sinking of the Panay, but had no details, nor did he mention the other ships that were sunk. After all their efforts to have us aboard, finally leaving us with a couple of lengths of rope by which we could get down over the wall and to the river, it was ironical indeed that the Panay should be bombed and we still safe. At the staff conference that evening word came that soldiers were taking all 1,300 men in one of our camps near headquarters to shoot them. We knew that there were a number of ex-soldiers among them, but Rabe had been promised by an officer that afternoon that their lives would be spared. It was now all too obvious what they were going to do. The men were lined up and roped together in groups of about 100 by soldiers with bayonets fixed; those who had hats had them roughly torn off and thrown to the ground – and then by the light of our headlights we watched them marched away to their doom. .......

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The problem of transportation became acute on the 16th, with the Japanese still stealing our trucks and cars. I went to the American Embassy where the Chinese staff were still standing by and borrowed Mr. Atcheson’s car for Mills 73 to deliver coal. For our big concentrations of refugees and our three big rice kitchens had to have fuel as well as rice. We now had 25 camps, ranging from 200 to 18,000 people in them. In the University buildings alone there were nearly 30,000 and in Ginling College, which was reserved for women and children, the 3,000 were rapidly increased to over 9,000. ....... That morning the cases of rape began to be reported. Over 100 women that we knew of were taken away by the soldiers, seven of them from the University Library; but there must have been many times that number who were raped in their homes. Hundreds were on the streets trying to find a place of safety. … Friday, December 17th. Robbery, murder, rape continue unabated. A rough estimate would be 1,000 women raped last night and during the day. One poor woman was raped 37 times. Another had her five months infant deliberately smothered by the brute to stop its crying while he raped her. ....... Sunday, the 19th. A day of complete anarchy. Several big fires raging today, started by the soldiers, and more are promised. The American flag was torn down in a number of places. At the American School it was trampled on and a caretaker told he would be killed if he put it up again. ...... Smythe74 and I called again at the Japanese Embassy with a list of 55 additional cases of violence, all authenticated, and told Messrs Taki 75 and Fukui that today was the worst so far. We were assured that they would do their best and hoped that things would be better soon, but it is quite obvious that they have little or no influence with the military whatsoever, and the military have no control over the soldiers. ....... Monday, December 20th. Violence and vandalism continue absolutely unchecked. Whole sections of the city are being systematically burned. At 5 p.m., Smythe and I went for a drive. All Taiping Road, the most important shopping street in the city, was in flames. We drove through showers of sparks and over burning embers. Further south we could see the soldiers inside the shops setting fire to them and still further they were loading the loot into army trucks. ....... December 21st. Fourteen of us called on Tanaka at 2:30 and presented a letter signed by all 22 foreigners protesting the burning of the city and continued disorders. More promises. ....... December 22nd. Firing squad at work very near us at 5 a.m. today. Counted over 100 shots. The University was entered twice during the night, the policemen at the gate held up at the point of a bayonet, and a door broken down. The Japanese military police recently appointed to duty there was asleep. ....... Thursday, December 23rd. Sone was the one to get manhandled today. At Stanley Smith’s76 house he found an officer and a soldier who had just removed the American flag, also the Japanese proclamation, forced the refugees living there out, and said they must use the place as a registration center. He must have had a pretty uncomfortable time of it, for he was finally forced to sign a paper giving them the right to use the place for two weeks. And Sone is not a man to

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take things lying down. A protest to the Embassy finally got the soldiers out of the place. Seventy were taken from our camp at the Rural Leaders’ Training School and shot. No system – soldiers seize any they suspect. Callouses on hands are proof that the man was a soldier, sure death warrant. At noon a man was led to headquarters with head burned cinder-black–eyes and ears gone – nose partly – a ghastly sight. I took him to the hospital in my car where he died a few hours later. His story was that he was one of a gang of some hundred who had been tied together, then gasoline thrown over them and set afire. He happened to be on the outer edge so got the gas only over his head. ....... Friday, December 24th. Mr. Teng77 of the U.S. Embassy reports that the Chinese staff and their relatives, living in the Embassy, were all robbed last night by an officer and his men, Paxton’s office door was bayoneted, three cars stolen from the compound, and two more this morning. ...... December 27th. The third week of Japanese occupation begins and is celebrated with the arrival of a Nishen Keisha ship from Shanghai. Four representatives from the company called at my office and promised that a regular service will soon be established on the river. A number of ladies are in the party and are taken on a sight-seeing trip of the city. ……The soldiers are still completely out of control, and there is no cooperation between the Army and the Embassy and its members are deliberately slighted.78 They are told they are a conquered people and should expect no favors. Our list of disorder and cruelty keeps mounting and those we never hear of must be many times what are reported or observed. ....... December 28th. What we had feared – bad weather. A steady drizzle and then snow. The poor refugees living in the huts, many no larger than a pup tent, will have a miserable time of it, for most of these huts are not rain proof. ....... December 29th. Weather better today, fortunately. Registration continues, most inefficiently, and the people are given no information as to where and when to appear. More taken as ex-soldiers. Women and old men come kneeling and crying, begging our help in getting back their husbands and sons. In a few cases we have been successful, but the military resent any interference from us. Word comes through Hsiakwan by a representative of the Chinese Red Cross Society that there are approximately 20,000 refugees along the river front. ....... December 31st. A comparatively quiet day. For the first time no cases of violence were reported for the night. The Japanese were busy with their New Year preparations. ....... (Signed) J. M. Sheehan Copies to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) FILE.

U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports

PR6/A8-2 (44)

U.S.S. OAHU

161

Nanking, China, 21 February, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 20 February, 1938.79 1. Local Situation. The restrictions upon landing in Nanking have been relaxed to the extent that upon special arrangement each time, one or two officers will be allowed to go ashore occasionally. This means however that they must be met and escorted by an Embassy representative and that they must travel in an Embassy car. A Japanese gendarme always accompanies the car, riding with the driver. Thursday, 17 February, the Commanding Officer and the Medical Officer went ashore for luncheon at the Embassy. The British Embassy representative and the commanding officer of H.M.S. Bee also were present. The relaxation of restrictions and in the general attitude of the Japanese compared with the commanding officer’s trip ashore on 7 January was very noticeable. There were comparatively few soldiers seen and these appeared to be off duty, walking about. Chinese were about the streets, carrying goods and food, and otherwise appearing to have returned to their normal pursuits. The neutral area which in January seemed to be crowded to the limit now is much less crowded, as many of the Chinese have finally accepted the promises of non-molestation by the Japanese and have gone back to their homes. Living conditions at the Embassy are better than at first as the city lighting system is now functioning quite steadily and the central heating system in the buildings is operating. However the city water supply is still very intermittent and unreliable, which makes it necessary to fill all containers each time the water comes on, for use until it comes on again, and makes bathing for personnel rather difficult. Luncheon at the Embassy was punctuated at short intervals by the firing of an anti-aircraft gun established nearby. This firing seemed to be in the nature of a test as no aircraft were in sight. After luncheon the party, in two cars, drove about a few of the principal business streets and then went out of the city to the Sun Yat Sen Memorial. It was noticeable that at the city gates the cars were not stopped for examination by the Japanese sentries but went right through, both inbound and outbound. This procedure was noteworthy, inasmuch as in time of peace, before the present hostilities, the Chinese sentries used to stop every car and bus and check the identity of every passenger. The registration number of every car passing through was recorded also. The business districts seen were completely wrecked, with the exception of one or two small shops. Every building had been burned and while the streets and

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sidewalks were clean and tidy, the space inside the building line was merely heaps of ruins. At the Sun Yat Sen Memorial the party disembarked and proceeded on foot along the roadway. The gateway to the Memorial was undamaged; the Chinese had covered it with bamboo lattice-work and the Memorial itself as seen from the entrance was completely covered and apparently undamaged. The fine country residences all along the road were completely wrecked however. They all had been burned and many showed shellfire effects. There were dugouts, rifle-pits and shallow trenches all about. In the yard of one fine house there was a shallow trench with the bodies of two Chinese soldiers, lying apparently just as they had been shot. The houses must have had much of their furnishings removed beforehand by their owners or by looters, as outside of scattered and broken pieces of furniture there was not much debris of such nature. Canteens, rifle cartridges, caps, bandoliers, and other such articles were found scattered about; but no weapons. Some Chinese steel helmets with bullet holes and the condition of the helmets inside clearly indicating the fate of the owners, were found here and there. Hundreds of small trees had been cut down everywhere and left apparently to form a sort of extensive chevaux-de-frise to hinder the advancing Japanese. The trenches for the most part appeared to be of shallow, hastily-constructed type, about two feet deep, but many showed the influence of foreign instruction in their following of World-War form, with zig-zag lines and deep, well-protected dugouts. The Japanese must have cleaned up much of the battlefield, as outside of the two bodies mentioned previously and one other seen in a shallow trench outside a once-luxurious home, there were no bodies in evidence. There was one mound marked with a board which evidently contained the bodies of Japanese soldiers, as the two gendarmes accompanying the party doffed their caps and “bowed” for some moments before it. These two gendarmes imposed no restrictions on the party’s movements and seemed to be as much interested in sightseeing as any of the others. The officers returned to their respective ships at 1630. There is still no traveling about the city allowed after dark. All vessels in the harbor “darken ship” every night and while the French gunboat Doudart de Lagree was here, anchored about a mile above the city, the authorities requested that the commanding officer “darken ship” also. The British and American ships above the city keep lights burning as usual however, and there seems to be no restriction upon lights in the city, as the Embassy reports that its lights are kept burning as necessary and no request has been received to the contrary. The harbor is practically empty of ships outside of one or two gunboats and one transport. There is manifestly much less activity than heretofore. Mr. Allison of the Embassy reports that there has been a distinct change for the better in the attitude of all the Japanese officials in Nanking. Apparently such a change must have been ordered by high authorities as every official has become very cooperative and courteous, in striking contrast to the arrogant, boorish attitude that was so prevalent.

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The S.S. Wan Tung arrived Sunday, 12 February, from Shanghai with one hundred tons of soy beans for the Chinese refugees in Nanking. This was arranged by the International Relief Committee and the Red Cross, through the Japanese Naval authorities at Shanghai. However when the beans were about to be landed the Army authorities in Nanking refused to allow it inasmuch as, according to their statement, they had not been consulted and had received no notice of any such arrangement. The Wan Tung then departed for Wuhu the next day to survey the condition of the S.S. Tatung, which was bombed when the S.S. Tuckwo was bombed and sunk early in December. In the meanwhile the British Embassy representative has been straightening the matter out with the Army and it is believed that the beans will be landed when the Wan Tung returns. The Oahu brought up 13 two-hundred pound bags of beans, several bags of rice, and some cases of medical supplies for the use of the International Relief Committee, the University Hospital, and other such agencies, and landed the material without any difficulty or objection apparently. 2. Aviation. There has been considerable activity in aviation during the past week. Many A. A. gunfire bursts have been seen from the general direction of Nanking when no planes were visible, leading to the belief that new A. A. guns were being installed and tested in Nanking. On 18 February at about 0817 A. A. bursts were observed over Pukow. Several planes were observed at this time but were too distant to identify. At 0823 – twelve unidentified bombing planes flew from the direction of Nanking and crossed the river headed west. A. A. fire continued at Pukow and about 0840 a column of white smoke was seen on the Pukow side possibly from a bomb explosion. A. A. fire continued until about 0856. About 1015 the same day nine Japanese heavy bombers flew over the ship in a westerly direction. It is thought that this was part of the group that attacked Hankow the same day. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan Copies to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (47)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 28 February, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 27 February, 1938.80 1.Operations.

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Very few Japanese men-of-war have been operating in and out of Nanking during the past week. Practically no transports have been in the harbor until the latter part of the week when several arrived from down river. Rear Admiral Kondo in H.I.J.M.S. Ataka departed up river 25 February presumably for another visit to Wuhu. H.M.S. Cricket arrived from Shanghai 21 February, bringing mail and supplies for ships present. H.M.S. Aphis arrived from Wuhu 22 February to obtain mail and returned to Wuhu the same day. H.M.S. Bee departed for Shanghai 23 February. The S.S. Wan Tung arrived from Wuhu 26 February and apparently succeeded in discharging her cargo of beans for the Chinese refugees in Nanking. British ships full-dressed ship on 22 February following movements of the Oahu. Japanese men-of-war in Nanking dressed-ship for the occasion.81 2. Local Situation. Officers from this vessel made a visit to Nanking 23 February, the visit having been arranged through the Embassy. The condition of Nanking was much the same as reported last week. A visit was made to the battle field near the Sun Yat Sen Memorial. This area had been used as a defense sector apparently to retard the Japanese advance toward the Nanking East Gate. The whole area showed hasty attempts to construct defense works, trenches, dugouts, etc., none of which were completed and none of which could have been used very much. The Generalissimo’s bungalow across the road from the President’s palace was visited while in the Park. This house together with those in the immediate vicinity were completely stripped but none were burned. The houses and lawns were covered with debris, soldiers’ castoff equipment, and the remains of camp fires. President Lin Sen’s82 mansion was in considerably worse condition, the east side showed great gaping holes caused by gun fire. Shallow trenches had been dug around the mansion and some fighting had occurred here because the bodies of two Chinese soldiers were found in a dugout in the front yard. Inside, the mansion was a complete shambles, all useful articles having been removed. Writing on the walls showed that it had been taken over by the Japanese on 12 December. A machine gun nest had been constructed on the upper balcony and in the great reception hall there were remains of camp fires and also the carcass of a horse which had apparently been used for food. The appearance of the whole area revealed the futile attempt of troops alone without adequate backing to stem the advance of the Japanese. It is believed that the Chinese had modern field pieces in the Purple Mountain fortification nearby, but apparently didn’t know how to use them. Of course there was little or no opposition on the part of the Chinese air force. In contrast the Japanese troops were supported by artillery and aircraft. It is believed that artillery spotting was done from old style kite balloons. Large fires sending up huge columns of smoke have been seen on the Pukow side on two days this last week but the location and nature of the fires could not be ascertained.

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The officers of the Oahu had an invitation from American residents of Nanking for a visit on 26 February, but the Japanese authorities would not grant permission. No reason was given, but it is assumed that visits are being limited to about one a week. No progress seems to be made toward allowing men from the American and British ships to land on the river bank immediately abreast of the anchorage, for exercise. As usual no reason can be ascertained for the Japanese refusal to allow such a harmless procedure, but it is surmised that as in the case of refusing permission for the officers to land and other such instances, the Japanese attitude is due to a combination of jealousy in regard to the respective prerogatives of various groups and officials, a desire to impress the requestors with the importance of such decisions and with the authority of these groups, and officials, and in addition perhaps a smoldering suspicion that any such request must have a nefarious, underlying motive. During this past week after the press had announced that General Matsui would be recalled and that General Hata83 would relieve him, one of the Japanese diplomatic officials in Nanking was asked about the matter. He reluctantly admitted that General Matsui was being recalled; but when asked who the relief would be he froze immediately and said that he could not give the information, because it was “a military secret”. (Signed) J. M. Sheehan PR6/A8-2 (73)

U.S.S. OAHU

Enroute Shanghai, China, 13 March, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 13 March, 1938.84

1. Operations. The Oahu departed Shanghai 8 March and arrived Nanking 11 March. Enroute the following Japanese men-of-war were observed: March 10th, near Pitman King Buoy torpedo boats Chidori,85 Manadzuru,86 Tomodzuru,87 Hatsukari,88 and gunboat Katada; at Kiangyin torpedo boat Hayabusa,89 mine layer Nasami90 and net layer Shirataka;91 near Bate Point92 gunboat Atami; near Kowan destroyer Otori; near Chinkiang destroyer Tsuga;93 near Bethune Point destroyer Hasu; near Mud Fort gunboat Hira; at Nanking 11 March gunboats Ataka, Saga94 and Toba. There appeared to be considerably more men-of-war in the river than encountered before and their locations indicated that the lower river is being patrolled very thoroughly. At Kiangyin, the Ex-R.C.S. Ping Hai was observed at anchor near the ExR.C.S. Ning Hai which was still beached opposite the forts. The Ping Hai had been beached since last fall in an unused channel above Chinkiang. She was flying the Japanese ensign and had apparently been salvaged and brought down

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river within the last few days. She appeared in good condition except for a missing foremast and signs of being hard aground by the bow for some time. Above Kowan salvage work was being continued on the Ex-R.C.S. Yat Sen 1,600 ton gunboat. Her stacks and some of her top hamper had been removed and righting arms were set up with cables leading ashore. She was still squarely on her port side, the apparent intention being to pull her upright then to refloat her. 2. Local Situation Nanking. Upon return of the Oahu to Nanking the Embassy staff was contacted and it was learned that conditions were much the same in Nanking as prior to departure. Mr. George Atcheson disembarked at Nanking and after investigating local conditions embarked again for the return trip to Shanghai. 3. Miscellaneous. The following reports from Nagasaki while not confirmed are thought to be reliable. Nagasaki has had food riots during the past few months, much discontent being caused by the shortage of food and sharp rise in prices. It is understood that trouble makers in this particular area are put in so-called “Thought Control Schools”. These schools are apparently something on the order of concentration camps, where patriotism and thought control are practiced. At Nagasaki February 16th a troop ship was embarking soldiers for the war zone. The families of the soldiers had traveled from the interior to see them off and apparently had expected the government to furnish them transportation back to their homes. When they learned that this was not to be forthcoming, the soldiers refused to allow the ship to move. This resistance was finally put down and the soldiers were placed in a camp apparently to await disciplinary action. (Signed) C. R. Jeffs95 Copies to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) STASHIP NANKING (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (95)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 4 April, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 3 April, 1938.96 1.Operations. The Oahu departed Shanghai 30 March, arrived Nanking 1 April, and resumed Station Ship duties at the latter port. 2. Naval and Military.

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167

On 31 March near Tungchow the Ex-R.C.S. Yat Sen was observed being towed down stream by three Japanese tugs and escorted by a Japanese armed trawler. Upon arrival at Kiangyin the Ex-R.C.S. Ping Hai was not in sight, which confirmed news reports that she had been towed to Japan. Salvage work was in progress on the Ex-R.C.S. Ning Hai. With the completion of this salvage, Japan will have added three of China’s best ships to her Navy. Continued activity at Kiangyin indicates at least a rearrangement of artillery there and possibly addition of new guns. The small caliber naval guns which had been removed from Chinese men-of-war and mounted at Kiangyin prior to the fall of the forts were being rearranged. Four of these (probably 4 inch) were observed on Wu Shan near Demodocus Channel. Upstream, on Hsiao Shan some of the guns had been removed. The small caliber Chinese naval guns had been removed from Huang Shan (Kiangyin Point). A rough estimate of the present defenses of Kiangyin Forts is as follows: At Wu Shan - 4 – guns 4” or 5” At Chang Shan - 6 – guns probably 6” At Hsiao Shan - 3 or 4 guns (small caliber) At Huang Shan - 4 – 10” or 12” on top of hill - 4 – 12” at foot of hill (old style hoop guns). It is believed that these defenses are approximately the same as when abandoned by the Chinese. No modern A. A. guns were observed and no mortars, although some of these may have been concealed behind the hills. Hills inland from the river could not be observed but it is thought that at least some of them are fortified. At Silver Island near Chinkiang activity on the hill indicated a change of defenses. A slide had been constructed from the water edge to the fortifications but it could not be determined whether guns were being placed or removed. At Nanking two Japanese seaplane tenders were at anchor in the harbor, one the Notoro flying the flag of Rear Admiral Samejima97 – Rear Admiral of Aircraft. It was learned from Commanding Officer H.M.S. Scarab that a seaplane base had been established inboard of Mei Tzu Chow Island98 above Nanking. Seaplanes have been operating in this area daily. 3. Local Situation Nanking. With the resumption of daily mail service Nanking is slowly assuming a more normal aspect. The new Government has been inaugurated and apparently more Chinese are returning to the city. However foreign business interests are still excluded. It is understood that Japanese business men have opened up a number of small shops in Nanking, but Chinese business is still of the curbstone or street market variety. A Japanese city bus service has been started. A list of shipping in Nanking harbor 3 April is as follows: H.M.S. Bee (arrived from Shanghai with stores) H.M.S. Ladybird (arrived from Wuhu for stores) H.M.S. Scarab. H.I.J.M.S. Noroto99 (Rear Admiral Aircraft) H.I.J.M.S. Wentse Maru100 (Seaplane tender)

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H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi. One Fushimi type gunboat. Minesweepers Nos. 13 and 14 (11th Flotilla) Transport No. 312. Fushimi Maru.101 (Signed) C. R. Jeffs Copies to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) STASHIP NANKING (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (101)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 11 April, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 10 April, 1938.102 1. Review of local situation Nanking 12 December, 1937, to 10 April, 1938. Political. The Japanese occupation of Nanking 12 - 13 December, 1937, ushered in a reign of terror to the former Chinese capital which it is hard for so-called civilized communities to understand. The complete dominance of the Army over the Diplomatic and Navy representatives in the area was one of the outstanding factors in the Japanese occupation. It is not known how many troops were quartered in the city at first, but all reports point to the utter lack of discipline in the divisions stationed in Nanking. Soldiers were allowed to roam at will fully armed, and such organization as did exist at the time was engaged in the execution of Chinese, and the destruction of property. The Chinese city government had been taken over by an International Relief Committee, which sheltered and fed thousands of Chinese in a so-called safety zone. During the first days of occupation, estimated thousands of Chinese men, some former soldiers and some not, were taken out and executed in various barbarous ways, thus solving the prisoner problem for the Japanese. Other activity included the destruction of all Chinese business property, the rape of Chinese women, and the looting of practically all property in Nanking. A local Chinese Autonomous Committee, consisting of nine Chinese, was formally inaugurated January 1st. This committee works under the direction of the Special Service Section of the Japanese Army. The accomplishments of the committee are unknown, but on several occasions it appealed to the International Relief Committee for assistance in such matters as reestablishing the city power service, etc.

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During February, the local situation began to take a turn for the better and Chinese were able to return to their homes. Estimates at this time were that approximately 300,000 Chinese were left in the city. On March 28, the new Reformed Government of Central China was formally inaugurated in Nanking. Elaborate precautions were taken to insure the safety of the officials by protecting them with troops, and preventing Chinese from entering Nanking for several days before the event. It is believed that most of the officials of the new regime have returned to Shanghai and that certain junior members carry on under the direction of the Japanese. The contention is that the Central China Government will eventually be merged with the regime in Peiping. Military. At first, Nanking was used as a base of military operations. Troop movements in and through the city were guarded as closely as possible, but it is known that considerable numbers were quartered in and passed through the city. Also it is known that Nanking was used as a rest camp for troops from the front. About February first, a permanent garrison was stationed at Nanking, and a marked improvement in discipline was noted. It is believed that not more than one division has been maintained in the city since then. Nanking has been used as a military air base, and the January and February raids on Hankow are thought to have originated from here. It is thought that the military airfield is still used by the Army but not to such a great extent as formerly. At least two Chinese air raids on the airfield were reported during February, but the damage was probably slight. Japanese anti-aircraft defenses are thought to be nearing completion. It is known that new A. A. guns were installed in the city and in Pukow during February and March, and that test practices were held. Also, searchlights have been installed in Nanking and Pukow. Searchlight display was held on the night of April 7th. Nanking’s fortifications are not only being manned, but improvements are being made, as ascertained from activity observed on the walls, and from test practices being held from the Nanking Forts. All fortifications are guarded from possible spies even more zealously than the Chinese thought of doing. Naval activity has been limited to apparent cooperation with the Army. The Eleventh Squadron of the Third Fleet, commanded by Rear Admiral Kondo in H.I.J.M.S. Ataka, has been basing in Nanking. This small force has apparently been augmented only by several minesweepers and net layers. Activity observed has been sweeping operations near Kiangyin, patrolling, conducting foreign menof-war through Kiangyin and Mud Fort barriers, standing by during salvage operations on Chinese ships, and operations between Nanking and Wuhu. There is no apparent thought of taking a naval force beyond Wuhu at this particular time. A naval seaplane base was established in Nanking during March. This unit, estimated at a possible 48 observation type seaplanes, is based on two tenders, H.I.J.M.S. Notoro and Wentse Maru anchored at Nanking, and is commanded by Rear Admiral Samejima, Rear Admiral of Aircraft. Activity has been limited to training flights. The first “accident” was noted on April 6th. A plane apparently developed engine trouble, and the aviators “bailed out” at about a thousand feet,

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allowing the plane to crash. Observers state the plane had not gone into a spin. The Oahu boat, on a trip to Nanking, assisted Japanese boats in the rescue of the aviators. This was greatly appreciated by Rear Admiral Samejima, who sent a staff officer to the Oahu immediately to give thanks. Economic. During the first month of occupation no commercial activity was in progress whatsoever. The Chinese refugees were subsisted largely from rice stocks left by the former Nanking government. It was apparent from the beginning that foreign business in Nanking would be definitely limited, if allowed to resume at all. Japanese shops have been opening, and it is estimated that there are about seventy here now. Chinese business is being conducted on a small scale in roadside stands, stocks consisting mostly of looted and cast off articles. No bank has been opened in the city. Japanese shops deal in Yen and the exchange rate has been fixed at one yuan dollar equals seventy sen.103 Chinese merchants will accept either currency. Production of any sort around Nanking is extremely limited. Farm products have been fairly well depleted, and prices are high. The manager of the International Export Company has returned and hopes to resume business of packing ducks and eggs in the large Hogee plant. As far as is known no other foreign business men have returned. Transportation has been limited to train service to Shanghai, controlled by the military, and to Japanese shipping on the river. Mail service has been opened up recently to and from Shanghai, and there are rumors that the telegraph system has been restored. Light and water have been restored in the city for some time, but there is no indication of a resumption of telephone service. Bus service has been started, and there are a number of rickshaws on the streets. Economic conditions, while definitely improved, are still far from normal. (Signed) C. R. Jeffs PR6/A8-2 (106)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 18 April, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 17 April, 1938.104 1. Military. On Sunday, 10 April, 27 heavy bombers took off from the Nanking field during the morning and headed south. Twenty four planes were observed to return about 1700 that afternoon. It may be that this contingent was the one that raided Canton during the day. On 15 April H.I.J.M.S. Hiyordori105 was observed towing H.I.J.M.S. Hira down stream from Nanking. The Hira is a river gunboat and had been at Wuhu.

U. S. Naval Intelligence Reports

171

Reports from Wuhu seem to indicate that this vessel had been disabled by some internal trouble probably to her boilers. She didn’t appear to have been bombed. On 15 and 16 April blasting was observed on Lion Hill Nanking. This leads to the belief that defenses are being altered at this fortification. During the week troop movements have been noted across the river to Pukow. Troop activity along the streets of Nanking and Hsiakwan has been observed on several occasions. It is thus assumed but not confirmed that one or more divisions are being moved northward via the Pukow Tientsin Railway. It is thought that these troops are arriving in Nanking via the railway from Shanghai. Heavy shipments of supplies have been arriving in Nanking via Japanese transports. 2. Local Situation Nanking. The Oahu moved to the new neutral anchorage in Nanking in company with H.M.S. Scarab on 10 April. This anchorage is below Nanking opposite the International Export Company and near the north bank. Enlisted men have been landed in the International Export Company compound for athletics, but they are still not allowed in Nanking or Hsiakwan. Officers are being permitted ashore as before by previous arrangement with Japanese authorities upon each occasion. Mail service between Shanghai and Nanking has been utilized by this vessel during the past ten days and no indication of censorship has been noted. Nanking has been assuming a more normal tone with more and more Chinese appearing in the city. Modest shops are being reopened and quite a bit of rebuilding is in progress in Nanking and Hsiakwan. (Signed) C. R. Jeffs Copy to: CINCAF (ISABEL) (1) COMYANGPAT (2) YANGPAT (1) STASHIP SHANGHAI (1) STASHIP NANKING (1) FILE. PR6/A8-2 (115)

U.S.S. OAHU

Nanking, China, 25 April, 1938.

RESTRICTED. From: Commanding Officer. To: Commander in Chief, U.S. Asiatic Fleet. Subject: Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 24 April, 1938.106 1. Military Operations, Nanking. During the past week Nanking has become a very busy shipping center. Japanese transports have been arriving daily in large numbers, carrying both supplies and troops. An average of 20 transports has been in port each day, the average stay in port being one or two days and then departing down river again. Small craft have been busy plying between ships and shore and between Nanking

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and Pukow. Troops have been ferried from Nanking to Pukow almost constantly. It is not believed that many of these transports have gone as far as Wuhu, however an improvised hospital ship (Maya Maru)107 arrived 20 April and departed upriver the 22nd presumably bound for Wuhu. Small locomotives, flat cars, horses, field pieces, trucks, and various other supplies have been ferried from Nanking to Pukow. It is obvious from the above that the Japanese are planning a drive of some sort up the Pukow Tientsin Railway. It is a conservative estimate to say that at least two or three divisions have been put ashore in Pukow during the past week. There has been some conjecture in local circles as to whether the Japanese strategy is to attempt to join these forces with their army in southern Shantung or to make an attempt on Hankow. One source of information was to the effect that a southern force would sweep across country from Pengpu toward Hankow to be joined by one or more columns coming down from the North. Whether this will be possible in view of the stiff Chinese resistance in southern Shantung, remains to be seen. 2. Aviation. During the past week seaplane activity has been reduced to a minimum in Nanking. The Wentse Maru (seaplane tender) departed down river 23 April, and H.I.J.M.S. Notoro flying flag of Rear Admiral Aircraft, departed down river 24 April, which indicates that Nanking will no longer be used as a seaplane base. 3. Economic. Although Japanese merchants and businessman continue to arrive in Nanking there is no indication of a prospective removal of the present hampering restrictions which keep foreign shipping off the lower Yangtze and foreigners out of Nanking. (Signed) C. R. Jeffs

Appendices

USS Oahu

Log Book, December 19371 United States Ship Oahu, Wednesday, 15 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Anchored in 12 fathoms of water with 45 fathoms of chain to starboard anchor at mileage 221 above Woosung, in Yangtze River, China. Boiler No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. Ships present: H.M.S. Bee (RAY), Ladybird; H.I.J.M.S. Yaeyama (RA), Hodzu, three unknown Japanese destroyers. 0030 Two Japanese Naval Doctors and one Pharmacist’s Mate reported aboard to assist in caring for the Panay survivors. 0115 The following named stretcher cases, survivors of the U.S.S. Panay were carried aboard: Lieutenant Commander J. J. Hughes; Lieutenant A. F. Anders; Lang, J. H. CQM.; Birk, C. H., EMlc., Kozak, A. C., MM2c. Hulsebus, E. W. G., Cox., Ziegler, P.D., SC3c., Schroyer, C. S., S1c., Davis, N. L., F1c., and Mr. Gassie, American Embassy Clerk; Rice, K. W. EM3c., stretcher case aboard H.M.S. Ladybird. Following reported dead: Ensminger, C.L., SK1c., Mr. Sandri, Italian News Correspondent; Mr. Carlson, Master of S.S. Mei An. 0320 Two Japanese Navel Officers made a boarding call. (Signature) R. O. Lucier Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 0520 Japanese Medical Party left ship. Survivors divided between Oahu and H.M.S. Ladybird as follows: to Oahu – officers from U.S.S. Panay: Lieutenant Commander J. J. Hughes, Lieutenant A. F. Anders, Lieutenant (jg) J. W. Geist, Ensign D. H. Biwerse, Lieutenant (MC) C. G. Grazier; following enlisted men from U.S.S. Panay: Mahimann, E. R. CBM., Lang, J. H. CQM., Klumpers, P. H., CMM., Puckett, V. F., CMM., Fisher, E. A., CWT., Truax, H. W., BM1c., Granes, J. A., GM1c., Birk, C. H., EM1c., Wisler, A. R., RM1c., Weber, J. T., Y1c., Hulsebus, E. W. G., Cox., Rice, K. J., EM3c., Ziegler, P. A., SC3c., Coleman, T. A., CPHM., Kozak, A., MM2c., Hennessy, J. N., GM2c., Peck, J. H., QM2c., Davis, N. L., F1c., Schroyer, C. S., Green, C. B., S1c., Kerske, C. H.,

174

Appendices

Cox., Bonkoski, J. A., GM3c., Gerent, M., MM2c., Browning, R. L., Em3c., Johnson, K. H., MM2c., Erh, Y. T., Matt1c., Sung, K. F., Matt1c., Ducey, T., Matt1c., Wong, F. Z., Matt1c.; the following American Embassy Staff: Atcheson, G. Jr., Gassie, E., Robert, F. N., Captain U.S.A.; the following civilians reported aboard: Pickering, J. V., Sherwood, J. B., Mender, P., Jorgensen, B., (Swedish citizen), Blashina, M., Ros, H. (Italian citizen), Alley, N. The following reported aboard H.M.S. Ladybird: enlisted men from U.S.S. Panay: Fichtenmayer, F. G., CM1c., Weimers, G. L., MM1c., Waxler, C. E., BM2c., Adams, C. S., RM2c., Peterson, R., RM2c., Hoyle, W. T., MM2c., Huffman, F. B., WT-2c., Cheatham, W. Cox., Cowden, E. E. Cox., Tenney, J. P., Cox., Rider, M. D., Cox., Spindle, T. M., QM3c., Murphy, J. T., RM3c., Barba, T., SC3c., Dirnhofer, J. A., S1c., Tuck, H. B., S1c., Lander, W. P., S1c., Rinaldi, A., S1c., Hebard, R. R., F1c., Williamson, M. V., F1c., McCabe, W. A., F1c., Branch, E. C., F1c., McEowen, S. W., S1c.; the following civilians: Paxton, J. H. (from American Embassy Staff), James, W., Soong, N. T. F., Squires, R., Goldie (British citizen), Barzini, (Italian citizen), Mayell, E. (British citizen), McDonald, M. C. (British citizen). Following reported in at mission hospital, Wuhu, China: from U.S.S. Panay, Hodge, J. L., F1c., and following civilians: Vines, F. H., Marshall, J. (Signature) R. O. Lucier Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 8 to 12 Mustered crew on stations, no absentees.0920 Commenced preparations for getting underway.0954 Underway to go alongside H.M.S. Bee. 1004 Moored port side to starboard side H.M.S. Bee. 1035 Received boarding call from H.I.J.M.S. Yaeyama; boarding officer informed Captain that two Japanese menof-war were ready to accompany U.S.S. Oahu and H.M.S. Ladybird to Shanghai. 1200 Received the remains of C. L. Ensminger, SK1c., and Mr. Sandri, Italian News Correspondent. Made daily inspection of magazines and tests of smokeless powder samples, conditions normal. (Signature) R. O. Lucier Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 1215 Made preparations for getting underway. 1220 Hennessy, J. H., QM2c. and Peck, J. H., QM2c., left ship for temporary signal duty on board H.I.J.N. Kasasagi. 1258 Underway for Shanghai in accordance Commander Yangtze Patrol despatch 0014 1220 of December, 1937. Captain, Navigator, and Pilot on bridge, Pilot at conn, Standard speed 10 knots. 1305 H.M.S. Ladybird underway. 1330 Hove to and received remains of C. H. Carlson, Master S.S. Mei An and unknown Chinese Quartermaster from Japanese launch. 1346 H.I.J.M.S. Hodzu underway up river.1400 H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi and Otori un-

Appendices

175

derway convoying U.S.S. Oahu and H.M.S. Ladybird down river. Made various courses and speeds conforming to formation. Standard speed 10 knots. 1414 Took station ahead of Ladybird and astern of Kasasagi. 1420 Tan Chia Chi light abeam to starboard. 1507 Hove to and received U.S.S. Panay’s motor sampan from H.M.S. Cricket. 1517 Made standard speed. 1525 Hsia San Shan abeam to starboard. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 16 to 20 Steaming as before, several merchant ships having joined convoy. 1613 Stopped main engines. 1617 Anchored in 15 fathoms of water with 75 fathoms of chain to port anchor at mileage 197 above Woosung, left bank. Several Japanese Army launches stood up river, right bank, and machine gunned two Chinese refugees on a raft. Chinese picked up by H.M.S. Ladybird. Ladybird warned by Kasasagi. 1630 H.M.S. Ladybird moored to port side. 1715 Following American citizens came aboard from Japanese launches: F. T. Durdin, New York Times reporter, A. T. Steele, Chicago Daily News, A. V. Menken, Paramount Newsreel. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 20 to 24 2000 Occasional artillery fire heard from direction of Nanking. 2100 H.I.J. M.S. Otori fired at snipers on north shore. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

United States Ship Oahu, Thursday, 16 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Anchored in 15 fathoms of water with 75 fathoms of chain to port anchor near left bank at mileage 197 above Woosung. H.M.S. Ladybird moored to port side. Men of war present: H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi and Otori. S.S. Wuchang and

176

Appendices

Whangpu in convoy.Boiler No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes.Heard machine gun fire down river throughout watch. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 0630 Made preparations for getting underway.0647 H.M.S. Ladybird underway.0659 Underway in company with H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi, Otori; H.M.S. Ladybird, and two merchant vessels. Standard speed 10 knots, Pilot at conn. Made various courses and speeds conforming to channel and formation. 0720 Passed Nanking city with following men of war at anchor: H.I.J.M.S. Susukazi, Tzuga, Amakaze, Umikaze. 0724 Japanese Mine Layer No. 4 abeam to port anchored near Pukow Ferry. Hsiakwan water front and Pukow showed much evidence of fires and destruction. 0753 Changed Standard speed to 10.8 knots. 0754 Japanese destroyer stood up river. 0757 Changed Standard speed to 10 knots. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 127.15 (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 8 to 12 Streaming as before. 0800 Mustered on stations, no absentees. 0805 Changed Standard speed to 10.8 knots. 0831 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Ataka abeam to port standing up river at mileage 179 above Woosung. 0858 H.I.J.M.S. Mine Sweeper No. 5 abeam to port standing up river at mileage 177 above Woosung. 1012 Passed R.C.S. Ping Hai beached in North Channel below Bethune Point. 1015 Passed Bethune Point beacon abeam to port.1035 Passed Machiakou light beacon abeam to port. 1045 Passed three Japanese patrol boats and two patrol tugs abeam to port standing upriver at mileage 150 above Woosung. 1048 Passed S.S. Ku Kie Maru abeam to port standing up river. 1116 Passed Japanese troops to port (standing up river) being transported in small boats from Chinkiang to north bank of river. Made daily inspection of magazines and smokeless powder samples, conditions normal. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 192. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 Steaming as before. 1340 Stopped at mileage 119 above Woosung while tug contacted H.M.S. Ladybird to deliver mail to H.M.S. Aphis. 1403 Ahead 2/3 proceeding down river. 1410 At mileage 118 above Woosung passed grounded and deserted Chinese gunboat abeam to port. 1518 At mileage 104 above Woosung passed following Japanese ships upbound, all apparently Army trans-

Appendices

177

ports: Iyang Maru, Kashu Maru, Taibun Maru, Miksuki Maru. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 183.05. (Signature) R. O. Lucier, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 16 to 20 Steaming as before.1603 H.I.J.M.S. Hasu abeam to port at mileage 95 above Woosung, standing up river. 1623 Stopped main engines. 1630 Anchored in 7 fathoms of water with 60 fathoms of chain to port anchor at mileage 92 above Woosung. 1634 H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi and Otori anchored. 1700 H.M.S. Ladybird moored to port side. 1705 Secured main engines. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 89.7. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 20 to 24 No remarks.

Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

(Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

United States Ship Oahu, Friday, 17 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Anchored in 7 fathoms of water with 60 fathoms of chain to port anchor at mileage 92 above Woosung, Yangtze River, China.Boiler No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. Men of war present: H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi, Otori: H.M.S. Ladybird moored starboard side to our port side. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 Anchored as before. 0530 Made full preparations for getting underway. 0558 Tested main engines, ship ready for getting underway. The following

178

Appendices

U.S.S. Panay survivors reported on board from H.M.S. Ladybird for transportation to Shanghai: Fichenmayer, F. G. CM1c., Weimers, G. L. MM1c., Waxler, C. E. BM2c., Adams, C. S., RM2c., Peterson, R. RM2c., Hoyle, W. T. MM2c., Huffman, F. R. WT2c., Cheatham, W., Cox., Cowden, E. E. Cox., Tenny, V. P. Cox., Rider, M. D. Cox., Spindle, T. M., QM3c., Murphy, J. T. RM3c., Barba, T. SC3c., Dirnhofer, J. A. S1c., Tuck, H.B. S1c., Landers, W. R. S1c., Rinaldi, A. S1c., Hebard, R. R. F1c., Williamson, M. V., F1c., McCabe, W. A. F1c., Branch, E. C. FLC., McEowen, S. W., SLC., and the following civilians: Paxton, J. H., U.S. Embassy Official, James, W. and Soong, N. 0501 H.M.S. Ladybird underway from alongside. 0613 Underway enroute Shanghai, China, in company with H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi, Otori, H.M.S. Ladybird and convoy of merchant vessels. Standard speed 10 knots. 0644 Japanese naval transport abeam to port, at anchor. 0649 Passed R.C.S. Ning Hai sunk near left bank above Kiangyin Forts. 0704 Convoyed through barrier by Japanese gunboat and mine sweeper at Kiangyin Forts. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 181.1. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 8 to 12 Steaming as before.0800 Mustered Oahu and Panay crews on stations, no absentees.0800 Passed Big Tree abeam to port, Fu Chiang Sha channel barrier apparently along Ju Kao Reach. 0820 Japanese mine sweeper left the convoy and headed upriver. 0912 Light buoy abeam to starboard. From observations Japanese have apparently replaced navigational aids in river in same positions they were placed before removed by the Chinese, the buoys passed are hereafter given the same names as the buoys which previously occupied the same position. 0936 Passed Fatch buoy abeam to port. 1008 Passed Steep buoy abeam to port. 1053 Passed Cowes buoy abeam to starboard. 1138 Passed Centaur lower buoy abeam to port.Made daily inspection of magazines and tests of smokeless power samples, conditions normal. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 208.5. (Signature) R. O. Lucier, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 Steaming as before. 1202 H.I.J.M.S. Tsuga passed abeam to port headed downriver. 1230 Light buoy abeam to port. 1250 Dove’s Nest upper buoy abeam to starboard. 1329 Dove’s Nest Lower buoy abeam to port. 1359 S. E. Spit buoy abeam to starboard. 1407 Bridge buoy abeam to port. Made various courses and speeds following formation and channel. 1435 Sighted about 20 Japanese transports and three hospital ships at anchor near Woosung. 1453 Left formation and stopped to pick up Pilot A. E. Jackson of the Shanghai Pilot’s Association. 1454 Made standard speed and joined formation. H.M.S. Ladybird ahead.1542 Pass-

Appendices

179

ed Kajou Creek abeam to starboard. 1525 U.S.S. Augusta’s motor boat came alongside and members of Court of Inquiry came on board. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 16 to 18 Steaming as before on various courses and speeds entering Shanghai harbor.1600 Tangkow Creek abeam to port. 1611 U.S.S. Peary, Stewart and Parrott abeam to port secured near Standard Vacuum Oil Company Installation. 1624 H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi abeam to starboard convoying completed. 1625 U.S.S. Bridge and Pope abeam to port. 1634 Two Japanese men of war abeam to port. 1637 H.I.J.M.S. Idzumo flying flag of Vice Admiral abeam to starboard. 1643 Moored port side to port side U.S.S. Augusta at Garden Bend Shanghai. 1653 Secured main engines. Pilot A. E. Jackson left ship. 1705 An official from the Italian Embassy made an official call. 1705 The Japanese Vice Consul and Navy Officers made an official call on Commanding Officer to express condolences for sinking of U.S.S. Panay. 1739 Following stretcher cases transferred via Augusta’s motor launch as follows: Emile Gassie, Embassy Clerk and E. W. G. Hulsebus, Cox., U.S.N. to Country Hospital and R. J. Rice EM3c., and C. S. Schroyer S1c., to Marine Brigade Hospital. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 18 to 20 1810 The following were transferred to the U.S.S. Augusta: Officers from the U.S.S. Panay; Lieutenant Commander J. J. Hughes, Lieutenant A. F. Anders, Lieutenant (ig) J. W. Geist, Ensign D. H. Biwerse, Lieutenant (MC), C. G. Grazier; following named men from the U.S.S. Panay were transferred to the Augusta; Melhman, H. R. CBM., Lang, J. H. CQM., Klumpers, F. H., CMM., Puckett, V. F. CMM., Fisher, E. F. CWT. Coleman, G. A. CPHM., Truax, R. E. BM1c., Granes, J. A. CM1c., Birk, C. R. EM1c., Wisler, A. R. RM1c., Fichtenmayer, F. G. CM1c., Weimers, C. L, MM1c., Waxler, C. E. BM1c., Adams, C. S. RM2c., Peterson, R. RM2c., Gerent, M. MM2c., Hoyler, W. C. MM2c., Kozak, A. MM2c., Johnson, H. K. M, MM2c., Huffman, F. B., WT2c., Cheatham, W. Cox., Cowden, E. E. Cox., Kerske, C. H. Cox., Tenny, J. P. Cox., Rider, M. D. Cox., Bonkoski, J. A. CM3c., Spindle, T. M. QM3c., Browning, R. L. EM3c., Murphy, J. T. RM3c., Zeigler, P. D. SC3c., Barba, T. SC3c., McEowen, S. W. S1c., Durnhofer, J. A. S1c., Green, C. B. S1c., Tuck, H. B. S1c., Lander, W. P. S1c., Rinalda, A. S1c., Davis, N. L. F1c., Hebard, R. R. F1c., Williamson, M. B. F1c., McCabe, W. A. F1c., Branch, F. C. F1c., Erh, Y. T. Matt1c., Deucy, T. Matt1c., Sung, K. F. Matt1c., Woung, F. Z. Matt1c., follow-

180

Appendices

ing American Embassy staff left the ship Atcheson, G. Jr., Paxton, J. H., Roberts, F. N. Captain, U.S.A., following civilians left the ship: Alley, N., Blasina, M., Jorgensen, B., Mender, P., Pickering, J. V., Sherwood, J. B., Ros, H. 1830 The bodies of the following named men were taken ashore in the Augusta’s motor launch: Ensminger, C. L., SK1c., of the U.S. Panay, Carlson, C. H., Sandri, L. (Italian citizen), and unknown Chinese. 1835 Hennessey, J. M. GM2c., and Peck, J. H. QM2c., reported aboard from H.I.J.M.S. Kasasagi and were transferred to the Augusta; following civilians left the ship; James, W., Soong, N., all transfers made by authority of Commander in Chief Asiatic Fleet despatch 0015 1625 of December 1937. (Signature) R. O. Lucier, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 20 to 24 No remarks.

Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

(Signature) R. O. Lucier, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

United States Ship Oahu, Tuesday, 28 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Moored port side to port side U.S.S. Augusta at Garden Bend, Shanghai, China.Boiler No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. Men of war present: (CINC A. F.) in U.S.S. Augusta, Bridge, Parrott; H.M.S. Folkestone, Ladybird; R.F.S. Lamotte Ficquet, Tahure; R.I.N.S. Lepanto, Monte Cuccoli, Ermanno Carlotto; H.I.J.M.S. Idzumo, Hira, Otori, Kasasagi, Asahi. (Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 0635 Lieutenant B. F. Brandt, U.S. Navy, left the ship in accordance with Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet orders Serial No. 9842 of 23 of December 1937, to report on board S.S. Saucy for temporary duty with salvage party;

Appendices

181

Mehlhaff, Wilfred A., RM3c., left the ship in accordance with Commander in Chief Asiatic Fleet despatch 0524 1355 of December 1937, to report on board S.S. Saucy for temporary duty with salvage party. 0640 H. L. Arnold, Shanghai pilot, reported on board for duty; made all preparations for getting underway. 0645 The following passengers came aboard for transportation to Nanking, China, in accordance with Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet verbal orders: J. M. Allison, 3rd Secretary, U.S. Embassy, Nanking; James Espy, American Vice Consul; A. A. McFadyen, Embassy clerk; Fritz Liu, manager U.S. Naval Club; Wong Dou Ho, U.S. Naval Club waiter; and Captain T. R. Shellman and A. D. Murphy, Standard-Vacuum Oil Company officials for Hohsien. 0654 Underway for Nanking in accordance with Commander in Chief Asiatic Fleet despatch 1127 1100 of December 1937, Captain on the bridge, Pilot conning. Standard speed 10.8 knots; steaming on various courses to conform with river channel. (Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 8 to 12 Steaming as before at standard speed, 10.8 knots. 0800 Mustered crew on stations, no absentees. 0806 Moored starboard side to Texaco Oil pontoon. 0809 Secured main engines. 0835 Commenced fueling ship. 1000 Ceased fueling and Texaco fuel lighter moored between ship and pontoon. 1055 Resumed fueling, taking fuel from lighter. Made daily inspection of magazines and smokeless power samples, conditions normal. (Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 1229 Japanese Mine Layer No. 1 stood up river. 1435 H. L. Arnold, Shanghai pilot left the ship duty completed. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 16 to 20 1728 Completed fueling, received 12,929 gallons. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 20 to 24 No remarks.

(Signature) G. A. Moore,

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Appendices

Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

United States Ship Oahu, Wednesday, 29 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Moored starboard side to Texaco Company pontoon, lower Whangpoo River, China.Boiler No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 0730 Made preparations for getting underway. 0754 Underway for Nanking in accordance with Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet despatch 1127 1100 of December, 1937. Captain, Navigator and Chinese Pilot on bridge.Pilot at conn. Standard speed 10.8 knots, making various courses conforming to channel. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 8 to 12 Steaming as before. 0800 Mustered crew on stations, no absentees. Made daily inspection of magazines and smokeless powder samples, conditions normal. 0801 No. 2 Buoy abeam to port. 0810 No. 3 Buoy abeam to port. 0824 Fort Buoy abeam to port. 0830 Passed Lismore Buoy abeam to starboard. 0833 Changed standard speed to 10 knots, 192 R.P.M. – Salvage tug Saucy in company astern. Made various courses heading up Yangtze River. 0835 Observed Japanese cruiser and 15 transports anchored off Woosung. 0912 Bridge Buoy abeam to starboard. 0923 N. E. Spit Buoy abeam to port. 0945 Dove’s Nest Lower Buoy abeam to starboard. 1013 Dove’s Nest Upper Buoy abeam to port. 1043 Centaur Lower Buoy abeam to port. 1100 Centaur Upper Buoy abeam to starboard. 1113 Knuckle Buoy abeam to port. 1125 H.I.J.M.S. Saga abeam to port down bound. 1133 Corner Buoy abeam to port. 1135 H.I.J.M.S. Katada passed abeam to port up bound. 1147 Plover Buoy abeam to port. Note: Chinese navigational aids have in most cases been replaced by Japanese substitutions.

Appendices

183

Original names have been used according charts on board. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 194.4. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 Steaming as before. 1211 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Hira abeam to port standing down river. 1220 Steep Light Buoy abeam to starboard. 1229 Branch Light Buoy abeam to port. 1256 Patch Light Buoy abeam to starboard. 1314 Anchored in 9 fathoms of water with 45 fathoms of chain to the starboard anchor at mileage 57 above Woosung, China, in Yangtze River. 1320 Tug Saucy anchored 500 yards up stream from Oahu. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 175. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 16 to 20 No remarks.

20 to 24 No remarks.

Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

(Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy.

(Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

United States Ship Oahu, Thursday, 30 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Anchored in 9 fathoms of water with 45 fathoms of chain to the starboard anchor at mileage 57 above Woosung, China, in Yangtze River.Boiler number 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. (Signature)

184

Appendices

R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 0625 Made full preparations for getting underway. 0647 Tested main engines, ship ready for getting underway. 0659 Underway upriver, Captain and Pilot on bridge, Pilot conning. Standard speed 10 knots, 192 R.P.M. Boiler No. 2 in use for steaming purposes. Draft 6’ 10” forward, 6’ 11” aft. 0659 Tug Saucy got underway and took station 500 yards astern. 0707 Chingtien Rocks Light Buoy abeam to starboard. 0728 Pitman King Light Buoy abeam to port. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 191. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 8 to 12 Steaming as before, standard speed 10 knots. 0800 Mustered crew on stations, no absentees. 0811 Unidentified Japanese destroyer passed to port, bound upstream. 0814 Slowed to 1/3 speed. 0816 All engines ahead standard; in company with Japanese mine layer #5; commenced varying speed to conform with speed of mine layer. 0819 Crossing Light Buoy abeam to starboard. 0907 Big Tree Light Buoy abeam to starboard. 1159 Passed H.M.S. Cricket abeam to port standing downriver at mileage 100 above Woosung. Made daily inspection of magazines and smokeless powder samples, conditions normal;. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 196.3. (Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 Steaming as before.Made various courses and speeds conforming to formation and channel. 1428 Stopped engines, delivered package of dry cells to tender from S.S. Hanwo. 1432 Underway and resumed speed in formation. 1437 Passed unknown Japanese gunboat at anchor near Kowan. 1455 H.I.J.M.S. Kuri passed abeam to port unbound. 1530 Passed Cinimu Creek abeam to starboard. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 199.6. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 16 to 20 Steaming as before. 1617 Anchored in 5 fathoms of water with 30 fathoms of chain to the starboard anchor at mileage 135.9 above Woosung, China. 1618 H.I.J.M.S. Minelayer #5 anchored 500 yards upriver from Oahu – Tug Saucy anchored 800 yards downriver from Oahu. 1435 Secured main engines. Boiler

Appendices

185

No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 170.8. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 20 to 24 No remarks.

Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

(Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

United States Ship Oahu, Friday, 31 December, 1937 Description -8

REMARKS

0 to 4 Anchored in the Yangtze River, China, at mileage 135.9 above Woosung, in 5 fathoms of water with 30 fathoms of chain to the starboard anchor.Boiler No. 2 in use for auxiliary purposes. Men of war present: H.I.J.M.S. Minelayer #5. (Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 4 to 8 Anchored as before. 0700 Made all preparations for getting underway. 0715 Japanese destroyer division #24 (Yamakaze, Susakase, Kahakase and Umikase) passed down bound. 0716 Tested main engines; ship ready for getting underway. 0728 Underway in company with H.I.J.M.S. Minelayer #5 and S.S. Saucy, standard speed 10 knots, 192 R.P.M. Boiler No. 2 in use. Captain and Pilot on the bridge, Pilot conning.Making various speeds to keep station on Minelayer. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 184.5. (Signature) T. R. Hine, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy.

186

Appendices

8 to 12 Steaming as before. 0800 Mustered crew on stations, no absentees. Made daily inspection of magazines and smokeless powder samples, conditions normal.0843 Feather Island abeam to port.0850 Chinkiang abeam to port. 0955 Machiakou Buoy abeam to port. 1014 H.I.J.M.S. Atami abeam to port down bound. 1024 Bethune Point beacon abeam to starboard.1128 Morrison Point abeam to port. 1158 Slowed to 1/3 speed as precaution approaching mine field near Mud Fort. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 193.7. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 12 to 16 Steaming as before. 1216 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Minesweepers Nos. 4, 6, and 3 abeam to starboard. 1256 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Hasa abeam to port, at mileage 180 above Woosung. 1420 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Tsuga abeam to port. 1429 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Hayabusi abeam to starboard. 1431 Passed H.I.J.M.S. Hiyodori abeam to starboard. 1446 Anchored in 8 fathoms of water with 45 fathoms of chain to the starboard anchor above Nanking, China, at mileage 197 above Woosung. 1450 Tug Saucy anchored 500 yards off the port beam. 1453 Received boarding call from H.M.S. Bee. 1456 Made official boarding call on H.M.S. Bee. Average steam 200 lbs., average R.P.M. 196.4. (Signature) R. E. de la Barre, Lieutenant (jg), U.S. Navy. 16 to 20 1640 H.M.S. Scarab stood in from up river and anchored. (Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. 20 to 24 No remarks.

Approved: (Signature) J. M. Sheehan Lieut-Comdr., U.S. Navy Commanding

(Signature) G. A. Moore, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy. Examined: (Signature) G. A. Moore Lieutenant

Appendices

187

Photographs of Executions byJapanese Armed Forces Since the Sino-Japanese hostilities started in the summer of 1937, Japanese atrocities had been repeatedly reported by Western journalists and diplomats. A. T. Steele of TheChicago Daily News reported on December 15, 1937 that the capture of Nanjing was “followed by a reign of terror by the conquering army that cost thousands of lives, many of them innocent ones. … It was like killing sheep.” 2 Frank Tillman Durdin, TheNew York Times correspondent, wrote on December 18: “In taking over Nanking the Japanese indulged in slaughters, looting and raping exceeding in barbarity any atrocities committed up to that time in the course of the Sino-Japanese hostilities. The unrestrained cruelties of the Japanese are to be compared only with the vandalism in the Dark Ages in Europe or the brutalities of medieval Asiatic conquerors.”3U.S. Consul-General at Shanghai, Clarence E. Gauss, cabled a dispatch to Secretary of State Cordell Hull,aboutJapanese atrocities in Shanghai:“With reference to Nantao, American doctors and missionaries report a number of cases of rape, the shooting of approximately eighty Chinese civilians.” 4 John M. Alison reported Japanese atrocities in Wuhu: “‘ruthless treatment and slaughter of civilians and wanton looting and destruction’ of private property in the city.” 5 Alison wrote after arriving in Nanjing, “American residents with whom I had lunch tell an appalling story of wanton killing of civilian Chinese and violation of women, some taking place in American property.” 6 Archibald Alexander McFadyen, an American medical missionary in Xuzhou, reported in July 1938, “we treated a young man whose neck had been cut more than a third of the way through and in addition, rags soaked in gasoline had been burned on his back. He was the only one that escaped with his life, out of 82 that were caught in his village. ”7While transmitting MaFadyen’s report Frank Pruit Lockhart, U.S. Consul-General at Shanghai, pointed out, “the orgy of looting, raping, drinking and murder which marked the entry of the Japanese forces into Nanking was duplicated at Hsuchow. It seems reasonable to assume, therefore, that, whatever may be the cause, such tendencies are characteristic in the Japanese Army.”8 While Japanese troops’ atrocious behaviors continued, American diplomats collected more evidence. On September 16, 1938, Lockhart dispatched a report 9 to Secretary of State, transmitting 13 photos of Japanese atrocities. Lockhart indicated that these photos were obtained from a creditable source and most of the photos were taken by Japanese soldiers on execution grounds. Meanwhile, he provided illustrious words for each photo. American diplomats collected image evidence and transmitted the photos to Washington D.C. to further support and substantiate their previous written reports.

188

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190

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192

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194

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196

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Introduction 1

“‘Kidnapped’ Japanese Turns up a Deserter,” New York Times, July 29, 1937, p. 3. James Espy, “The Conditions at Nanking, Jan. 1938,” Jan. 25, 1938, p. 8, Department of State File No. 793.94/12674, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 51, Record Group (RG) 59, 1930-1939 Central Decimal File, General Records of the Department of State, the National Archives II, College Park, Maryland. 3 C. Yates M’Daniel, “Newsman’s Diary Describes Horrors of War in Nanking,” Seattle Daily Times, Dec. 17, 1937, p. 12. 4 R. John Pritchard and Sonia Magbanua Zaide, The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, Vol. XX Judgment and Annexes, New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1981, p. 49, 608. 5 R. John Pritchard and Sonia Magbanua Zaide, The Tokyo War Crimes Trial, Vol. XX Judgment and Annexes, pp. 49,605-49,606. 6 Wilson Plumer Mills, A letter to his wife Nina, Jan. 10, 1938, Box 141, RG8, Special Collection, Yale Divinity School Library, New Haven, Connecticut. 7 J. Espy, “The Conditions at Nanking, January 1938,” Jan. 25, 1938, p. 10. 8 M. S. Bates, A letter to his wife Lilliath, Jan. 9, 1938, Folder 8, Box 1, RG10, Special Collection, Yale Divinity School Library. 9 J. Espy, “The Conditions at Nanking, January 1938,” Jan. 25, 1938, pp. 12-13. 10 H. L. Sone, A letter to P. F. Price, Jan.16,1938. Methodist Church, 1912-49, Nanking Theological Seminary, Roll No. 85, Scholarly Resources, Wilmington, Delaware. 11 “Airmen Fell Diplomat near Shanghai,” Washington Post, Aug. 27, 1937, pp. 1 & 3 and “British Note Rebukes Japan,” Christian Science Monitor, Aug. 30, 1937, p. 2. 12 “Chiang Masses Fresh 200,000 about Nanking,” Washington Post, Nov. 19, 1937, p.3. 13 “Americans Ready to Leave Nanking,” New York Times, Nov. 17, 1937, p. 5. 14 “Britain Plans to Move Her Embassy to Shanghai,” NYT, Dec. 4, 1937, p. 1. 15 “British Envoys Confer,” NYT, Dec. 5, 1937, p. 11, and “Japs Push into 2 More Cities in Nanking Area,” Chicago Daily Tribune, Dec. 10, 1937, p. 10. 16 William Alexander Lovat-Fraser, “The Capture of Nanking,” Jan. 3, 1938, p. 10, File 1751, FO371/22043, Foreign Office, Political Department, General Correspondence 1906-66, Public Record Office (PRO), London. 17 James Ian Murray Ashby, Proceedings, Dec. 12, 1937, ADM116/3881, Records of the Admiralty, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 18 Martin H. Brice, The Royal Navy and the Sino-Japanese Incident, 1937-41, London: Ian Allan, 1973, pp. 58-59. 19 Ivor E. L. Mackey, “Nanking Evacuation,,” p. 3, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, & J. I.M. Ashby, Proceedings, Dec.12, 1937, ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 20 J. I. M. Ashby, Proceedings, Dec. 12, 1937. 21 Harold Thomas Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Dec. 17, 1937, ADM116/3675, China Station, Yangtze Squadron General Letters, 1935-37, PRO. 22 John Mitchell Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 Dec., 1937, Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, Records of the Office of the Chief of Naval 2

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Notes

Operations, General Correspondence of Naval Intelligence, 1929-42, the National Archives, Washington, D.C. 23 Ibid.& Sheehan, “Nanking,” US Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, (Sept. 1943): 1193. 24 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 Dec., 1937. 25 Chief of staff, HMS Bee, A telegram to Vice Admiral, Yangtze, Dec. 18, 1937, ADM 116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 26 John Moore Allison, Unnumbered Telegram to Secretary of State, 6 p.m., Dec. 31. 1937, 793.94/11921, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 48, RG59, National Archives II. 27 H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Jan. 31, 1938, p. 3, ADM1/9558, PRO. 28 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 11, 1938, File 478, FO 371/22144, PRO. 29 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, 5:18 p.m. Jan. 13, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 30 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 15, 1938, ADM 116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 31 Senior Naval Officer, Nanking, A telegram to Rear Admiral, Yangtze, Jan. 14, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 32 Consul at Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 18, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 33 Consul at Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy, Jan. 21, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 34 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 18, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 35 Consul Nanking, A telegram to the British Embassy in Shanghai, Jan. 17, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 36 Robert George Howe, No. 128 telegram, Jan. 22, 1938, FO 371/22085, PRO. 37 R. G. Howe, No. 220 telegram to the Foreign Office, Feb. 1, 1938, File 1371, FO 371/22146, Public Record Office. 38 H.I. Prideaux-Brune, “Situation at Nanking, Chinese Refugees at Present under British Protection,” Jan. 31, 1938, File 2818, FO371/22152, PRO. 39 M. S. Bates, Jan. 10, 1938, A letter to friends, in R. G. Howe’s confidential bag to the Foreign Office transmitted on Jan. 24, 1938, File 2334, FO371/22146, PRO. 40 Ernest William Jeffery, No. 54 telegram, Feb. 18, 1938 in R. G. Howe’s No. 348 telegram, Feb. 20, 1938, ADM 116/3941, Sino-Japanese Hostilities, Japanese Restrictions on Navigation on the Yangtze, 1937-39, PRO. 41 E. W. Jeffery, “Report on Conditions at Nanking dated May 3rd, 1938,” File 7116, FO371/22155, PRO. 42 E. W. Jeffery, “Report on Conditions at Nanking dated Aug. 18th, 1938,” File 10385, FO371/22155, PRO. 43 E. W. Jeffery, “Report on Conditions at Nanking dated Nov. 4th, 1938,” File 13815, FO371/22156, PRO. 44 J. Kinloch, “Notes on Visit to Nanking,” File 11032, FO371/22155, PRO. 45 T. S. H. Hoey, “Notes on a Trip to Nanking,” File 12571, FO371/22155, PRO. 46 Martin H. Brice, The Royal Navy and the Sino-Japanese Incident, 1937-41, p. 27. 47 Chief of staff, HMS Bee, Telegram to Vice Admiral, Yangtze, Dec. 18, 1937. 48 Suping Lu, They Were in Nanjing: The Nanjing Massacre Witnessed by American and British Nationals, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004, p. 251. 49 H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, December 31, 1937, ADM1/9558, Naval Station, Yangtze General Letters: Proceedings, 1937-38, PRO.

Notes

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50

J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 9 Jan., 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG 38, the National Archives. 51 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending 30 Jan., 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 52 H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Jan. 31, 1937, ADM1/9558, and SNO, Telegram to Rear Admiral, Yangtze, Jan. 6, 1938, ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 53 H. T. Armstrong, Report of Proceedings, Feb. 28, 1938, ADM1/9558, PRO. 54 H. T. Armstrong, Conditions on Lower Yangtze, March 13, 1937, ADM1/9558, PRO. 55 G. A. Moore, Remarks for 0 to 4 o’clock, December 16, 1937, USS Oahu Log Book, 1937, the National Archives. 56 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for the week ending 19 Dec., 1937. 57 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” US Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1193. 58 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 2, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, the National Archives. 59 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 9, 1938. 60 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” US Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1194. 61 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 16, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 62 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” US Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1194. 63 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Feb. 20, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 64 J. M. Sheehan, “Nanking,” US Naval Institute Proceedings, 69, p. 1195. 65 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 23, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 66 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Jan. 30, 1938. 67 J. M. Sheehan, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending Feb. 13, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 68 Charles Richardson Jeffs, Weekly Intelligence Summary for week ending April 10, 1938, Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 69 J. M. Allison, No. 9 Telegram, 9 a.m., January 9, 1937, 124.932/552, Box 815, RG59, and No. 28 Telegram, 2 p.m., Jan. 19, 1937, 124.932/564, Diplomatic Posts, China, Vol. 2172 (Nanking 1938, Vol. XIII), RG84, Records of Foreign Service Posts of the Department of State, National Archives II.

1 The Fall of Nanjing 1

ADM116/3882, Records of the Admiralty, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. The China Navigation Company (CNC, 太古輪船公司), owned by Butterfield & Swire, was a shipping company founded in 1872 in London by John Samuel Swire (1825-1898), initially transporting passengers and cargo along the Yangtze from its base in Shanghai. 3 Butterfield & Swire Company (太古洋行), established in 1832 known as John Swire & Sons in UK, started doing business in textile products, and later shifted to shipping, sugar making and ship manufacturing. 4 British Consul at Nanjing was Humphrey Ingelram Prideaux-Brune. Born on Nov. 16, 1886, Humphrey Ingelram Prideaux-Brune (1886-1979) was educated at University College, Oxford University, and started his diplomatic career as a student interpreter in China in 1911. After serving at posts in Beijing, Shanghai, Ningbo (寧波), Tianjin (天津), Tangshan ( 唐 山 ), Weihaiwei ( 威 海 衞 ), Qingdao ( 青 島 ), and Ji’nan ( 濟 南 ), he was appointed Chinese secretary to H.M. Diplomatic Mission at Nanjing, with the local rank of first secretary in March 1935. On Jan. 9, 1938, he led his consular group members, 2

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Notes

William Alexander Lovat-Fraser, military attaché, and J. S. Wasler, air force attaché, back to Nanjing to reopen the British Embassy. He left Nanjing for Shanghai on Jan. 29, 1938 and was appointed acting Chinese counselor at Shanghai in October 1938. He was Chinese relations officer in India in 1943, and retired in 1945. He died on Dec. 12, 1979, in Lindfield, West Sussex, England. 5 San Cha Ho (Sancha He, 三叉河) is a small river, and it also refers to the riverfront area around the river west of city walls. 6 Ivor E. L. Mackey, author of this report, was the representative of Butterfield & Swire Co. in Nanjing. 7 HMS Cricket, as well as HMS Aphis, HMS Bee, HMS Ladybird, and HMS Scarab are Insect Class Yangtze Patrol gunboats of the British fleet in China known as China Station. HMS Cricket, 645 tons, built by Barclay Curle in Glasgow, Scotland, was launched in Dec., 1915. During WWI, Cricket took part in the Mesopotamian Campaign, operating on the Euphrates and Tigris. She joined China Station in 1920 and served in China until 1940, when she was transferred to the Mediterranean. In June 1941, Cricket was crippled in an air attack near Mersa Matruh, Egypt, and was decommissioned. 8 Steam ship (SS) Whangpu (黄埔), 3,204 tons, was one of the Butterfield & Swire Co.’s passenger ships on the Shanghai-Hankou line. 9 Hankow (Hankou, 漢口) is one of the three sections of Wuhan (武漢), the capital of Hubei (湖北) Province in Central China. 10 Steam ship Wantung (萬通), 1,114 tons, was one of the Butterfield & Swire Co.’s passenger ships on the Yichang (宜昌)-Chongqing (重慶) line. 11 Steam tug Taikoo (太古) was one of the ships named after Butterfield & Swire Co.’s Chinese name 太古. Taikoo No.1 to No. 37 were all tug boats. 12 Taikoo Sugar Refinery (T.S.R., 太古糖房), affiliated with Butterfield& Swire Co., was established in 1882. 13 Hsiakwan (Xiaguan, 下關), northwestern riverfront area outside Nanjing’s city walls. 14 Pukow (Pukou, 浦口), a district of Nanjing on the north bank across the Yangtze. 15 Jardine Matheson & Company ( 怡和洋行 ) was established by William Jardine and James Matheson in 1832 to smuggle opium into China. When China’s Qing Government banned the import of opium, Jardine Matheson & Co. played an important role in lobbying the British Government to launch the 1840 Opium War. After making huge profits from the opium business, the company evolved into a multi-national corporation. Headquarters was located in Shanghai until 1949 when it was moved to Hong Kong, then relocated to Bermuda before Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997. 16 HMS Scarab, 625 tons, built by Wood Skinner at Newcastle, England, was launched in Oct. 1915. She was deployed in 1917-18 to operate on the Danube, based at Bucharest, Romania. She joined the China Station in 1919, patrolling the Yangtze. After 1940, she was deployed at Hong Kong and Singapore until 1943 when she was transferred to the Mediterranean in support of the Sicily Campaign. Scarab returned to Singapore in Aug. 1945, and was sold for scrap in May 1948. 17 Steam tug Shunwo (順和) was a Jardine Matheson & Co.’s ship on the Yangtze. 18 The Asiatic Petroleum Company (亜細亜火油公司). In 1883 Marcus Samuel founded Shell in London, as a small import/export shop, providing seashells to customers. The company expanded in 1892 to include transporting petroleum products. Meanwhile a Dutch company, N.V. Koninklijke Nederlandsche Maatschappij tot Explotatie van Petroleum-bronnen in Nederlandsch-Indië, was buying up oilfields and building its own tankers in direct competition with Shell. In 1903, the two merged to form the Asiatic Petroleum Company, later Royal Dutch/Shell. 19 Rosina Beacon was also known as Hsiasanshan (Xiasanshan) Beacon (下三山燈塔).

Notes 20

207

USS Panay and USS Oahu were both US Yangtze patrol gunboats. USS Panay, 482 tons, built at Jiangnan Shipping Yard (江南造船厰) at Shanghai, was launched in 1927 and commissioned in 1928 to operate on the Yangtze. On Dec. 10, 1937 when the Japanese launched final assaults at Nanjing, Panay carried on board the last group of American diplomats, journalists, businessmen and other refugees to evacuate Nanjing. On Dec. 12, Panay was bombed and sunk by Japanese planes in the Hexian (和縣) waters about 28 miles upstream from Nanjing. 21 Pheasant Island, also known as Chiuchi Chow, is about 4 miles upstream from Xiasanshan (下三山), now Zimu Zhou (子母洲). 22 Senior Naval Officer. Several British Royale Navy’s gunboats rotated to station at the port cities Shanghai, Zhenjiang, Nanjing and Wuhu. During the station at a port city, the gunboat’s captain was also named Senior Navy Officer of that city. When the British consul of that city was absent, this Senior Navy Officer also functioned as an acting consul, reporting local conditions. At the time, Senior Navy Officer at Nanjing was HMS Scarab’s captain George Eric Maxia O’Donnell (1893-1953). 23 Mackenzie was the captain of SS Whangpu. 24 Merchant Vessel Tien Kuang (滇光), 731 tons, used to be an Asiatic Petroleum Company’s merchant ship on the Yichang-Chongqing line. 25 HMS Bee, 645 tons, built by Ailsa Shipbuilding in Scotland, was launched in Dec. 1915. She first served in the Mediterranean 1916-17, then in Mesopotamia 1917-18. She joined China Station in May 1918 and became the Yangtze Patrol flagship in 1920. During the Nanjing Massacre period, HMS Bee anchored in Nanjing harbor. Bee was sold in Shanghai for scrap in March 1939. 26 Wuhu (蕪湖) is a city in Anhui Province (安徽) on the southern bank of the Yangtze, about 50 miles upstream from Nanjing. 27 A cable length is 720 feet in the US and 608 feet in the UK. Here it refers to the British measurement. 28 Donald Brotchie was the captain of Butterfield & Swire Co.’s SS Wantung. 29 Paul Hector Munro-Faure (1894-1956), born in 1894, joined the reserve army in 1912 and served in WWI. After the war, he worked for the Asiatic Petroleum Company as manager in several locations in China, including Nanjing. When Japanese troops approached Nanjing, he helped organize the International Committee, but withdrew in early Dec. 1937 upon company request. When WWII broke out, he was commissioned as major and soon afterwards as lieutenant colonel in the Special Operation Executive, training guerrilla forces in Burma and China. In 1945, he worked as an attaché in the British Embassy in Romania. He retired in 1949, and died in 1956. 30 Hogee (Heji, 和記) is the Chinese name for the British International Import & Export Company, which was situated northwest of Nanjing by the Yangtze River. 31 Tug Vessel Wo Kwang (河光), 685 tons, was an Asiatic Petroleum Co.’s merchant ship on the Shanghai-Hankou line. 32 File 1751, FO371/22043, Foreign Office, Political Departments, General Correspondence from 1906-1966, PRO. 33 Robert George Howe (1893-1981), born on Sept. 19, 1893, in Derby, England, attended St. Catherine’s College, Cambridge Univ. He entered Foreign Office in Oct. 1919, and posted in Copenhagen, Belgrade, Rio de Janeiro, and Bucharest before he was appointed acting counselor at Beijing in May 1934. He was promoted to counselor in June 1936, and acted as chargé d’affaires when British ambassador to China, Sir Hughe Montgomery Knatchbull-Hugessen (1886-1971), was injured by the Japanese in Aug. 1937. He was minister in Riga (1940) and in Abyssinia (1942-45). He served as assistant under

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secretary of state in Foreign Office in 1945, then last governor-general of Sudan (194755). He retired in 1955 and died on June 22, 1981, in Lostwithiel, Cornwall, England. 34 CMG refers to the British order of chivalry, Order of St. Michael and St. George, third grade Companion. 35 William Alexander Lovat-Fraser (1894-1978), a staff captain of the Punjab Regiment, Indian Army, in Oct. 1922, major in Nov. 1933, was military attaché with the British Embassy in China Nov. 1934 through Oct. 1938. 36 Directorate of Military Operations and Intelligence. 37 The 2nd Section of the Military Intelligence was responsible for collecting intelligence on the Middle and Far East, Scandinavia, USSR, Central and South America during WWII. 38 Chief of General Staff, India. 39 General Staff (Intelligence), Shanghai. 40 Kiangyin (Jiangyin, 江陰) is a city on the southern bank of the Yangtze, 40 miles upstream from Shanghai. Kiangyin Forts on the river held an important strategic position. 41 Chinkiang (Zhenjiang, 鎮江) is a city on the Yangtze’s southern bank, 35 miles east of Nanjing. 42 Born on Oct. 31, 1887, in Fenghua (奉化), Zhejiang (浙江) Province, Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石, 1887-1975) grew up in an era when China was reduced to a weak and corrupted country by the combination of an incapable royal reign and repeated foreign invasions. With a mission to make China strong, he went for military education in both China (1906) and Japan (1907-09). In Japan he became associated with Sun Yat-sen, Father of the Republic of China. Chiang gained control of the Nationalist Party and became commander-in-chief of the National Revolutionary Forces after Sun died in 1925. The Northern Expedition victory in 1927 assured him his position as national leader, which he retained until 1949 when the Communists forced him to flee to Taiwan, where he stayed in power until his death on April 5, 1975 in Taipei. 43 William Henry Donald (1875-1946), born on June 22, 1875 in Lithgow, New South Wales, Australia, was educated at Lithgow Public School and Cooerwull Academy in Bowenfels before becoming a journalist successively for Bathurst National Advocate, Sydney Daily Telegraph and Melbourne Argus. In 1903, he accepted a position with Hong Kong China Mail, starting his decades’ long career in China. Donald later worked as China correspondent for New York Herald, Far Eastern Review, London Times, and Manchester Guardian. He served as advisor to Young Marshal, Zhang Xueliang (張學良) (1928-35) and to Chiang Kai-shek and Madame Chiang (1935-40). Due to a disagreement with Chiang Kai-shek over policy toward Germany, he left Chongqing in May 1940, touring the Pacific. He was captured in January 1942 by the Japanese in Manila, and was not released until February 1945. He lived briefly in the US, but with deteriorating health, he returned to Shanghai, where he died on Nov. 9, 1946. 44 Kuling (Guling, 牯嶺) is a mountain resort in Jiangxi (江西) near Jiujiang (九江). 45 Tang Shengchi (唐生智, 1889-1970), born on Oct. 12, 1889 in Dong’an (東安), Hunan (湖南) Province, attended Baoding (保定) Military Academy in 1912. He rose quickly in rank and won decisive battles during the Northern Expedition. On Nov. 19, 1937 he was named commander of the Nanjing Garrison to defend the city against the advancing Japanese troops. On Dec. 12, 1937 he fled without organizing an orderly evacuation, leaving his troops in a chaotic state, and many of them were subsequently slaughtered by the Japanese. He died on April 6, 1970 in Changsha (長沙), Hunan Province. 46 Born on October 12, 1889, Tang should be 48 in November 1937.

Notes

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47

Kuei Yung-ching (Gui Yongqing, 桂永清, 1900-54), born on Jan. 17, 1900 in Guixi (貴 溪), Jiangxi Province, graduated Whampoa Military Academy in its first class (1924), and

went to Germany in 1930 for further education at an infantry academy. After returning to China in 1933, he rose quickly in rank. He was commander of the Central Officer Instructional Corps to participate in the Nanjing defense in Dec. 1937. Many of his troops were killed during the Nanjing Massacre. He was commander of the 27th Army (193840), military attaché in Berlin (1940-44), and military attaché in London (1944-45). After the war, he was appointed vice commander-in-chief of Navy (1945-47), then commander-in-chief of Navy (1947-52). In 1949, when the Communist victory was imminent, he fled to Taiwan, and served briefly as the chief of staff from June 1954 to his death on Aug. 12, 1954, in Taipei. 48 Chung Shan Men (Zhongshan Men, 中山門) is one of Nanjing’s eastern gates. 49 Yi Chiang Men, or Yichiangmen (Yijiang Men, 挹江門), is Nanjing’s northwestern gate leading to the waterfront district, Xiaguan. 50 Sung Hsilien (Song Xilian, 宋希廉, 1907-93), born on April 9, 1907 in Xiangxiang (湘 鄉), Hunan, graduated Whampoa Military Academy in its first class (1924), and went to Japan in 1927 for further education. After graduating from Infantry School and Staff College, he returned to China in 1930. He was commander of the 161st Brigade, taking part in the 1932 Shanghai battles. As commander of the 36th Division, he led his troops into Xi’an, after the Xi’an Incident. His division was rushed to the Shanghai front when war broke out in Aug. 1937. He took his severely weakened division, due to heavy casualties sustained at Shanghai, to defend Nanjing in Dec. 1937. Many of his soldiers were massacred. As commander of the 14th Group Army, he was defeated and captured by Communist forces in Dec. 1949 in eastern Sichuan (四川) Province. Song was granted a special pardon in Dec. 1959 and immigrated to the US in 1980 He died on Feb. 13, 1993 in New York. He was buried in Changsha, Hunan, China. 51 Sun Yuanliang (孫元良, 1904-2007), born on March 17, 1904 in Huayang (華陽), Sichuan Province, graduated Whampoa Military Academy’s first class (1924), and went to Japan in 1928 to study artillery. He was the 259th Brigade commander taking part in the 1932 Shanghai battles, and was promoted to the 88th Division commander. In Aug. 1937, he led his division back to the Shanghai front, holding positions for 76 days. The well-known Doomed Battalion was from his 524th Regiment, who fought brilliantly to hold a strategic position at a six-story International Godown by the Suzhou Creek. In Dec. 1937, he took his much-weakened division, which sustained heavy casualties at Shanghai, to defend Nanjing. His troops suffered tremendous loss both in battles and the ensuing massacre. He hid in the Safety Zone in Nanjing during the massacre period. In 1949, he went to Taiwan, where he died on May 25, 2007 in Taipei. 52 It’s an underestimated figure. According to other sources, Chinese defending troops in and around Nanjing included the 36th, 41st, 48th, 51st, 55th, 87th, 88th, 103rd, 112th, 154th, 156th, 159th and 160th Divisions, the Instructional Corps, and Gendarmerie. The number of troops should be much higher than Lovat-Fraser’s estimate. 53 Fangshan (方山) is a hill about 8 miles southeast of Nanjing. 54 Tachengshan should be Dalianshan (大連山), about 15 miles southeast of Nanjing. 55 Tangshui (湯水鎮), or Tangshan (湯山), is a town 20 miles east of Nanjing. 56 Yulungshan should be Qinglongshan (青龍山), which is 15 miles east of Nanjing. 57 Lishui (溧水) is a small city about 45 miles southeast of Nanjing. 58 This should be “Nanking-Lishui and Nanking-Wuhu roads.” 59 Chilingmen (Qiling Men, 麒麟門) is one of Nanjing’s eastern outer wall gates. 60 Troops from Szechuan (Sichuan) Province in West China.

210 61

Notes

Tienwangtze (Tianwangsi, 天王寺) is a town about 25 miles southeast of Nanjing. Kuyung (Gurong, 句容) is a small city about 25 miles east of Nanjing. 63 Tanyang (Danyang, 丹陽) is a small city about 45 miles east of Nanjing. 64 Kwangteh (Guangde, 廣德) is a small city in Anhui about 60 miles east of Wuhu. 65 Suancheng (Xuancheng, 宣城) is a small city in Anhui Province about 30 miles southeast of Wuhu. 66 Tachiaochang (Dajiaochang, 大校場) Military Aerodrome was situated southeast to Nanjing outside Tongji Gate. 67 Tungchimen (Tongji Men, 通濟門) is one of Nanjing’s southeastern gates. 68 Iwane Matsui (松井石根, 1878-1948), born on July 27, 1878 in Nagoya (名古屋), graduated from Military Academy in 1897 and Army University in 1906. He was promoted to major general in 1923, lieutenant general in 1927, and general in 1933. He retired from active service in 1935, but was recalled in August 1937 to be the commander in chief of the Shanghai Expeditionary Forces. In November 1937, he became commander in chief of the re-organized Central China Expeditionary Forces. It was the troops under his command that captured Nanjing and committed atrocities. He was convicted by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East and executed by hanging on Dec. 23, 1948 in Tokyo. 69 Kwanghuamen (Guanghua Men, 光華門) is one of Nanjing’s southeastern gates. 70 Purple Mountain (紫金山) is situated about 2 miles east of Nanjing. 71 This should be “Chunghuamen (中華門),” rather than “Chungshanmen (中山門).” 72 Wukiang (Wujiang, 烏江) is a small city on the northern bank of the Yangtze, about 20 miles upstream from Nanjing. 73 John Heinrich Detlev Rabe (1882-1950), born on Nov. 23, 1882 in Hamburg, was a German businessman who lived and worked in China from 1908 to 1938. In 1937, he worked as the representative of Siemens Nanjing Office, and was actively involved in the preparation and establishment of the Safety Zone. After Nanjing fell to the Japanese, Rabe played a leading role as the chairman of the International Committee for the Nanjing Safety Zone to provide food, shelter and protection for thousands of Chinese refugees during the massacre period. He recorded the reign of terror and Japanese atrocities in his diaries. He left Nanjing for Germany on February 23, 1938, where he gave public talks about Japanese atrocities and showed Magee’s movie. He wrote to Hitler about the atrocities, for which he was arrested by Gestapo. As a Nazi party member, he was detained by Allied Forces after the war. After he was released in June 1946, he lived in poverty. Nanjing residents and the National Government of China sent him food and money. On Jan. 5, 1950, he died in poverty in Berlin. 74 Foreign consuls-general and consuls in Shanghai were organized into a group, the Consular Body. A consul-general served by turn as its leader known as Senior Foreign Consul. In Dec. 1937, the senior foreign consul was Nicolas Aall, Norwegian ConsulGeneral at Shanghai. The Japanese Consul-General was Suemasa Okamoto (岡本季正). 75 Colin Malcolm MacDonald was London Times correspondent in Nanjing. 76 Herbert Duthy Hilliard, born on Nov. 15, 1883 in Grove Park, Kent, England, studied at Tonbridge School before joining China’s Customs Service, which was controlled by the British. From Nov. 1903, he served as a clerk at several posts and was promoted to deputy commissioner in 1922 and commissioner in 1926. As commissioner, he served at Yichang (宜昌), Mengzi (蒙自), and Suzhou (苏州), before becoming statistical secretary of the Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs (1929-32). His remaining years in China were spent as commissioner at Shantou (汕頭, 1933-35), Tianjin (1935-36), and Nanjing (1936-38). His service at Nanjing was cut short when he was 62

Notes

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forced to evacuate due to the Sino-Japanese hostilities. He retired from the Customs Service in Nov. 1938. 77 Philip Robert Shields, superintendent engineer of the International Export Company in Nanjing, participated in organizing the International Committee for Nanjing Safety Zone, but he evacuated on December 8, 1937. He returned to Nanjing in June 1938 and served on the International Relief Committee. 78 Leslie C. Smith of Reuters, a British national, actually did not leave Nanjing on HMS Cricket at that time. He stayed to report the siege and fall of the city. He left for Shanghai on Dec. 15, 1937 by HMS Ladybird and wired London coverage of the Nanjing Massacre. In 1940, he joined diplomatic service as assistant press attaché, working in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Chongqing. After the war he returned to journalism as Sunday Time China correspondent in Shanghai. Before the communists captured Shanghai, he moved to Hong Kong. He retired in the early 1970s, and lived in Taiwan for the rest of his life. 79 D. J. Lean of Asiatic Petroleum Co. helped organize the International Committee for Nanjing Safety Zone, but evacuated on December 8, 1937. He returned to Nanjing in June 1938, serving on the International Relief Committee until June 1939. 80 Norman Harry Price was the chief engineer of the International Import & Export Company in Nanjing. 81 William Walter Ritchie (1879-1969), born on Dec. 6, 1879 in Lisburn, Northern Ireland, went to China in 1901, and started working in April at Zhenjiang ( 鎮江) customs. He later served as postal commissioner at Ji’nan, Chengdu (成都), Harbin (哈爾滨), and Guangzhou (廣州). In 1937, he was postal commissioner for the Postal District of Jiangsu (江蘇) Province. He evacuated Nanjing on Dec. 8, 1937 and returned mid-February 1938 to resume postal service. After working in China for 37 years, he left for Britain in 1938. He later returned to China to live. After the Pearl Harbor Bombing, he was detained by the Japanese and put into Stanley Camp (赤柱集中營) in Hong Kong until the end of the war in Aug. 1945. He left China in 1948 and immigrated to Canada, where he passed away on Dec. 26, 1969 in Victoria, British Columbia. 82 Harold Harry Molland, a British subject, was deputy commissioner for the Postal District for Jiangsu Province. 83 Steam ship Tuckwo (徳和), 3,770 tons, was Jardine Matheson & Co.’s passenger ship on the Shanghai-Hankou line. 84 Born in Tehran, Persia (Iran), in 1895, Georg F. Rosen (1895-1961) was a son of former German Foreign Minister Frederick Rosen. He fought in WWI before entering diplomatic service in 1921. From 1933 to 1938, he served as secretary and consul at the German embassies in Beijing and Nanjing. When Japanese troops advanced toward Nanjing, as German consul at Nanjing, he helped organize the Safety Zone to protect civilian population. He evacuated on December 8, 1937. On January 9, 1938, he led his consular group members, Paul Scharffenberg and Alfred Huerter, to arrive in Nanjing on HMS Cricket to reopen the German Embassy. Due to his Jewish decent, he was forced to leave the diplomatic service in 1938 after he returned to Germany from Nanjing. He went to live in London and immigrated in 1940 to the US in 1940, where he taught at universities in New York State 1942-49. He returned to Germany in 1950, and served in London and was Ambassador to Uruguay 1956-60 until his retirement from diplomatic service in 1960. He passed away on July 22, 1961 in Göggingen, West Germany. 85 George Eric Maxia O’Donnell (1893-1953), born on August 31, 1893 in Bombay, India, joined the Royal Navy in 1906. In July 1937, he was appointed flag captain to the Yangtze patrol gunboat HMS Bee and chief staff officer to Reginald Vesey Holt, rear admiral and senior naval officer, Yangtze. When war approached Nanjing, he was on board HMS Scarab as senior naval officer at Nanjing and was in charge of the British

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ship convoy above Nanjing. He was injured on Dec. 12, 1937, on board HMS Ladybird at Wuhu and was flown to Shanghai for treatment. He later became naval attaché in Athens, Greece, and Ankara, Turkey. He retired from the Navy in 1946 and died on Jan. 18, 1953. 86 Bridge House Hotel (惠龍飯店) was established in 1913 near Xiaguan railway station. 87 Steam Ship Tseangtah (常德), 244 tons, was Butterfield & Swire Co.’s small passenger ship on the Hankou-Changsha-Changde line. 88 HMS Ladybird, 625 tons, built by Lobnitz & Co. in Renfrew, Scotland, was launched in April 1916. She was deployed in the Mediterranean 1917-19 to provide support for army operations as well as patrol duties. She joined China Station in 1919, patrolling the Yangtze. On December 12, 1937, Japanese artilleries shelled Ladybird at Wuhu harbor, killing a sailor, wounding several others, and causing damage to the ship. She returned to the Mediterranean in 1940, and was bombed and sunk by German planes near Tubruk, Libya on May 12, 1941. 89 ADM116/3880, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. The telegram was sent by HMS Bee’s chief of staff (COS in Bee) at 11:50 a.m. (1150) on December 16 (16/12), 1937, was received at 1:27 p.m. (1327) the same day, and repeated to HMS Ladybird, Vice Admiral, Yangtze (VAY), British Ambassador in Shanghai (BA Shai), and Douglas MacKillop, British consul general at Hankow (DM H/w). 90 Arthur von Briesen Menken (1903-73), a reporter of the Paramount Newsreel, was born on Dec. 13, 1903 in New York City, and graduated from Harvard in 1925. Menken traveled extensively, photographing riots, strikes and wars. After the Sino-Japanese War broke up, he reported the bombing of USS Panay, the siege and fall of Nanjing, and won a gold medal from the Adventurers Club of New York for the coverage. He published an article in US newspapers about the Nanjing Massacre on December 17, 1937. Menken died on Oct. 10, 1973 in his home in Florence, Italy. 91 Archibald Trojan Steele (1903-92), born in Toronto on June 25, 1903 immigrated to the United States in 1916. He received his B.A. from Stanford in 1924, and became New York Herald Tribune and Chicago Daily News China correspondent in 1932. He was in Beijing when the first shot was fired at the Marco Polo Bridge. Steele stayed in Nanjing to cover the siege and fall of the city and did not leave Nanjing for Shanghai until December 15, 1937. He was the first to report the massacre to the outside world with his news dispatch that appeared in Chicago Daily News on Dec. 15, 1937. He visited Yan’an in the late 1930’s and met with Mao Zedong. From the 1970’s on, he made numerous trips to China, and interviewed Deng Xiaoping in 1978. He published several books on China. Steele passed away on Feb. 28, 1992 in Sedona, Arizona. 92 Frank Tillman Durdin (1907-98) was born on March 30, 1907 in Elkhart, TX. After attending Texas Christian University, he held a number of journalist positions with San Antonio Express, Los Angeles Times, and Shanghai Evening Post before joining New York Times China staff in 1937. He stayed in Nanjing to cover its siege and fall. He witnessed the first stage of the massacre and reported the brutality in his news dispatches in New York Times in a timely manner. Durdin worked for New York Times until his retirement in 1974. He died on July 7, 1998 in San Diego, CA. 93 USS Oahu, 460 tons, built by Jiangnan Shipping Yard at Shanghai, was launched in 1927 and commissioned in 1928 to be a Yangtze patrol gunboat with the American Asiatic Fleet. On Dec. 12, 1937, when her sister gunboat USS Panay was bombed and sunk, she sailed from her anchorage at Jiujiang to rescue Panay’s survivors. In Nov. 1941, she was transferred to Manila Bay, the Philippines. After the Pearl Harbor Bombing, she provided support for US army operations at Batang until May 6, 1942 when she was bombed and sunk near Corregidor Island.

Notes 94

213

Hsia san shan (Xiasanshan, 下三山) is a location southwest of Nanjing, about 10 miles upstream from Xiaguan, where three connected peaks jut out into the Yangtze. 95 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 96 Commander in Chief. 97 HMS Aphis, 625 tons, built by Ailsa Shipbuilding in Scotland, was launched in Sept. 1915. She operated on the Danube based at Bucharest, Romania, 1917-19 before joining China Station in 1919 and served in China until May 1939, when she was transferred to Alexandria to fight in the Mediterranean. Aphis returned to Asia in 1945, based at Singapore, where she was scrapped in 1947. 98 Eijiro Kondo (近藤英次郎, 1887-1955), born on Sept. 12, 1887, in Yamagata (山形県), graduated from Naval Academy in 1908 and Naval University in 1920. He was dispatched to the US in 1923 for an extensive tour of duty until 1925. He was commanding officer of HIJMS Nashi (梨), HIJMS Hosho (鳳翔), HIJMS Akagi (赤城), and HIJMS Kaga (加賀) before he was promoted to rear admiral in 1935. He became commander of the 3rd Torpedo Boat Unit in July 1937, and commander of the 11th Gunboat Flotilla in December 1937. He was promoted to vice admiral in November 1939, a month before he retired from active service. Kondo died on Dec. 27, 1955. 99 Mud Fort (老鹽圩) is about 10 miles downstream from Nanjing on the Yangtze northern bank. The Chinese built boom here to block the movement of Japanese warships. Westerners refer to it as Mud Fort boom, while the Chinese preferred to call it Wulong Hill boom. The hill is situated on the southern bank across river from Mud Fort. 100 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. It was sent by HMS Bee’s chief of staff to vice admiral, Yangtze, and repeated to commander in chief, senior naval officers at Nanking, Wuhu and Shanghai (SNO N/G W/U Shai), HMS Aphis, and British Embassy in Shanghai (BE Shai). 101 Xiaguan River Bund. 102 Kowan, or Kuan (Kou’an, 口岸) is a small port city on the northern bank of the Yangtze about 80 miles downriver from Nanjing. 103 HMS Capetown, 4,190-ton light cruiser, built by Cammeli Laird in Birkenhead, England, was launched in June 1918, and commissioned in 1922. She was deployed in the Red Sea and the Mediterranean before joining China Station in 1934. In Sept. 1937, she helped evacuate the British Embassy staff to Hankou, remaining until Dec. 18, when the Japanese allowed her to sail downstream to Shanghai and further to Hong Kong. She returned to the Mediterranean in 1939 to station at Gibraltar and Malta. She was torpedoed and severely damaged by an Italian torpedo boat in April 1941 and was sold for scrap in May 1946. 104 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 105 Douglas MacKillop (1891-1959), born on May 12, 1891, in Berwickshire, was educated at University of Manchester and served in WWI. He entered Foreign Service in 1919, serving in various ranks in Sofia, Helsinki, Athens, Brussels, Moscow, Hankou, Riga, Berne, and Foreign Office before he was named consul-general at Munich (194951). He also served as British land observer at Bavaria (1950-51). In 1952, he was named NATO international secretariat. He died on February 25, 1959. 106 From1831 to 1865, Royal Navy’s fleet in eastern hemisphere was called East Indies and China Station. In 1865, China Station (1865-1941) became an independent fleet, responsible for the areas including China’s coastline and inland rivers, eastern Pacific, and the East Indies (Indonesia). China Station’s major bases were Singapore, Hong Kong, and Weihaiwei (威海衞). In Dec. 1941, China Station merged into Eastern Fleet (1941-71). 107 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO.

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108

Time of Receipt. ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 110 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 111 John Moore Allison, third secretary, James Espy, vice consul, and Archibald Alexander McFadyen, Jr., code clerk, arrived on Jan. 6, 1938 to reopen U.S. Embassy. 112 U.S. River Gunboat. 113 USS Oahu, 114 At the time, the 11th Gunboat Flotilla of the 3rd Japanese Fleet stationed at Nanjing. Its commander was Eijiro Kondo (近藤英次郎)..His flagship was gunboat Ataka (安宅). 115 Interdepartmental. 116 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 117 Ouistreham, a town in Normandy, France, is probably a decoding error here. 118 H. I. Prideaux-Brune, William Alexander Lovat-Fraser, military attaché, and J. S. Wasler, air force attaché, arrived in Nanjing on HMS Cricket on the morning of January 9, 1938. However, Walser was prevented from landing until Jan. 12 with the excuse that Japanese authorities had not been notified of his arrival. 119 Georg F. Rosen, Paul Hans Hermann Scharffenberg and Alfred Mathias Peter Hüerter, arrived in Nanjing on HMS Cricket on Jan. 9, 1938, to reopen the German Embassy. 109

2 Reign of Terror 1

File 478, FO 371/22144, Foreign Office, Political Departments, General Correspondence, 1906-1966, Public Record Office. 2 ADM116/3882, Records of the Admiralty, Yangtze Records, PRO. 3 Prince Yasuhika Asaka (朝香宫鸠彦, 1887-1981) succeeded Iwane Matsui to command the Shanghai Expedition Forces from Dec. 2, 1937, to Feb. 14, 1938. 4 Commander in Chief. 5 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 6 Autonomous committee, or Self-Government Committee, was established on Jan. 1, 1938. Chair : Tao Baojin (陶寳晋), vice chairs: Sun Shurong (孫叔榮) and Cheng Langbo (程朗波), members: Zhao Weiquan (趙威權), Zhao Gongjin (趙公瑾), Ma Xihou (馬錫侯), Huang Yuexuan (黄月軒), Hu Qifa (胡啓閥), and Wang Chunsheng (王春生), advisors: Zhang Nanwu (張南梧), Xu Chuanyin (許傳音), Wang Chengdian (王承典), Tao Juesan (陶覚三), and Zhan Rongguang (詹榮光), and secretary: Wang Zhongtiao (王仲調). 7 A decoding error. This person is Sir Henry Norman Brain (1907-2002). Born on July 19, 1907 in Rushall, England, he graduated from Queen’s College, Oxford. He entered diplomatic service in 1931 as a student interpreter in Japan, working at posts in Tokyo, Kobe, Osaka, Danshui (淡水), Manila, and Shenyang. He worked at Shanghai ConsulateGeneral from Nov. 1937 to July 1938. He was Acting Consul-General at Dalian when the Pearl Harbor Bombing took place and was detained by the Japanese until the end of 1942. He was British Ambassador to Cambodia (1956-58), Assistant to Foreign Secretary (1958-61), and Ambassador to Uruguay (1961-66). He passed away on Dec. 27, 2002. 8 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 9 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 10 Tadao Hongo (本郷忠夫, 1899-1943), born on Oct. 16, 1899 in Hyogo (兵庫県), graduated from Military Academy in 1920, and Army University in 1933. As a Japanese army major and a staff officer with the Shanghai Expedition Force Headquarters, he was a liaison officer to Western diplomats in Nanjing. He was promoted to colonel in 1941, served as chief of staff of the 51st Division in 1942, and was killed in action in New Guinea on July 3, 1943. He was granted major general rank posthumously.

Notes 11

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Sun Yat-sen Mausoleum is at the foot of Purple Mountain east of Nanjing. This should be the Anti-Comintern Pact, an agreement against the Communist International (Comintern) originally signed between Nazi Germany and Japan on Nov. 25, 1936 in Berlin. Comintern, also known as the Third International, was an international organization promoting global communism. 13 Katsuo Okazaki (岡崎勝男, 1897-1965) was born on July 10, 1897 in Kanagawa (神奈 川県), and entered the Foreign Ministry in 1923 after earning a B.A. in economics from Tokyo Imperial University in 1922. From 1923 to 1937, he served at posts in England, China, and the US. In 1937, he became consul general-at-large at Shanghai. After the war he served as deputy minister of foreign affairs (1947), and a member of the House of Representatives (1949-55). He also served briefly as foreign minister (1952) and ambassador to the United Nations (1963). He died on Oct. 10, 1965 in Tokyo. 14 File 641, FO 371/22144, PRO. 15 Charles Luther Boynton (1881-1967), born on June 8, 1881 in Townshend, Vermont, graduated from Pomona College in California in 1901, and continued his education at Union Theological Seminary in New York. He was ordained in 1906 in Baptist Church before he went to China in 1907 to work as national secretary for the YMCA International Committee in Shanghai (1907-12). He later worked for the China Continuation Committee (1915-20) and its succeeding organization, the National Christian Council of China, until 1946. After the Pearl Harbor Bombing, he was detained in Shanghai for 30 months. He returned to the US in 1946, and died in Oct. 1967 in Claremont, CA. 16 Established in Shanghai in 1913, the China Continuation Committee (中華繼進委員會) was replaced in 1933 by the National Christian Council of China (中華基督教協進會). 17 Soochow (Suzhou, 蘇州) is a city about 50 miles west of Shanghai. 18 Hangchow (杭州) is the capital of Zhejiang Province, 50 miles south of Shanghai. 19 Born on Jan. 12, 1887 in Washington D.C., Clarence Edward Gauss (1887-1960), entered Foreign Service in 1906, working in China at Shanghai, Tianjin, Xiamen (厦門), Shenyang (瀋陽), Ji’nan, and Beijing before he was promoted to consul general at Shanghai in 1935. He was minister to Australia in 1940, and ambassador to China (Jan. 1941Nov. 1944). He died on April 8, 1960 in Los Angeles. 20 Green Hill (青山), a residential district in Wuhu. 21 Wuhu Academy (萃文書院,萃文中學), established by American missionaries in 1909, was renamed Wuhu No. 4 Middle School in 1952. At present it is Anhui Normal University Middle School (安徽師範大學附属中學). 22 James Leslie Marshall (1891-1957), born on March 27, 1891 in London, was Colliers Magazine’s Far East correspondent. He was aboard when USS Panay was bombed and sunk on Dec. 12, 1937. Seriously injured, he was flown from Wuhu to Shanghai for treatment. He never fully recovered and remained in poor health until his death on Jan. 7, 1957 in Palo Alto, California. 23 Frank Hayden Vines (1880-1976), born on July 24, 1880 in Springwood, Virginia, went to China in 1912, and worked in Beijing, Shanghai and Nanjing as employee and manager for the British American Tobacco Company. Right before the Japanese launched the final assault on Nanjing, he boarded SS Mei Ping to evacuate. He was injured when Japanese planes bombed USS Panay and Standard Vacuum Oil Co,’s ships, SS Mei Ping and SS Mei Hsia, on Dec. 12, 1937. He returned to the U.S. for treatment in Feb. 1938. He died in Aug. 1976 in Virginia. 24 John Luther Hodge, a fireman on USS Panay, was awarded the Navy Cross “for extraordinary heroism and devotion to duty during the bombing and loss of the U.S.S. PANAY (PR-5), when that vessel was attacked by Japanese airplanes during patrol in the Yangtze River, China, on 12 December 1937. Fireman First Class Hodge displayed great 12

216

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coolness under fire while helping the Captain of the S.S. Mei Ping to get the underway and alongside a dock during the attack. Though wounded in this action, he assisted in extinguishing a fire caused by the first bombing, thereby temporarily saving the ship. Salvaging a first aid kit, he then rendered first aid to many wounded Americans and Chinese.” 25 Wuhu General Hospital was situated on Yiji Hil (弋磯山). The hospital was renamed Wannan Medical College Yiji Hill Hospital (皖南醫學院附属弋磯山醫院). 26 The list is not found in the document. However, the original document was submitted by Brown to the US Consul-General at Shanghai. According to another American diplomatic document (811.015394/29) entitled “Flag Incident at Wuhu and Conditions there and in Nanking after the Japanese Occupation,” the American citizens in Wuhu comprised: Dr. Robert E. Brown, Dr. L. S. Morgan, Dr. Ruth Morgan, Dr. G. L. Hagman, Mr. Frank Gale, Miss Frances Culley, Miss Florence Sayles, Miss Margaret Lawrence, Mrs. Elizabeth O’Hanlon, Mrs. Wilma S. May – two children, Sister Constance, Dr. Janet Anderson, Father Morse, Mr. B. W. Lamphear, and Rev. Lloyd Craighill. 27 Robert Ellsworth Brown (1886-1948), born in Lyons, Kansas, on Nov. 29, 1886, graduated from the University of Illinois in 1910. He earned his M.S. in public health in 1916 and M.D. in 1918 from the University of Michigan before sailing for China in Aug. 1918 as a medical doctor with the Methodist Episcopal Mission. He was superintendent at Wuhu General Hospital from 1918 to the spring of 1939, when he left for West China to survey health and sanitation conditions and worked at West China Union University Hospital in Chengdu. From 1943 to 1945, he served as medical officer of China Travel Service, civilian medical officer with the US Army and medical advisor to the Chinese government. He died on May 20, 1948 in Los Angeles. 28 Miner Searle Bates (1897-1978), born on May 28, 1897 in Newark, Ohio, graduated from Hiram College in Ohio in 1916. A Rhodes Scholar, he earned an M.A. in history from Oxford University in 1920. During his furloughs, he continued his academic pursuit and received his Ph.D. from Yale in 1935. He went to China in 1920 to teach history at the University of Nanking, a position he held until 1950. Bates was one of the 14 Americans who stayed in Nanjing throughout the massacre days to organize the Safety Zone and provide food and shelter for thousands of Chinese refugees. He died of a heart attack in New Jersey on October 28, 1978. 29 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 30 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 31 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 32 China Import & Export Lumber Company, Ltd. (祥泰木行) was established in 1884 in Shanghai by German and French merchants. The British took it over in 1914. Headquartered in Shanghai, it had branch offices in Hankou, Nanjing, Tianjin, and Fuzhou. After the Pearl Harbor Bombing the company closed. 33 Kulow (Gulou, 鼓樓), the Drum Tower, is an ancient landmark building in the north central part of the city. In ancient time, without clocks or other devices to keep track of time, drums in the tower were beaten at regular intervals to inform residents of the time. 34 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 35 File 2331, FO371/22146, PRO. 36 Robert Anthony Eden (1897-1977), born on June 12, 1897 in Windlestone, County Durham, England, studied at Eton and Christ Church College, Oxford University. He served in WWI, and was British foreign secretary (1935-38, 1940-45, 1951-55) and prime minister (1955-57). He died on Jan. 14, 1977 in Salibury. 37 Kumakichi Harada (原田熊吉, 1888-1947), born on Aug. 8, 1888 in Osaka (大阪), graduated from Military Academy in 1909, and Army University in 1916. As major general,

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he served as military attaché to the Japanese Embassy and chief of staff of the Shanghai Expeditionary Forces in 1938. He was promoted to lieutenant general in 1939 to command the 35th Division (1940-42), the 27th Division (March - Oct. 1942), the 16th Army in Java, Indonesia (Nov. 1942-1945), and the 55th Army (1945). He was sentenced to death by the Australian Military Court, and hanged on May 28, 1947 in Singapore. 38 University of Nanking, better known in Chinese as Jinling University ( 金陵大學), was founded in 1888 as Nanking University. In 1910, Union Christian College and Nanking University merged to form the University of Nanking. Chen Yuguang (陳裕光) was the university president from 1927 to 1951. 39 Associated Boards of Christian Colleges in China. Its office was at 150 Fifth Avenue, New York City. 40 United Christian Missionary Society. 41 Gaylord Sparhawk Bates (1903-90), born on June 14, 1903 in Warren, Ohio, graduated from Hiram College in 1924, and Harvard Medical School in 1928. He practiced medicine in Michigan and passed away on July 17, 1990 in Dearborn, Michigan. 42 This refers to the Japanese Embassy. 43 Masakazu Tanaka (田中正一, 1888-1957), born in 1888 in Tokyo, graduated from Military Academy in 1911. He was selected by Foreign Ministry to study in Beijing in 1913, and became a diplomat in 1916. From 1916 to 1936, he was posted in San Francisco, Portland, Yingkou (營口), Hankou, Shanghai, Yanbian (延邊), Changchun, and Yichang. In Dec. 1937, he entered Nanjing with Japanese troops to be vice consul at the embassy. During his stay in Nanjing, he received protest letters against Japanese atrocities from American missionaries. In Oct. 1938, he left for Hankou after the city fell. He became Consul-General at Taiyuan in 1941. He died in 1957. 44 Rural Leaders’ Training School (農業專修科) was a three-year agriculture program established at the University of Nanking in 1922. 45 Hsiao Tao Yuan (Xiaotaoyuan, 小桃園) is a street near the university campus. 46 Kan Ho Yen (Ganheyan, 干河沿) is a street south of the university campus. 47 Chin Ying Chieh (Jinying Jie, 金銀街) is a street close to the university campus. 48 Hu Chia Ts’ai Yuan (Hujia Caiyuan, 胡家菜園), which means “Hu family vegetable garden”, is an alley near the University of Nanking campus. 49 Ho Yinch’in (He Yingqin, 何應欽, 1890-1987), born on April 2, 1890 in Xingyi (興義), Guizhou (貴州) Province, studied at Shimbu Gakkō (振武学堂) and Shikan Gakkō (military academy, 陸軍士官学校) in Japan (1908-11). He returned to China in 1911 to serve in the army. He was appointed chief instructor and director of training at Whampoa Military Academy in 1924, and later led the troops he trained to take part in the Northern Expedition. He was China’s minister of war (1930-44), chief of staff (1938-44), commander in chief of the Chinese Army (1944-46), and chief Chinese delegate to the United Nations Military Advisory Commission (1946-48). As the commander in chief of the Chinese Army, he accepted the surrender of one million Japanese troops in Nanjing on Sept. 9, 1945. He died on Oct. 21, 1987 in Taipei. 50 T’ou T’iao Hsiang (Toutiao Xiang, 頭條巷) is a lane near Drum Tower. 51 Shuang Lung Hsiang (Shuanglong Xiang, 雙龍巷) is an alley near University Hospital. 52 An Loh Li (Anle Li, 安樂里) is the name of an alley. 53 Kao Chia Chiu Kwan (Gaojia Jiuguan, 高家酒館) is a street in downtown Nanjing. 54 Wu T’ai Shan (Wutai Shan, 五台山) is a hilly area south of the American Embassy. 55 Chien Ying Hsiang (Jianying Xiang, 鐧銀巷) is a small street in the southwestern part of Nanjing on which the Bible Teachers’ Training School (BTTS) for Women (金陵女子 神學院) was situated. BTTS was established in September 1912 as an independent insti-

218

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tution, though it was affiliated with Nanking Theological Seminary and University of Nanking. Sponsored by American Presbyterian Church (South and North), Disciples of Christ, and Methodist Episcopal Church (South and North), the school had its campus next to Nanking Theological Seminary. Jia Yumin (賈玉銘, 1880-1964) was its president (1931-37). In 1951, the school merged with 10 other seminaries in East China into Nanking Theological Seminary. Its campus housed the new Nanking Theological Seminary, while Nanjing Medical College is on the latter’s campus at Hanzhong Road (漢中路). 56 Tsi Wan Chieh, or Ch’i Wang Chieh (Qiwang Jie, 奇望街), was a small street in the southern part of the city. In the 1930s, Nanjing went through a major municipal construction project, with small streets broadened to form longer and larger streets. Qiwang Street and several other streets were broadened to form Jiankang Road ( 健康路). 57 Chien K’ang Lu (Jiankang Lu, 健康路) is a major street in the southern part of Nanjing. The post office is situated on the section of Jiankang Road, formerly Qiwang Street. 58 Yin Yang Ying (Yingyang Ying, 陰陽營) was a street near Drum Tower. In the early 1950s, Beiping Road, Yin Yang Ying and Drum Tower First Lane were widened and merged into one thoroughfare, West Beijing Road (北京西路). 59 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 60 FO 371/22144, PRO. 61 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 62 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 63 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 64 FO 371/22085, PRO. 65 Red Swastika Society (紅卍字會), a private charity organization that functioned similarly to the Red Cross, established its Nanjing branch in 1923, and was actively involved in burying massacre victim bodies in 1938 in and around Nanjing. 66 It is in the confidential bag transmitted by R. G. Howe to the Foreign Office on Jan. 24, 1938, File 2334, FO371/22146, PRO. 67 Nanking Theological Seminary, better known to the Chinese as Jinling Theological Seminary (金陵神學院), was part of the University of Nanking until the late 1920’s, when it became an independent institution. Its sponsoring organizations included the American Presbyterian Church (South and North), Disciples of Christ, the Methodist Episcopal Church (North and South). In 1937, Handel Lee (李漢鐸, 1886-1961) was its president. 68 Charles Henry Riggs (1892-1953), born on Feb. 6, 1892 in Aintab, Turkey, to an American missionary family, graduated from Ohio State University in 1914 (BS) and Cornell University in 1932 (MS). He went to China in 1916 and worked in a mountain area in Shaowu (邵武), Fujian (福建) Province. He joined the University of Nanking faculty in 1932 to teach agricultural engineering (1932-51). Riggs was one of the 14 Americans who stayed in Nanjing during the massacre period. As housing commissioner of the International Committee for Nanjing Safety Zone, he worked diligently and courageously to protect Chinese refugees against Japanese atrocities. Because of his aggressive role, he was attacked and slapped by Japanese soldiers on several occasions. Riggs passed away on March 13, 1953 in New York City. 69 Clarissa Lilliath Gertrude (Robbins) Bates (1893-1982), born on Sept. 12, 1893 in Rossway, Nova Scotia, Canada, graduated from Boston University in 1917, and taught English at Ginling College (1920-23) before marrying M. S. Bates in 1923. She passed away in Feb. 1982 in Indianapolis. 70 Associated Boards for Christian Colleges in China. 71 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 72 John Moore Allison (1905-78), born on April 7, 1905 in Holton, Kansas, graduated from University of Nebraska in 1927. Then he went to Japan to teach English and learn

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Japanese. He joined the Foreign Service in 1931 with the US Consulate General at Shanghai. On Dec. 28, 1937, as third secretary, he led a consulate group comprising James Espy and Archibald Alexander McFadyen, Jr. to Nanjing by USS Oahu to reopen the US Embassy. They were not allowed to land at Nanjing until Jan. 6, 1938. After their arrival, Allison and his staff members launched investigations into Japanese atrocities as well as damage and losses American property and interests in the city. As the top American diplomat in Nanjing he worked until Aug. 10, 1938, when Robert Lacy Smyth replaced him. Allison later served as American ambassador to Japan (1953-57), Indonesia (1957-58) and Czechoslovakia (1958-60). He passed away on Oct. 28, 1978 in Honolulu. 73 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 74 Royal Italian Navy gunboat Ermanno Carlotto, 318 tons, built by Jiangnan Shipping Yard in Shanghai, was launched in 1921. She was named after the Italian navy officer Ermanno Carlotto (1878-1900) who was killed in a battle to quell the Boxer Rebellion in Tianjin in 1900. Scuttled by her own crew in Shanghai 1943, she was salvaged by the Japanese and renamed Narumi (鳴海). After the war, the Chinese Navy took over and renamed her Jiangkun ( 江鲲 ). In 1949 she joined the Communist Navy until decommission in 1960. 75 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO. 76 American consul at Nanjing John M. Allison. 77 File 1371, FO 371/22146, Public Record Office. 78 Kiyoshi Fukui (福井淳, 1898-1955), born on Feb. 1, 1898 in Kanagawa (神奈川県), graduated from Tokyo University of Commerce in 1923, and entered the Foreign Ministry the same year. He was a second secretary at the Nanjing Embassy, and became consul at Shanghai Consulate-General in 1936. He was Acting Consul-General in Nanjing (Dec. 1937-Feb. 1938), then transferred to Mumbai to be a consul. In 1940 he served as consul-general at Rangoon, Burma. He became an investigating officer at the Foreign Ministry in 1944. He died on May 3, 1955. 79 File 2816, FO371/22153, PRO. 80 File 2818, FO371/22152, PRO. 81 The attached list is not found with the document. 82 Since the late 19th century, the British helped the Qing Government establish and operate China’s customs and postal service. 83 Sa Chia Wan (Sajia Wan, 薩家灣) is a small street in the northern part of Nanjing near the British Embassy. 84 Military attaché and air attaché 85 Stanley Bishoprick (1904-95), born on May 2, 1904 in Skagway, Alaska, graduated from Oregon State University in 1929. Though an American citizen, he worked for China Export & Import Lumber Company, a British concern. He was invited by Japanese military authorities to visit Nanjing from Jan. 31 to Feb. 6, 1938, to arrange a timber sale to the Japanese military. He died in Olympia, Washington, on Oct. 8, 1995. 86 British consul at Nanjing Humphrey Ingelram Prideaux-Brune. 87 File1692, FO371/22152, PRO. 88 Shojikiro Amaya (天谷直次郎, 1888-1966) was major general and commander of the 10th Brigade of the 11th Division. Born on June 12, 1888 in Fukui ( 福井県), he graduated from Military Academy in 1909 and Army University in 1919. He was promoted to major general to command the 10th Brigade in Aug. 1937. His troops attacked and captured Zhenjiang on Dec. 8, 1937, crossed the Yangtze on Dec. 13 and captured Yangzhou (揚州) the following day. He was transferred to Nanjing on Jan. 16, 1938 to be its garrison commander, and was promoted to lieutenant general to command the 40th Division in 1940. He died on Nov. 30, 1966.

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89

The Russo-Japanese War (1904-06) was fought between the Russians and Japanese over China’s Liaodong Peninsula (遼東半島) and the Korean Peninsula. After Russia was defeated, Japan took over the two peninsulas under its control. 90 The Manchurian campaign, known as the “Mukden Incident” in the West and the “September 18th Incident” to the Chinese, started on Sept. 18, 1931 in Shenyang, Liaoning Province. The Japanese launched sudden attacks on Chinese barracks to capture Shenyang and continued to conquer and occupy China’s northeast region. 91 Yangchow (Yangzhou, 揚州) is a city on the northern bank of the Yangtze, about 35 miles downstream from Nanjing. 92 File 2037, FO 371/22152, PRO. 93 Lieutenant Colonel Shigeru Hirota (広田豊, 1892-1972) became Shanghai Expedition Army staff officer on Jan. 31, 1938. Born in 1892 in Aichi (愛知県), he graduated from Military Academy in 1915 and Army University in 1923. He worked in the military attaché section of the Japanese Embassy at Washington D.C. (1923-29), and was Deputy Military Attaché at the Japanese Embassy in Ottawa, Canada in 1935. He was promoted to colonel in March 1938, and major general in Dec. 1940 to command the 10th Aviation Regiment. He became commander of the 53rd Aviation Division in Feb. 1945, and was promoted to lieutenant general in April 1945. He died on March 21, 1972. 94 ADM116/3941, Sino-Japanese Hostilities, Japanese Restrictions on Navigation on Yangtze, 1937-39, PRO. 95 ADM116/3882, Yangtze Records, PRO.

3 Conditions in the Fallen Capital 1

File 7116, FO371/22155, Foreign Office, Political Departments, General Correspondence, 1906-1966, Public Record Office, London. 2 Sanshanchen (Sanshanzhen, 三山鎮) is a town about 5 miles south of Wuhu. 3 Nisshin Kisen Kaisha (日清汽船会社), which literally means Japan China Steamship Company, was a Japanese company established in 1907 and headquartered in Shanghai. NKK combined small enterprises to operate its Yangtze River shipping route, and quickly became a major player in shipping and other business in China and Asia. 4 On Feb. 28, 1938, under the auspices of the Japanese authorities, the Nanjing Self-Government Committee published a one-sheet newspaper Nanjing Gongbao (南京公報), but only a week later, the newspaper was renamed Nanjing Minbao ( 南京民報 ). It was popularly known as Min Pao (民報), as mentioned here. 5 Sir Arthur Dickinson Blackburn (1887-1970), born on October 21, 1887, graduated from Bedford School and entered the British Consular Service in China in 1908. He served as vice consul and consul at Beijing, Fuzhou, and Shanghai, before he was promoted to be the Chinese counselor of the British Embassy in China until 1943. He retired in 1944 and died on March 5, 1970 in Hythe, Kent, England. 6 Jen Yuan-tao (Ren Yuandao, 任援道, 1890-1980), born in Yixing (宜興), Jiangsu Province, in 1890, attended Baoding Military Academy, and later served as commander of the Beijing-Tianjin Garrison. In March 1938, he took the office of minister of pacification and mayor of Nanjing in the Provisional Government. After 1940, he served as pacification commander-in-chief for Jiangsu, Zhejiang and Anhui provinces, minister of Navy, governor of Jiangsu Province, and mayor of Shanghai. Early in 1945 when the war was almost over, he contacted Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government and surrendered all the troops under his command. After the war, though he was not prosecuted, he feared the uncertainty of his future, and moved to Hong Kong. After the Communist victory in 1949, he immigrated to Canada, where he died in 1980.

Notes 7

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Ch’en Tse-min (Chen Zemin, 陳則民), born in 1879 in Wuxian (吴縣), Jiangsu Province, obtained the title of Juren (舉人), and graduated from Japanese Law School. He served as chairman of the Legislative Commission and House of Representatives, and chairman of the Lawyers Association. He was named minister of education for the Provisional Government in March 1938, but soon was transferred to be the governor of Jiangsu Province. In Dec. 1945, he was sentenced life in prison for treason. 8 Ernest William Jeffery (1903-89), born on Nov. 20, 1903, was educated at Exeter College, Oxford University, and started his diplomatic career as a student interpreter in China in 1926. He became vice consul in 1928, serving at posts in Beijing, Guangzhou, Tianjin, Shanghai and Harbin, and was promoted to be one of H.M. consuls in China in Oct. 1935. Jeffery succeeded Prideaux-Brune to be consul at Nanjing from Jan. to Nov. 1938 when he was transferred to be consul at Hankou until April 1939. He was ConsulGeneral at Shanghai (1939-40) before he worked at Dakar. He became Consul-General at Hankou in Jan. 1949. He passed away on Oct. 22, 1989 in Rickmansworth, England. 9 File 9955, FO371/22155, PRO. 10 Sir Archibald Clark Kerr (1882-1951), born on March 17, 1882, in a suburb of Sydney, Australia, attended Bath College in England, and started his diplomatic career in 1906. He served on various posts around the world. He was promoted to third secretary in Berlin in 1908, second secretary in 1914 in Rome, first secretary at Foreign Office in London in 1919, acted as chargé d’affaires in 1924 in Cairo, and was named consul general to the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador in 1925. He was appointed ambassador in Bagdad in 1935. After Sir Hughe Montgomery KnatchbullHugessen, ambassador to China, was seriously wounded by the Japanese in Aug. 1937, he was named ambassador to China in Feb. 1938, and remained on the post until Feb. 1942 when he was transferred to Moscow. As ambassador to the Soviet Union, he forged a remarkable relationship with Stalin. His work at the Big Three Conferences at Tehran, Yalta, and Potsdam put him at the center of international politics. After the war, he was ambassador to the US, and was created Baron Inverchapel in 1946. In June 1951, two British diplomats, Donald Maclean and Guy Burgess, defected to the Soviet Union. As their superior in Washington D.C., he took their defection badly. It hastened his early death on July 5, 1951 in Greenock, Scotland, near his home Inverchapel. 11 K.C.M.G., abbreviation for Order of St. Michael and St. George, the second grade Knight Commander., usually awarded to ambassadors. 12 File 10385, FO371/22155, PRO. 13 Kiukiang (Jiujiang, 九江) is a city on the southern bank of the Yangtze in Jiangxi. 14 Nisshin Kisen Kaisha (日清汽船会社). 15 Wusih (Wuxi, 無锡) is a city about 100 miles west of Shanghai. 16 It refers to the newly built modern residential area north of Beiping Road, south of Jiangsu Road, west of Shanxi Road and east of Xikang Road (西康路). 17 File 11032, FO371/22155, PRO. 18 Sir. John Kinloch (1907-?), born on Nov. 1, 1907, graduated from Magdalene College, Cambridge, and started working for Butterfield & Swire Co. in 1931 in Shanghai (193132), Chongqing (1932-36), and Changsha (1937-38). He worked in Shanghai in 1938 for company’s shipping department., and later as manager at Xiamen (1938-39), Nanjing (1939-41), and Guangzhou (1941). 19 Taikoo (Taigu, 太古) is the Chinese name for Butterfield & Swire Company. 20 Ewo (Yihe, 怡和) is the Chinese name for Jardine Matheson & Company. 21 Standard-Vacuum Oil Company (美孚石油公司) was an American petroleum company established in 1868. 22 Public Works Department.

222 23

Notes

British-American Tobacco Company was also known as the Yee-Tsoong (British-American) Tobacco Company. 24 Orient Paint, Colour & Varnish Company, Ltd. (永光油漆公司). 25 File 12571, FO371/22155, PRO. 26 Sir William Denis Allen (1910-87), born on Dec. 24, 1910 in New Zealand, was educated at Wanganui, New Zealand, and Cambridge University. He joined Diplomatic Service in 1934, and was third secretary in the British Embassy in China (1938-42). He later served as counselor in Washington D.C. (1946-49), assistant under-secretary of state for Far Eastern Affairs in the Foreign Office (1953-56), and deputy commissioner general for Southeast Asia in Singapore (1959-62). He was British ambassador to Turkey (196367), and deputy under-secretary of the Foreign Office (1967-69) until his retirement. He died on May 20, 1987 in Honiton, Devon, England. 27 File 12571, FO371/22155, PRO. 28 C. B. E., abbreviation for Order of British Empire, the third grade Commander. 29 William Bartholomew Rigden. 30 John William Tinson was detained in a concentration camp at Shanghai after the Pearl Harbor Bombing until the end of the war in Aug. 1945. 31 Basil Robertson Goodfellow (1902-72), born on Oct. 27, 1902 in Lancashire, England, graduated from Cambridge University. He worked for Imperial Chemical Industries (卜内 門洋碱有限公司) from the early 1930s until 1939. During the war, he served in the British army in Singapore, India and Ceylon. He returned to ICI after the war and retired in 1964. He died in Sept. 1972 in London. 32 Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI, 卜内門洋碱有限公司) is a British chemical company founded in 1926. 33 China Soap Company (中國肥皂公司) was established by British Lever Brothers Ltd. in 1923 in Shanghai. 34 Steam ship Chinwo (慶和), 617 tons, was Jardine Matheson & Co.’s passenger ship on the Yichang-Chongqing line. 35 Harold Thomas Armstrong (1904-44), born in September 1904 in Portsmouth, Hampshire, joined the Royal Navy in 1922, and attended Royal Navy College in 1925. He was promoted to lieutenant commander in 1934, commander in June 1937, and captain in 1941. He became commanding officer of HMS Cockchafer in Aug. 1937, and was transferred to command HMS Bee on Dec. 24, 1937. He was commanding officer of HMS Cricket (1938-39), HMS Wren (1940), HMS Maori (1940-41), and HMS Laforey (1943-44). He was killed in action on March 30, 1944, when HMS Laforey was sunk by a German U-boat about 60 miles northeast of Palermo, Sicily. 36 J. D. Lean. 37 Loren Joseph Mead (1894-1983), born on Feb. 23, 1894 in Santa Ana, California, graduated from Cornell in 1916, went to China in 1919 to work for Standard-Vacuum Oil Company at Chengde (承德), Shanghai and Nanjing. He left China in 1943 and passed away on May 24, 1983 in San Diego, California. 38 Walter Henry Williams (1899-?), born on Feb. 11, 1899, went to China in July 1930 to work at the British Embassy in Beijing. He was transferred to Shanghai in Sept. 1932, and to Nanjing in July 1933. He was appointed pro-consul at Nanjing in June 1934. He was vice consul at the British Consulate General in Chicago in the late 1940s. 39 Shanghai-Nanking Railway. 40 Refers to Xinjiekou (新街口) in downtown Nanjing. 41 Keiji Okabe (岡部計二), born in 1900 in Tayama (富山県), graduated from the Chinese program in the Foreign Languages Dept., Tokyo University in 1921, and entered foreign

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service working at posts in Jiujiang and Zhifu. In 1928, he was transferred to Fuzhou, and became a vice consul at Shanghai in 1937. He was a consul at Wuhu in 1938. 42 Christopher Bryan Stracey Clitherow (1903-77), born on July 22, 1903, was commanding officer of HMS Scarab. 43 Showa Shipping Company (昭和海運株式會社) was a Japanese shipping company. 44 Mitsui Bussan Kaisha (三井物産会社) was formed in 1876 to market and export the coal mined at the Japanese government-owned Miike mine. MBK established its shipping section in 1898 and moved shipping headquarters from Tokyo to Kobe in 1904, operating many international lines. MBK played an active role in the Japanese war efforts, developing shipping, mining, railroads, chemical and other industries in every country under Japanese occupation. MBK industrial enterprises were severely damaged by Allied aerial bombing. 45 Taipingfu (太平府), or Taiping, now Dangtu (當塗), is a small city on the southern bank of the Yangtze, about 35 miles upriver from Nanjing. 46 File13180, FO371/22156, PRO. 47 Sir Herbert Phillips (1878-1957), born on July 8, 1878, spent his entire diplomatic career in China. He started as a student interpreter in March 1898 and served at various posts in Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Chongqing, and Harbin before becoming consul-general at Guangzhou. He was appointed consul-general at Shanghai on Sept. 24, 1937 and remained at this post until his retirement on Jan. 17, 1940. 48 File 13815, FO371/22156, PRO. 49 Metropole Hotel (首都飯店), built in 1933 at 178 North Zhongshan Road, was China Travel Agency (中國旅行社)’s hotel. Its manager was Liu Huaide (劉懐徳), also known as Walter Lowe in English. 50 Waichiaopu (Waijiaobu, 外交部), Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 51 Kao Kuan-wu (Gao Guanwu, 高冠吾, 1892-1953), born in 1892 in Chongming (崇明), Jiangsu Province, graduated from Baoding Military Academy. He taught schools for several years before entering the military in 1924 with Sun Yat-sen’s headquarters. He took part in the Northern Expedition. In March 1938, he was deputy minister of pacifications for the Provisional Government in Nanjing , and became mayor of Nanjing in Oct. the same year. He was governor of Anhui Province and Jiangxi Province in Wang Jingwei’s government. He died on Aug. 29, 1953, in Ji’nan. 52 Changshu (常熟) is a city south of the Yangtze about 80 miles upriver from Shanghai. 53 Pengpu (Bangbu, 蚌埠) is a city in Anhui Province 150 miles north of Nanjing. 54 Fengyang (鳳陽) is a small city in Anhui Province, about 75 miles north of Nanjing. 55 “Tan (Dan, 石)” is a weight measurement, equal to 50 kilograms, about 110 pounds. 56 Yoshiyuki Hanawa (花輪義敬), born in Aug. 1892 in Yamanashi (山梨県), graduated from Tokyo Imperial University in 1918 and entered Foreign Ministry in Nov. the same year. He passed the foreign service exam in 1921 to be a professional diplomat, serving at posts in Guangzhou (1922), Ottawa (1922-32), and Changchun (1932-33). He worked at Beijing embassy (1935-38) and was Consul-General at Nanjing in 1938 until Hankou was captured by the Japanese in Oct. 1938. He left for Hankou to be Consul-General for two months, then returned to Nanjing. He was Consul-General at Hankou again 1939-40. 57 Yoshio Kasuya (粕谷孝夫), born in 1909 in Tokyo, graduated from Tokyo Commerce University in 1934, and passed the foreign service exam. He worked as a vice consul in the UK, 1935-37, then transferred to Shanghai. After Nanjing was captured, he entered the city with the Japanese troops to be vice consul. He left for Hankou in Oct. 1938 when the city fell. He was transferred back to Foreign Ministry in 1939. After the war, he was Ambassador to Nigeria, Uruguay, Thailand (1964-67), and Peru (1967-70). 58 Masakazu Tanaka (田中正一, 1888-1957). See Note 43 of Chapter Two.

224

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59

Tomokazu Hori (堀公一) worked as a consul in Los Angeles (1934-37), and was Consul-General at Nanjing (1938-39). He was head of the 3rd Section of the Foreign Ministry’s Intelligence Bureau until his death in 1944. 60 Fujio Uchida (内田藤雄, 1909-92), born on Feb. 22, 1909 in Tokyo, graduated from Tokyo Imperial University Law School in 1931. He entered Foreign Ministry, and worked in Germany in 1932. He became consul at Nanjing in 1938, and was transferred back to Foreign Ministry in 1940. He became Japanese Ambassador to West Germany in 1965 and retired in 1972. He died on Dec. 21, 1992.

4 Violation of British Property and Interests 1

FO233/270, Consulates and Legation, China: Miscellaneous Papers and Reports, 17271951, Public Record Office. 2 FO233/270, PRO. 3 FO233/270, PRO. 4 Consul General. 5 Walter Gerald Graham (1906-95), born on May 13, 1906, graduated from Oxford University and entered foreign service in 1923 to study Chinese in China. He was pro-moted to vice consul in 1931, working at posts in Nanjing, Shanghai, Beijing, Shenyang, Zhifu, and Tianjin until the Pearl Harbor Bombing. He was promoted to consul in 1938. He was consul at Said Port, Egypt, in 1942, consul-general in South Korea in 1952, and British Ambassador to Libya 1955-59. He retired in 1967. 6 Sir Arthur Hallam Rice Elton (1906-73), born on Feb. 10, 1906 in London, was educated at Marborough College and Jesus College, Cambridge. After graduation in 1927, he worked in England and Germany as a scriptwriter. He started making documentary movies in 1931, a pioneer of the British documentary film industry. In 1934, when Asiatic Petroleum Company established its film department, he was appointed its first director. He inherited his father’s Elton Baronetcy title in 1951. He passed away on Jan. 1, 1973 in Clevedon, England. 7 Commissioner of Customs was Herbert Duthy Hilliard. 8 FO233/270, PRO. 9 FO233/270, PRO. 10 FO233/271, PRO. 11 George Ashmore Fitch (1883-1979), born on Jan. 23, 1883 in Suzhou, China, to an American missionary family, graduated from Wooster College in Ohio in 1906. He continued his education at the Union Theological Seminary in New York before returning to China to be a YMCA secretary in Shanghai in 1909. He was transferred to Nanjing in 1936. When the Japanese attacked Nanjing in 1937, Fitch was one of the 14 Americans who stayed in the city. Serving as the safety zone director, he worked with other Americans and Westerners to assist and protect Chinese refugees during the massacre period. Fitch died on Jan. 21, 1979 in Pomona, CA. 12 Generalissimo, Chiang Kai-shek. 13 Square City (四方城), a building that houses a huge stone memorial tablet for the first emperor of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), is inside the boundaries of Ling Yuan (陵園), Sun Yat-sen Memorial Park. Donald referred that his residence was near Square City. 14 FO233/271, PRO. 15 His Imperial Japanese Majesty’s (H.I.J.M.). 16 Also spelt as Yi Chiang Men (Yijiangmen, 挹江門). 17 FO233/271, PRO.

Notes

225

18

Ihagee is a camera manufacturer established in Dresden, Germany, in 1918. Exakta is its best known camera. 19 S. Moutrie & Co., Ltd. (謀得利有限公司), at 116, Nanjing Road, Shanghai, manufactured, repaired, and sold pianos and other music instruments. 20 FO233/271, PRO. 21 Sankiao Street (Sanjiao Street, 三教街), a street in the former Russian Concession in Hankou, was originally named Kaitai Street (開泰街). It was renamed Sanjiao Street when the concession was returned to China in 1924. In 1946 when all the concessions in Hankou were returned, Poyang Street (鄱陽街) in the former British Concession and Sanjiao Street were jointly renamed Poyang Street, a name that has been used up to present. 22 FO233/272, PRO. 23 The Union Brewery Limited (上海啤酒公司) was a beer producer in Shanghai. 24 North Hotel (河北飯店), on East Zhongshan Road near Xinjiekou in Nanjing, was a hotel operated by Germans. 25 Robert J. Holmes was a secretary of the Rotary Club in Nanjing. 26 Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, Lted. (怡和輪船公司) was a shipping company founded by Jardine Matheson & Co. in 1873, operating shipping lines in the Far East. 27 Cecil Gordon Copley, a Canadian, was detained by the Japanese after the Pearl Harbor Bombing into Pudong Camp until Sept. 1943 when he was repatriated back to Canada. 28 Tong Chia Hsiang (Tongjia Xiang, 童家巷) is an alley in northern section of Nanjing. 29 U. J. Kelly, secretary and treasurer of the British Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai. 30 According to the 1858 Tianjin Treaty, Zhenjiang, Jiujiang and Hankou along the Yangtze were opened as treaty ports. In 1861, the British established concessions and opened consulates in the three cities. The British Concession in Zhenjiang consisted of 17 lots. The British Concession was returned to Chinese authorities on Nov. 15, 1929. 31 Alfred Raymond Turner was a British captain. 32 The Central Agency Limited (綿華洋行), a British company in Shanghai, was a distributor of posters, including fashion marketing posters. 33 The Auto-Palace Company (利喴機氣車行), at 649 Bubbling Well Road, was established by British Jewish businessman Sir Ellice Victor Sassoon (1881-1961) in Shanghai as distributor for American General Motors and British brand cars like Morris. 34 The Office Appliance Company Lted. (文儀洋行), a British company in Shanghai, was a distributor of various brands of typewriters. 35 Steiner and Company (天納洋行) was an Austrian cigarette distributor. 36 Cecil Ernest Morton was an accountant in the Asiatic Petroleum Company. He was detained by the Japanese into Zhabei Camp until Aug. 1945. 37 FO233/272, PRO. 38 FO233/272, PRO. 39 Mei Tan Kang (Mei Tan Gang, 煤炭港) was the dock facilities in Xiaguan for loading and unloading coal. The original Chinese text uses 煤炭冈, which is a typo.

5 Royal Navy Reports of Proceedings 1

ADM116/3675, China Station, Yangtze Squadron General Letters, 1935-37, PRO. From 1865 to 1941, the British Royal Navy appointed Commander in Chief, China, for the British fleet in China, China Station. The Commander in Chief from Jan. 1936 to Feb. 1938 was Vice Admiral Sir Charles James Colebrooke Little (1882-1973) and from Feb. 1938 to 1940 was Admiral Sir Percy Lockhart Harnam Noble (1880-1955). 3 The title of the British Yangtze patrol fleet commander was “Vice-Admiral, Yangtze” if his rank was vice admiral, or “Rear-Admiral, Yangtze” if he was rear admiral. 2

226

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4

HMS Mantis, 645 tons, built by William Doxford & Sons in Sunderland, England, was launched in Sept. 1915. She first operated in Mesopotamia (1916-17), joined China Station in 1920, and was sold for scrap in Jan. 1940 in Shanghai. 5

To avoid being attacked by Japanese air strikes and artillery shelling, British shipping concentration informed the Japanese authorities of the location where the concentration was at anchorage. 6

False Island (八寳洲) is an island in the Yangtze across river from Madang (馬壋). This island is Mianchuan Township, Pengze County, Jiangxi Province ( 江西彭澤縣棉船鎮 ). The barrier at this location was known to the Chinese as Madang Boom (馬壋江防障碍). 7 Hashimoto Kingoro (橋本欣五郎, 1890-1957), born on Feb. 19, 1890 in Okayama City (岡山市), graduated from Military Academy in 1911, Army Artillery Academy in 1915, and Army University in 1920. He served in Kwantung Army’s Intelligence Service Section in Harbin in 1922. After promotion to major in 1926, he was appointed military attaché at the Japanese Embassy in Ankara, Turkey (1927-30). He was promoted to lieutenant colonel in August 1930 and taught at Army University, becoming involved in right-wing politics, taking part in coups d’état attempts, and organizing radical societies. With his promotion to colonel in 1934, he became commander of the 2nd Artillery Regiment. When the Japanese launched attacks at Nanjing, he was commander of the 13th Artillery Regiment, bombing and shelling vessels on the Yangtze between Wuhu and Nanjing. He was demobilized from the military in 1939, and became fully involved in radical political activities. He was elected to the House of Representatives (1942-45) and became vice-president of the Diet (1944-45). After the war, he was indicted as a Class A war criminal by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, and received a life sentence in 1948. After serving seven years, he was paroled in 1955, and died of lung cancer on June 29, 1957 in Tokyo. 8 Terrence N. Lonergan. 9 James Ian Murray Ashby (1901-90), born on Nov. 1, 1901 in Chichester, Sussex, England, first served in China on submarine, HMS Titania (1924-25). He was commanding officer of the British Yangtze River gunboat, HMS Cricket (1936-38). He retired in 1946 and died in March 1990 in Devon, England. 10 Chuting (朱亭), 207 tons, was Butterfield & Swire Co.’s tug for the Hankou-ChangshaChangde line. 11 Hoshien (Hexian, 和縣), Anhui Province, is a small city north of the Yangtze, about 20 miles upriver from Nanjing. 12 Lloyd Rutherford Craighill (1886-1971) was an American Episcopal missionary with the American Church Mission in Wuhu, rather than the China Inland Mission. Born on Sept. 3, 1886 in Lynchburg, Virginia, he graduated from Washington & Lee University in 1912, and Virginia Theological Seminary in 1915. As an Episcopal missionary, he went to China in 1915, doing missionary work in Nanchang for 19 years. In Nov. 1937, he went to Wuhu for refugee relief work. He was bishop for the Anhui-Jiangxi area headquartered in Wuhu (1940-49). After the Pearl Harbor Bombing, he was detained by the Japanese in Pudong Camp in Shanghai until 1943 when he was repatriated back to the US. After the war, he returned to China and did not leave until 1949. He passed away on March 13, 1971. His wife Marian Gardner Craighill (1890-1982) published a family memoir, The Craighils of China (葛家旅華回憶) in 1972. 13 James Hudson Taylor (1832-1905) established China Inland Mission in 1865 in the UK, sending British missionaries to China until 1949. 14 Mei Ping, 1,118 tons, Mei Hsia, 1,048 tons, and Mei An, 935 tons, were Standard-Vacuum Oil Co.’s oil tankers.

Notes 15

227

James Vance Pickering (1906-75), born on Feb. 16, 1906 in Cadiz, Ohio, graduated from Harvard in 1928. He then went to China, working for Standard-Vacuum Oil Co. as its superintendent at Nanjing. In Nov. 1937, as war approached, he served on the International Committee for Nanjing Safety Zone, but withdrew early Dec. by order of his company. Aboard USS Panay, he was injured when the gunboat was sunk on Dec. 12, 1937. He served on the International Relief Committee in June 1938 after returning to Nanjing. In 1939, he was manager of Standard-Vacuum in Chongqing, coordinating flights over the “hump” from India to China. He died on Oct. 13, 1975, in Greenwich, CT. 16 John Mark Symonds Cox (1909-41) was decorated on June 8, 1940, for his excellent service as a lieutenant commander on minesweeper, HMS Halcyon, in the withdrawal of troops at Dunkirk. He became commanding officer of minesweeper, HMS Britomart, on May 28, 1940, and was killed on March 15, 1941 by a bomb when the ship he commanded was at anchor in Rye Bay. 17 John Bingham Sherwood (1907-91), born on March 19, 1907, graduated from Colgate University in 1929. He arrived in China in Jan. 1930 as a Standard-Vacuum Oil Co. employee. In Dec. 1937, before the Japanese arrived, he embarked Mei Ping to evacuate Nanjing. During the Panay Bombing Incident, Mei Ping was bombed and damaged. After the Pearl Harbor Bombing, he was in Tianjin and was put into Beijing Military Prison by the Japanese until Aug. 1942 when he was repatriated back to the US. He passed away on Aug. 17, 1991 in Murphy, North Carolina. His memoir, Found Memories of a Young Man in Old China, was published in 2009. 18 David Smith Goldie (1896-1951), born on Jan. 10, 1896 in Glasgow, Scotland, went to China in 1925, and worked as a manager for Standard-Vacuum Oil Co. in Wuhu. When Panay was bombed, he was on Mei Ping. He died on Dec. 27, 1951 in Los Angeles. 19 A. Birger Jorgensen, from Bergen, Norway, was the captain of Mei Hsia. 20 According to other source, his name should be Peter G. A. Mender. He was from Estonia, and was captain of Mei Ping. 21 Mario Blasina, from Trieste, Italy, was the master of Mei Ping. 22 Japanese gunboat Hodzu (保津). 23 Wang Tien-chih (Wang Dianzhi, 王殿之) was a Syracuse University graduate. He served in the Northeast Army (東北軍). He was Hoxian mayor 1937-38. 24 Hanshan (含山) is a small city about 15 miles west of Hexian (Hohsien). 25 The word “yamen” is the transliteration of Chinese word “衙門” which was the office and residential compound of a city or county mayor in the old days. 26 Born on Oct. 20, 1896, George Atcheson, Jr. (1896-1947) graduated from the University of California in 1919, and entered Foreign Service in 1920. In the ensuing years, he mainly served at posts in China. On Dec. 11, 1937, as a second secretary of the American Embassy, he evacuated from Nanjing on USS Panay. When Panay was sunk by the Japanese on Dec. 12, he was injured. He and the others were rescued to Shanghai. He made a brief visit to Nanjing from March 11 to 13, 1938. He was killed in a plane crash over the Pacific on Aug. 16, 1947. 27 Sandro Sandri was a journalist of La Stampa, a newspaper published in Torino, Italy. 28 Charles Lee Ensminger. According to “Text of Naval Court Findings on Panay Sinking,” Boston Globe, Dec. 25, 1937, p. 4, “Charles L. Ensminger, ship’s cook, first class, died at 1:30 p.m. 13 December at Hohsien, China, from wounds received during the bombing of the U.S.S. Panay and that his death occurred in line of duty.” Other sources indicate that he was storekeeper, first class. 29 Carl Harry Carlton was the captain of Standard-Vacuum’s oil tanker, Mei An. 30 Ekinosuke Okamura (中村奕之助), born in Tokyo in 1890, graduated from Shimane (島 根県) Commerce School in 1909, and entered foreign service in 1921. He served at the

228

Notes

post in Manzhouguo in 1934, and was transferred to Shanghai in 1937. He started working at the Nanjing Embassy in 1942. 31 Kiyoshi Hasegawa (長谷川清, 1883-1970), born in Fukui Prefecture (福井県) on May 7, 1883, graduated from Naval Academy in 1903, and became commanding officer of HIJ MS Nisshin (日進, May-Dec. 1926) and HIJMS Nagato (長門, Dec. 1926-27). He was promoted to rear admiral in 1927, vice admiral in 1933. He was commanding officer of the 3rd Fleet in Dec. 1936, and became admiral in April 1939. He died on Sept. 2, 1970. 32 Distinguished Service Cross. 33 Japanese gunboat Ataka, 725 tons, built in 1922 by Yokohama (横滨) Shipping Yard, was the flagship of the 11th Gunboat Flotilla, the 3rd Fleet, under the command of Rear Admiral Eijiro Kondo. The gunboat was turned over to the Chinese Navy in Sept. 1945, and renamed Andong (安東). On April 23, 1949, the gunboat, commanded by Han Tingfeng (韓廷楓), joined the Communist Navy, but was bombed and sunk by the Nationalist Air Force at Wuhu on Sept. 24, 1949. 34 Eijiro Kondo, born in 1887, was promoted to rear admiral in 1935, while Reginald V. Holt, born in 1884, was promoted to rear admiral in 1936. Seniority here refers to the year of promotion to rear admiral. 35 Francis Brian Price Brayne-Nicholls (1914-98), born on Dec. 1, 1914, graduated from Dartmouth Royal Navy College in 1927. After serving on HMS Sussex and HMS Leander, he became lieutenant on Yangtze River gunboat HMS Bee in 1936. He was navigating officer of the minelayer, HMS Manxman, in the Mediterranean (1941-42). He was promoted to captain in 1954 and commanded HMS Apollo and HMS Dryad. His final appointment, as a rear admiral, was in Singapore as chief of staff to the Commander of the Far East Fleet (1963-65). He retired from the Royal Navy in 1965 to be general secretary of the Officers’ Pension Society. He died in 1998. 36 Reginald Vesey Holt (1884-1957), born on May 26, 1884 in London, joined the Royal Navy in 1899, and became rear admiral in 1936 and vice admiral in 1939. When Nanjing was under attack, Holt was British senior naval officer, Yangtze, and commanding officer of HMS Bee up to Dec. 21, 1937. Harold Thomas Armstrong succeeded him to command HMS Bee on Dec. 24. He was rear admiral Yangtze from Dec. 1937 to Jan. 1940. He died on Dec. 9, 1957 in Fontwell, Sussex, England. 37 ADM116/3881, Records of the Admiralty, Yangtze Records, Public Record Office. 38 Hai Hsing (海星) was one of Chinese Customs’ cruisers. 39 Tiger Hill (老虎山) is situated north of Nanjing near Shangyuan Gate (上元門). 40 Anti-aircraft batteries. 41 Motor launch cruiser. 42 Rosina, also known as Rosina Rock (仙人磯), is situated about 10 miles upstream from Xiasanshan (下三山). 43 Japanese gunboat Atami (熱海). 44 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 45 Staff Officer (Intelligence). 46 Steam tug Shun Wo (順和) was a Jardine Matheson & Co.’s tug. 47 Ho Ying (和英) was a tug belonging to International Import & Export Company. 48 ADM116/3881, Yangtze Records, PRO. 49 ADM1/9558, Naval Stations, Yangtze General Letters, Proceedings, 1937-38, PRO. 50 HMS Cockchafer, 625 tons, built by Barclay Curle in Plymouth, England, was launched in Dec. 1915. In WWI, she defended the southeast coast of England. She supported White Russians on the Dvina River during the Russian Civil War (1918-19). She joined Chin Station in 1920 to patrol the Yangtze and was involved in the Wanxian Incident (萬 縣事件) in 1926. In 1939, she was converted to a minelayer and transferred to East Indies

Notes

229

Squadron in 1941 and Mediterranean Fleet in 1943, taking part in operations at Iraq, Iran, and Sicily. She returned to the East in 1944 to support operations in Burma. As the last surviving insect-class gunboat, she was sold for scrap in Singapore in 1949. 51 Chinese warship Weining (威寧). 52 Anking (Anqing, 安慶), the capital of Anhui Province in the 1930s, is a city on the northern bank of the Yangtze, about 50 miles upstream from Wuhu. 53 Taitzechi (Taiziji, 太子磯) Crossing is about 12 miles downstream from Anqing. This section of river, about 18 miles long, is full of rocks protruding out of the water, dangerous to navigate. 54 Kwei Chi Cheng (Guichi Cheng, 貴池城) is a small city on the southern bank of the Yangtze River, about 40 miles downriver from Anqing. 55 Hisao Tani (谷壽夫, 1882-1947), born on Dec. 22, 1882 in Okayama (岡山県), graduated from Military Academy in 1903 and Army University in 1911. He served in the Russo-Japanese War as a second lieutenant. He was chief of staff of the 3rd Division during the Shandong invasion operation in 1928. He was promoted to major general in 1930 then lieutenant general in 1934. He took command of the 9th Depot Division in June 1935 and the 6th Division in Dec. the same year. When the second Sino-Japanese War broke out in July 1937, he commanded the 6th Division to invade into North China in Aug. His division was transferred to land at Jinshanwei (金山衞), south of Shanghai, in early Nov. and continued to fight its way toward Nanjing. Attacking the city from the south and southwest, they broke into Shuixi and Zhonghua Gates on Dec. 13, 1937, and engaged in mass killings in the areas south of the city, the Shangxin Riverfront area, the Sancha River, and Xiaguan, as well as in the southern and western sections inside city walls. After the war, he was tried as Class B war criminal in Nanjing and was executed on April 26, 1947. 56 Steam ship Tatung, 2,548 tons, was a Butterfield & Swire Co.’s passenger ship on the Shanghai-Hankou line. 57 Steam ship Peking (北京), 2,866 tons, was a Butterfield & Swire Co’s passenger ship. 58 ADM1/9558, PRO. 59 Steam ship Suiwo (瑞和), 2,672 tons, was a Jardine Matheson and Co.s passenger ship on the Shanghai-Hankou line. 60 Steam ship Hanwo (漢和), a Jardine Matheson & Co.’s tug built in 1919 in Shanghai. was commandeered in 1940 as a minesweeper, and was sunk at Hong Kong in Dec. 1942. 61 Frank Harold Elcho Skyrme (1896-1975) was the shipping manager of Butterfield & Swire Co. at the time. Born on April 5, 1896, Skyrme joined the Royal Navy in 1914 and graduated from the Royal Navy Academy. He was promoted to lieutenant in 1918, and lieutenant commander in 1926. He was discharged in 1936, but rejoined after WWII broke out. He was the captain of HMS Castketon (1940-41). He died on Nov. 28, 1975. 62 Steam ship Kintang (金堂), 420 tons, was a Jardine Matheson & Co.’s passenger ship on the Yichang-Chongqing line 63 Fukuda, Tokuyasu (福田笃泰, 1906-93), born on Oct. 13, 1906 in Tokyo, graduated from Economics Dept., Tokyo Imperial University in 1930. He passed the foreign service exam in 1935, and served as a diplomat until the end of war. He was a counselor at the Japanese embassy in Nanjing during the massacre period. After the war he entered politics. He was elected Representative of the House in Jan. 1949, and served 10 consecutive terms until Sept. 1979. He served in the cabinet several times as Chief of Staff for Prime Minister (1959-60), Defense Minister (1963-64), and Postal Service Minister (1976). He died on Aug. 7, 1993 in Tokyo. 64 Steam ship Siangwo (湘和), 2,595 tons, was a Butterfield & Swire Co’s passenger ship on the Shanghai-Hankou line

230 65

Notes

Tug Saucy, or HMS Saucy, a British Royal Navy rescue tug, 579 tons, built by Livingstone & Cooper Ltd., Hessle, England, was launched in 1918. She was mined and sunk in the Firth of Forth on Sept. 4, 1940. 66 Steam ship Wuchang (武昌), 3,204 tons, was a Butterfield & Swire Co’s passenger ship on the Shanghai-Hankou line. 67 Tungchow (Tongzhou, 通州), known present-day as Nantong (南通), is on the north side of the Yangtze mouth. 68 Vine Point (姚港), on the Yangtze northern bank near Nantong. 69 HMS Grimsby, 990 tons, built by Devonport Dockyard in Plymouth, England, was launched in July 1933 and commissioned in 1934 to China Station until 1939 when she returned to the UK. She was deployed to the Red Sea and Mediterranean in 1940 and was bombed and sunk near Tobruk, a Libyan sea port city on May 25, 1941. 70 ADM1/9558, PRO. 71 Japanese cruiser Idzumo (出雲), 9,750 tons, built by Armstrong Whitworth, England, was launched in Sept. 1899, and commissioned in 1900, taking part in the RussoJapanese War. In 1932, after war broke out in Shanghai, the Japanese reorganized the 3rd Fleet. commanded by Vice Admiral Kiyoshi Hasegawa (長谷川清), Idzumo became 3rd Fleet’s flagship in July 1937, and had stationed mainly in Shanghai since then. She returned to Japan in 1943 and was bombed and sunk by the Americans on July 24, 1945 at Kure (吴市) port. The ship was salvaged to be scrapped in 1947. 72 Henderick Bos was a secretary at the Dutch Legation in Nanjing. He visited Nanjing from Feb. 8 to 12, 1938. 73 Japanese gunboat Seta (勢多). 74 Republic of France Ship (R.F.S.) Doudart de Lagree, 183 tons, built by Chantiers de Bretagne Shipping Yard in France, was commissioned in 1909 to patrol the Yangtze. She was decommissioned in 1944. 75 Japanese gunboat Hasu (蓮). 76 ADM1/9558, PRO. 77 Kuomintang, for the Chinese phrase “國民黨,” means “Nationalist Party.” 78 ADM1/9558, PRO. 79 Pitman King (劉海沙) is an island in the Yangtze southwest of Nantong. 80 Lion Hill (獅子山) and Tiger Hill (老虎山) are hills in the Mufu Mountain (幕府山) range. Lion Hill is in the northwestern part of Nanjing right inside city walls, while Tiger Hill is by the Yangtze River north of the city. 81 Robert Basil Stewart Tennant (1905-69), born on Jan. 30, 1905 in Strath Brock, Scotland, was commanding officer of HMS Aphis. He later commanded destroyers, HMS Sardonyx (1940), HMS Douglas (1942), and HMS Whitherington (1943). He received the Order of British Empire (OBE) on June 13, 1946, and retired from the Navy in Jan. 1950. He died in Merioneth South, Wales, in 1969. 82 This should be Tian Sheng Gang (天生港), the port at Tungchow (Nantong). 83 Ning Hai (寧海) was a Chinese Navy cruiser. 84 Ping Hai (平海) was a Chinese Navy cruiser. 85 Yat Sen (逸仙) was a Chinese Navy light cruiser. 86 HMS Sandwich, 1,045 tons, built by Harthorn Leslie at Newcastle, England, was launched in Sept. 1928 and deployed to China Station in 1929, based at Shanghai. In Dec. 1939, she was transferred to the Mediterranean, mainly at Gibraltar to escort convoys between Liverpool and Gibraltar. Out of service in 1944, she was scrapped in Aug. 1945. 87 ADM1/9558, PRO.

Notes

231

88

Matung (Madang, 馬壋) is a small city on the southern bank of the Yangtze about 50 miles upstream from Anqing. 89 I chang (Yichang, 宜昌) is a city in western Hubei Province on the Yangtze.

6 U.S. Naval Intelligence Reports 1

Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, Record Group (RG) 38, Records of the Office of the Chief of Naval Operations, General Correspondence of Naval Intelligence, 1929-42, the National Archives, Washington, D. C. 2 Kiang Ning Ch’en (JiangningZhen, 江寧鎮) is a town southwest of Nanjing. 3 Henry Thompson Jarrell (1903-95), born on June 22, 1903 in Lagrange, Georgia, graduated from the US Naval Academy in 1927. He was assigned as a language officer at the US Embassy in Beijing (1932-35). He was commanding officer of USS Lawrence (1941-43). He later served as naval attaché at several US embassies in the 1950s. He died on October 29, 1995, in his birth place, Lagrange. 4 Tsinanfu (Ji’nanfu, 濟南府), presently Ji’nan (濟南), is the capital of Shandong Province in North China. 5 Tsingtao (Qingdao, 青島) is a coastal city in Shandong Province. 6 Henry Augustus McNulty (1874-1950), born on February 22, 1874 in West Orange, New Jersey, graduated from Princeton in 1895 and got his B.D. (bachelor of divinity) from General Seminary in New York in 1904. He went to Suzhou, China in 1909 as an Episcopal missionary. In 1937, during the Sino-Japanese hostilities, McNulty remained in Suzhou to assist refugees until just before the city fell on November 19, 1937. He died on July 10, 1950 in Rye, New York. 7 Nelson Trusler Johnson (1887-1954), born on April 3, 1887 in Washington D.C., attended George Washington University (1906-07), and entered Foreign Service in 1907 to study Chinese in Beijing. From 1909, he served at Shenyang, Harbin, Hankou, Shanghai, Chongqing, and Changsha. He was promoted to consul-general at large in 1921, and the director of East Asian Affairs in the Department of State in 1925. He was US ambassador to China (1929-41), and Australia (1941-46). In 1946, he was named secretary of the International Far East Commission. Johnson retired in 1952, and died of heart attack on Dec. 3, 1954 in Washington D. C. 8 Edmond Lee Rice (1905-92), born on March 1, 1905, graduated from BirminghamSouthern College, Alabama, and Emory Medical School in 1931. He went to China in 1934 as a missionary medical doctor associated with the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, and worked until 1941 when he returned to the US to be a surgeon in North Carolina. He went back to China as soon as the war ended. He served as medical director and chief surgeon of the United Christian Hospital in Lahore, Pakistan (1953-61). He later practiced in South Carolina until his retirement in 1975. He died on Aug. 19, 1992 in Ashville, North Carolina. 9 Ku Chu T’ung (Gu Zhutong, 顧祝同, 1893-1987), born on Jan. 9, 1893 in Lianshui (漣 水), Jiangsu Province, graduated from Baoding Military Academy in 1919. He rose quickly in rank, serving as commander of the 9th Army, commander of the Third War Zone (1937-45), commander in chief of the Chinese Army (1946-47, 1949), and chief of staff (1948-49). After the Communists won the civil war, he fled to Taiwan, where he died on Jan. 17, 1987 in Taipei. 10 James Marshall McHugh (1899-1966), born on Dec. 27, 1899 in Nevada, Missouri, graduated from US Naval Academy in 1922. He went to China in 1923 to study the country and its language. His father-in-law, Jacob Gould Schurman, president of Cornell University (1892-1920), was then American minister to China. In October 1937, McHugh

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was a US Marine Corps captain, and assistant naval attaché at the US Embassy in Nanjing. He was naval attaché (1940-43), serving as a special representative of Frank Knox, Secretary of Navy, to Chiang Kai-shek, with whom he developed a close relationship. He died on Nov. 7, 1966 in Needwood Forest, MD. 11 “Brenn” or, Bren, anti-aircraft guns are a series light machine guns originally designed in Czechoslovakia, but improved and manufactured by the British in the 1930s and used in various roles, including anti-aircraft, until 1992. 12 Liu Jui-heng (Liu Ruiheng, 劉瑞恒, 1890-1961), born on June 10, 1890 in Tianjin, obtained his BS in 1909 and MD in 1915, both from Harvard University. After service in Shanghai and Beijing as surgeon and medical administrator, he became China’s first minister of health in 1928, and concurrently as surgeon general of the Chinese Army in 1931. When the Communists gained ground in 1949 in Mainland China, he went to Taiwan. He died on Aug. 26, 1961 in New York. 13 James Joseph Hughes (1898-1953), born on Nov. 23, 1898 in New York, graduated from the Naval Academy in 1919. He served in France, and was assigned to the office of the Chief of Naval Operations in 1933. He took command of USS Panay in June 1936, and was seriously wounded when Panay was sunk on Dec. 12, 1937. He was commander of USS Electra when she was torpedoed above northern Morocco in 1943. He transferred most of his crew to a nearby destroyer, while keeping a small salvage crew aboard to bring the injured Electra to port. He retired from the Navy in 1945 to be president of the Terminal Refrigerating and Warehouse Corporation and the Consolidated Terminal Corporation in Washington, D.C., where he passed away on Nov. 24, 1953. 14 Born on Oct. 7, 1889 in Minhou (閩侯), Fujian Province, Chen Shaokuan ( 陳紹寛, 1889-1969) graduated from Nanyang Naval Academy ( 南洋水師學堂 ) near Fuzhou in 1908. He became captain in 1915, and was on an extended tour of duty abroad (1917-20), visiting Japanese, American, and British navies, serving as naval attaché at the Chinese Embassy in London in 1918, attending 1919 Paris Peace Conference, and representing China at the International Waterway Conference in London. He was China’s acting minister of Navy (1930-32) and minister of Navy (1932-38). He was Chinese Navy representative at George VI’s coronation ceremony in April 1937. After the SinoJapanese hostilities broke out in July 1937, he commanded naval forces to sink several old warships at Jiangyin and other locations in the Yangtze to create blockage booms to delay the advance of the Japanese navy. He was commander-in-chief of Navy (1938-45), but was removed from the position when he refused to fight against Communist troops. He turned down the invitation to go to Taiwan in 1949 and served as vice governor of Fujian Province after 1949. He died of stomach cancer on July 30, 1969 in Fuzhou. 15 Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG 38, the National Archives. 16 USS Luzon, 500 tons, built by Jiangnan Shipping Yard in Shanghai, was launched in Sept. 1927. She was the flagship of the Yangtze Patrol, American Asiatic Fleet. She sailed from Shanghai to the Philippines on Nov. 29, 1941. When the Japanese attacked Manila on May 6 1942, she was scuttled in Manila Bay to prevent capture. In late May 1942, the Japanese salvaged and renamed her Karatsu (唐津). On March 3, 1944, she was torpedoed by American submarine Narwhal. 17 Israel Epstein (1915-2005), born on April 20, 1915 in Warsaw, Poland, moved with his parents to China at the age of 2, and settled in Tianjin. He began his journalism career when he was 15, and in the late 1930s covered China’s struggles against Japanese invasion for United Press and other Western news agencies. In 1944, he spent six months in Yen’an and met with Mao Zedong and other Communist leaders. He lived in the US for five years until 1951, when the widow of Sun Yat-sen, Song Qingling (宋庆齡), invited him to return to China to be editor-in-chief of China Reconstructs (later China Today), an

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English periodical published in China. During the Cultural Revolution, he was imprisoned for five years, and he died on May 26, 2005 in Beijing. 18 Sianfu (Xi’anfu,西安府), known as Xi’an (西安) at present, is the capital of Shensi (Shanxi, 陕西) Province in Northwest China. 19 Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, the National Archives. 20 Pai Chung-Hsi (Bai Chongxi, 白崇禧, 1893-1966), born on March 18, 1893 in Linggui (臨桂), Guangxi (廣西) Province, graduated from Baoding Military Academy in 1916, and served in Guangxi army thereafter. He distinguished himself in service and, with Li Zongren ( 李宗仁 ), became a prominent figure not only in Guangxi, but also in the national arena. During the Northern Expedition, he became deputy chief of general staff for the Nationalist Revolutionary Army in 1926 and commander of Shanghai Garrison in 1927. When the Japanese invaded China in 1937, he was Chinese army’s deputy chief of general staff and director of training. He was named defense minister in 1945. By the end of 1949, he went to Taiwan, where he died on Dec. 1, 1966 in Taipei. 21 Chang Chun (Zhang Qun, 張群, 1889-1990), born on May 9, 1889 in Huayang (華陽), Sichuan Province, attended Baoding Military Academy and Shimbu Gakkō (振武學堂), where he got acquainted with fellow cadet Chiang Kai-shek and became his close ally for the rest of his life. Zhang served as foreign minister from Dec. 1935 to March 1937. In Aug. 1937, he was named secretary general of the newly organized policy-making body, National Military Commission, responsible for negotiations with Oskar Paul Trautmann, German ambassador to China, who attempted mediation between China and Japan. He was governor of Sichuan Province (1940-45), and president of Executive Yuan (194748). He played an important role in China’s relations with Japan. In 1949, he fled to Taiwan, where he died in Taipei on Dec. 14, 1990. 22 Lanchow (Lanzhou, 蘭州), the capital of Kansu (Gansu, 甘肅) Province in West China. 23 Yunnanfu (雲南府), present-day Kunming (昆明), is the capital of Yunnan (雲南) Province in Southwest China. 24 Wuhan (武漢), the capital of Hubei Province, is trisected by the Yangtze River and Han River into three sections: Hankou (漢口), Hanyang (漢陽), and Wuchang (武昌). 25 Taiyuan (太原) is the capital of Shansi (Shanxi, 山西) Province in North China. 26 Silver Island (焦山) is a scenic island on which an artillery fort was situated. 27 Little Orphan (小孤山) is an island in Yangtze, 15 miles downstream from Jiujiang. 28 Edward John Marquart (1880-1954), born in Valparaiso, Indiana, in 1880, graduated from US Naval Academy in 1902, and took part in such battles as the Spanish campaign, Philippine campaign, and Cuban pacification. In 1931, he assumed command of 10,000ton USS Louisville. He was promoted to rear admiral in 1936, and from Feb. 1937 to 1938, he commanded the Yangtze Patrol in China. He was commander of US naval yards at Cavite, the Philippines (1933-37), and at Brooklyn, New York (1941). He retired from the Navy in 1944, and died on November 4, 1954 in Pasadena, California. 29 Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, the National Archives. 30 Soong Tse-ven (Song Ziwen, 宋子文, 1894-1971), brother of Madame Chiang Kaishek (宋美齡) and Madame SunYat-sen, was born on December 4, 1894 in Shanghai. He attended St. John’s University in Shanghai before he went to the US for education and graduated from Harvard in 1915 with a BA in economics. He served the Nationalist Government in such capacities as president of Executive Yuan, governor of the Central Bank, minister of finance, and minister of foreign affairs. In 1949, he went to the US, where he died on April 25, 1971 in San Francisco. 31 Republic of France Ship (R.F.S.) Amiral Charner, 1,970 tons, launched in Oct. 1932 and operated in French colonies in Asia and Africa. She took part in the Battle of Koh Chang, and was scuttled on March 10, 1945.

234 32

Notes

Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG 38, the National Archives. Peng Tseh Cheng (Pengze Cheng, 彭澤城) is a small city on the southern bank of the Yangtze, about 25 miles downriver from Jiujiang. 34 Poyang Lake (鄱陽湖), in northern Jiangxi, is China’s biggest fresh water lake. 35 Anking Pagoda is Zhenfeng Pagoda (振風塔) of Yingjiang Temple (迎江寺), situated by the riverside. The pagoda also functions to direct navigations for the passing ships. 36 Woosung (Wusong, 吴淞) is a port town where the Huangpu River joins the Yangtze River north of Shanghai. This location also serves as a standard point to measure the distance a ship travels or pinpoint a ship’s location in the Yangtze. 37 His Imperial Japanese Majesty Ship. 38 Japanese minelayer Yaeyama (八重山). 39 Japanese torpedo boat Kasasagi (鵲). 40 Japanese torpedo boatOtori (鴻). 41 One fathom is 6 feet, or 1.829 meters. 42 Cutoff, also known as Straw Shoe Gorge (草鞋峽). 43 Republic of China Ship (R.C.S.). 44 Bethune Point (殷洲頭) is in the Yangtze near Yizheng (儀征). 45 There was a big tree by the village on the island in the Yangtze. Western sailors called this location “Big Tree” as a navigation landmark, and a lighthouse known as “Big Tree Beacon (大樹燈塔)” was built there. The island is probably Changqing Island (長青沙) near Rugao (如皋). 46 USS Augusta, 9,200-ton cruiser, built by Newport News Shipbuilding Yard, Virginia, was launched in Jan. 1930. From Oct. 1933 to 1940, she was the flagship of the US Asiatic Fleet, based at Shanghai. In Aug. 1941, Roosevelt and Churchill held the historic Atlantic Conference on the cruiser. She took part in a series of WWII operations, including Normandy Landing. In July 1945, Truman boarded the ship to Europe for the Potsdam Conference. She was scrapped in March 1960. 47 John Mitchell Sheehan (1893-1956), born on May 17, 1893 in Boston, joined Navy in 1917, and served in Naval Aviation in WWI. In the following decades, he served in various capacities and locations, including USS Shawmut, Air Squadrons of the Asiatic Fleet, Bureau of Aeronautics in Washington D.C., USS Wyoming, and USS Seattle, before he was transferred to the Yangtze Patrol in China in Feb. 1937 to be commanding officer of USS Oahu until March 1938 when he was transferred to Navy Yard at Cavite, the Philippines. Sheehan published many journal articles on naval engineering and his experiences in China, particularly those associated with Nanjing. He retired from the Navy in 1947, and died on April 11, 1956 in New Port, Rhode Island. Sheehan was buried in the Arlington National Cemetery. 48 Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, the National Archives. 49 Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, the National Archives. 50 Tug Saucy, or HMS Saucy, a British Royal Navy rescue tug, 579 tons, built by Livingstone & Cooper Ltd., Hessle, England, was launched in 1918. She was mined and sunk in the Firth of Forth on Sept. 4, 1940. 51 Texas Corporation ( 德士古公司), also known as Texaco, is an American petroleum company established in 1901. 52 Ju Kao Reach (聚高沙). 53 The Jiangyin Forts (江陰要塞) consisted from east to west of Wushan Fort (巫山砲台), Changshan Fort (長山砲台), Xiaoshan Fort (萧山砲台) and Huangshan Fort (黄山砲台). 54 Folder A8-2/FS#2, Box 194, RG38, the National Archives. 55 Japanese gunboat Toba (鳥羽). 33

Notes 56

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Japanese destroyer Hira (比良). Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 58 British and German diplomats arrived in Nanjing by HMS Cricket on Jan. 9, 1938, rather than Jan. 10. 59 USS Isabel, 710 tons, built by Bath Iron Works in Maine, was commissioned in Dec. 1917. She joined China Station in 1921, patrolling the Yangtze, and was the yacht of the Asiatic Fleet Commander until 1941, when she was dispatched to patrol the Philippine coasts. She was scrapped in Feb. 1946. 60 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 61 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 62 This individual in fact is a Danish subject, Bernhard Arp Sindberg (1911-83), who was a manager at Jiangnan Cement Works (江南水泥厰) in Xixia (棲霞),a German concern, about 15 miles east of Nanjing. During the massacre days, Sindberg, together with Karl Günther, a German citizen, opened a refugee camp on the factory premises to provide shelter for about 10,000 Chinese refugees from the surrounding areas. 63 Royal Italian Navy Ship (R.I.N.S.). 64 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 65 Japanese gunboat Katada (堅田). 66 The diary accounts were written by George A. Fitch. 67 Ma Chaojun (馬超俊, 1886-1977), born on Sept. 20, 1886 in Taishan (台山), Guangdong (廣東) Province, worked in a machinery factory in Hong Kong in 1900 before he went to the US in 1902 to study at an engineering school in San Francisco, where he met Sun Yat-sen, Father of the Republic of China, and became his close follower. Ma returned to China to take part in the 1911 Revolution that overthrew the Qing Dynasty. He served as mayor of Nanjing three times (1932, 1935-37, 1945-46), and went to Taiwan in 1949. Ma died on Sept. 19, 1977 in Taipei. 68 Ginling College (金陵女子文理學院) was an American Christian college founded in 1915. Five American missions, Northern Baptists, Disciples of Christ, Northern and Southern Methodists, and Northern Presbyterians, sponsored the college. Wu Yifang ( 吴 貽芳, 1893-1985) was the college’s president (1928-51). 69 Foochong Hotel (福昌飯店), a restaurant serving Western food at 75 Zhongshan Road in downtown Nanjing, was built in 1933. On Dec. 11, 1937, Japanese shells hit the area next to the restaurant, inflicting heavy civilian casualties. 70 Eduard Sperling of Shanghai Insurance Company, a German citizen, was one of the 22 Western nationals who stayed in Nanjing during the massacre days to help operate and maintain the Safety Zone and protect Chinese refugees. 71 Born on July 28, 1899 in Galesburg, Illinois, John Hall Paxton (1899-1952), graduated from Yale in 1922, then attended Cambridge University and L’Ecole Politique Libre. He entered Foreign Service in 1925 as a vice consul at the US Consulate General in Nanjing. He later worked at posts in Beijing, Guangzhou, and Chefoo (Zhifu, 芝罘). He was transferred back to Nanjing in July 1936 to be second secretary. Before the Japanese captured Nanjing, he evacuated on USS Panay, and was rescued to Shanghai after Panay was sunk. He served at the Consulate General in Shanghai until detained by the Japanese after the Pearl Harbor Bombing. After he was released in 1942, he worked at US embassies and consulates in Tehran, Chongqing, Nanjing, and Tihwa (Dihua, 迪化, present-day, Urumqi, 烏鲁木齊). He died on June 23, 1952 on his post in Isfahan, Iran. 72 Hubert Lafayette Sone (1892-1970), born on June 7, 1892 in Denton, TX, received education at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, TX, where he earned his B.A. in 1917, M.A. in 1926, and D.D. in 1927. He went to China in 1920, and worked as the superintendent at the Institutional Church in Huzhou ( 湖州 ), Zhejiang Province, until 57

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1933, when he was appointed professor of Old Testament at Nanking Theological Seminary. Sone was one of the 14 Americans who remained in Nanjing when massacre was in progress. As the associate food commissioner of the International Committee for the Nanjing Safety Zone, he played an active role in relief work for Chinese refugees. Sone passed away on Sept. 6, 1970 in Fort Worth, TX. 73 When George A. Fitch published his Nanjing Massacre diaries in their entirety as an appendix to his autobiography, My Eighty Years in China, in 1967, “Prof. C. Smith’s house,” rather than “Dr. Thompson’s house,” was mentioned. 74 Wilson Plumer Mills (1883-1959), born on Dec. 1, 1883 in Winnsboro, SC, graduated from Davidson College, NC, in 1903 and got his M.A. from the University of South Carolina in 1907. He went to Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar in 1910. Mills was a YMCA secretary in China (1912-32) in a number of cities, including Beijing and Nanjing. In 1932, he began working for the Northern Presbyterian Mission in Nanjing. He was one of the 14 Americans who chose to stay in the city during the massacre. He was elected vice chairman of the International Committee for Nanjing Safety Zone, and after John Rabe, the chairman of the committee, left Nanjing for Germany on Feb. 23, 1938, Mills assumed the responsibilities as the chairman, but kept the chairman title for Rabe. He died on Feb. 26, 1959 in New York City. 75 Lewis Strong Casey Smythe (1901-78), born on Jan. 31, 1901 in Washington D.C., graduated from Drake University in Des Moines, Iowa, in 1923. He earned his Ph.D. in sociology in 1928 from University of Chicago before going to China the same year to teach sociology at the University of Nanking (1928-51). He was one of the 14 Americans who remained in Nanjing during the massacre period. As secretary of the International Committee for Nanjing Safety Zone, he filed numerous atrocity cases with the Japanese and American embassies. He died on June 4, 1978 in Rosemead, CA. 76 This should be Tanaka, Masakazu Tanaka (田中正一). 77 Charles Stanley Smith (1890-1959), born on June 3, 1890 in Meadville, PA, graduated from Allegheny College in 1912, received his B.D. and was ordained at Auburn Theological Seminary in Auburn, New York, in 1915. He went to China in 1916 to teach at Nanking Theological Seminary. He went back to the US during the 1937-38 academic year, and received his DD from Yale Divinity School in 1938. He soon returned to Nanjing. After the Pearl Harbor Bombing, he was detained by the Japanese in Shanghai’s Zhabei Camp until he was repatriated to US in Sept. 1943. After the war, he returned to Nanjing in 1945. He left China in 1950 and passed away on Aug. 15, 1959 in New York. 78 He was a Chinese employee at the US Embassy. According to the payroll found in the American Nanking Embassy 1938 archives at the National Archives II, his English name is Teng Ting-chang, but no Chinese name is found. 79 Part of this sentence is missing. Fitch’s original text reads “there is no co-operation between the Army and the Embassy. The Army even refuses to recognize the new SelfGovernment Committee which was called into being by the Embassy, and its members are deliberately slighted.” 80 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 81 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 82 It refers to George Washington’s birthday. He was born on Feb. 22, 1732. Washington D.C. first designated his birthday a federal holiday in 1879, and it became President’s Day in 1885. In 1971, President’s Day was moved to the third Monday of February. 83 Lin Sen (林森, 1868-1943), born on Jan. 18, 1868 in Minhou, Fujian, graduated from Anglo-Chinese Academy, a Methodist school, in Fuzhou in 1883, and enrolled at Taiwan Telegraph School. He worked for Taipei Telegraph Office (1884-95). When Taiwan was ceded to Japan in 1895, he returned to Mainland, and became an anti-Manchu

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revolutionary. He was a veteran leader of Guomindang and president of the Chinese National Government (1931-43), though the real power was held by Chiang Kai-shek. As a result of a car accident on May 10, 1943 in Chongqing, he suffered a stroke, and never recovered. He passed away on Aug. 1, 1943 in Chongqing. 84 Shunroku Hata (畑俊六, 1879-1962), born on July 26, 1879 in Tokyo, graduated from Military Academy in 1900, and Army University in 1910. He was promoted to major general in 1926 and lieutenant general in 1931. From 1933, he was commander of the 14th Division and commander of Taiwan Army. He was promoted to general in 1937 and succeeded Iwane Matsui as commanding officer of Central China Expeditionary Army in Feb. 1938. He became Army Minister in the cabinet in Aug. 1939, and Commander-inChief of China Expeditionary Forces. After the war, he was tried by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East and sentenced to life in prison. He was paroled in Oct. 1954 and died on May 10, 1962 in Fukushima (福島). 85 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG 38, the National Archives. 86 Japanese torpedo boat Chidori(千鳥). 87 Japanese torpedo boat Manadzuru (真鶴). 88 Japanese torpedo boat Tomodzuru (友鶴). 89 Japanese net layer Hatsukari (初鷹). 90 Japanese torpedo boat Hayabusa (隼). 91 Japanese mine layer Nasami (那沙美). 92 Japanese net layer Shirataka (白鷹). 93 Bate Point (連成洲) is an island in the Yangtze near Jiangyin. 94 Japanese gunboat Tsuga (栂). 95 Japanese gunboat Saga (嵯峨). 96 Charles Richardson Jeffs (1893-1959), born on Jan. 20, 1893 in New York, graduated from the US Naval Academy in 1915, and Columbia University in 1928 with an MS in engineering. He was transferred to the Asiatic Fleet early Jan. 1938 from the Navy Yard at Mare Island, California. When John M. Sheehan left he took the command of USS Oahu in March 1938 until July 1939. He served the Yangtze Patrol as a staff officer (1939-41), and taught at Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island (1942-44). Jeffs was captain of USS Appalachian, taking part in the Aipan, Guam, Leyte, and Luzon invasions in the Pacific. In August 1945, he became deputy commander of US Naval Forces in Germany, commanding the US fleet in Bremen, Germany. In March 1947, he was deputy director of military government for Bremen and became director in Nov. 1948. He was promoted to rear admiral in 1950. Jeffs retired in 1952 and lived in Bremen, Germany, until his death on Oct. 24, 1959. 97 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 98 Tomoshige Samejima (鮫島具重, 1889-1966), born on April 8, 1889 in Tokyo, graduated from Navy Academy in 1909, and Navy Staff College in 1923. He was promoted to rear admiral and commander of Carrier Division 4 on Dec. 1, 1937. He became vice admiral in 1941, and commander of the 4th Fleet (1942-43) and the 8th Fleet (1943-45). He died on Sept. 13, 1966. 99 Mei Tzu Chow (Meizi Zhou, 梅子洲), or Jiangxin Zhou (江心洲), is an island in the Yangtze, west of Nanjing. 100 Japanese seaplane tender Noroto (能登吕), 12,786 tons, was built by Kawasaki (川崎) Shipbuilding Yard as an oil transportation tanker. In 1926, she was converted to a seaplane tender by Sasebo (佐世保) Shipbuilding Yard. During the Pacific War, she was repeatedly bombed and damaged by American planes and repaired. In Nov. 1944, she was bombed beyond repair at Singapore and discarded. She was scuttled in Jan. 1947.

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101

In history, Japan had 7 seaplane tenders: Wakamaya (若宫), Notoro (能登吕), Kamoi (神威),Chitose (千岁), Chiyoda (千代田), Mizuho (瑞穗) and Nisshin (日進). Wakamaya was decommissioned in 1931 and in April 1938, Chitose, Chiyoda, Mizuho and Nisshin were not yet built or commissioned. The other seaplane tender should be Kamoi. 102 Japanese gunboat Fushimi Maru (伏見丸). 103 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 104 A sen (錢) = 1% of a Yen, a Japanese dollar. 105 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 106 Japanese torpedo boat Hiyordori (鵯). 107 Folder A8-2/FS#3, Box 195, RG38, the National Archives. 108 Maya Maru (摩耶丸) used to be a cruiser.

Appendix 1

USS Oahu Log Book, 1937, the national Archives, Washington, D. C. A. T. Steele, “Japanese Troops Kill Thousands,” Chicago Daily News, Dec. 15, 1937, p. 1. 3 F. Tillman Durdin, “Japanese Atrocities Marked Fall of Nanking After Chinese Command Fled,” New York Times, Jan. 9, 1938, p. 38. 4 Clarence Edward Gauss, No. 135 Telegram, 3 p.m., Jan. 25, 1938, Department of State File Number 793.94/12207, RG59, Microfilm set 976, roll 49, the National Archives II. 5 John M. Allison, No. 4 Telegram, 4 p.m., Jan. 5, 1938, 793.94/11974, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 48, RG59, National Archives II. 6 John M. Allison, No. 7 Telegram, 5 p.m., Jan. 6, 1938, 393.1115/2447, Box 1795, RG 59, National Archives II. 7 A. A. McFadyen, “Hsuchowfu Incidents,” Enclosure No. 1 to Frank P. Lockhart’s report “Looting, Raping and murder by the Japanese Army on Entering Hsuchow, Kiangsu Province,” July 29, 1938, 793.94/13752, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 56, RG59, the National Archives II. 8 Frank P. Lockhart, “Looting, Raping and murder by the Japanese Army on Entering Hsuchow, Kiangsu Province,” July 29, 1938, 793.94/13752, Microfilm Set M976, Roll 56, RG59, the National Archives II. 9 Frank P. Lockhart, “Photographs of Executions by Japanese Armed Forces,” Sept. 16, 1938, 793.94/14040, Box 4462, RG59, National Archives II. 2

Index

Allen, William Denis 59 Allison, John Moore or American Consul xvii, xxii, xxvi-xxvii, xxixxxx, 16, 41, 43, 45, 149, 154, 162, 181, 187 Allison Incident xviii, xxvii, 43, 153 Amaya, Shojikiro (天谷直次郎) 46 American Church Mission xxii, 121, 128, 148 American or U.S. Embassy xi-xii, xiv, xvi-xviii, xxii, xxiv-xxvi, xxix-xxx, 16-18, 27, 36, 38, 41-45, 67, 77-78, 104, 115, 128, 134-135, 137, 145, 147-149, 152-154, 157, 159-164, 166, 173-174, 178, 181 American Presbyterian Mission 134135 American Primary (Wutaishan) School 31, 159 Amiral Charner, RFS 141 Anhui (安徽) 51, 73 Anking (Anqing, 安慶) 112, 142, 147 Aphis, HMS xvii, xix, xxi, 12-14, 19, 56, 113-115, 118-119, 121, 123, 128129, 131, 144, 148, 154, 164, 176 Armstrong, Harold Thomas xxii, xxiii, xxx, 60, 63, 114, 120, 130 Ashby, James Ian Murray xiv, 101, 109, 112 Asiatic Fleet xxiii, xxviii-xxiv, 133, 136-137, 140, 142, 145, 148, 150151, 153, 155, 161, 163, 165-166, 168, 170-171, 180-182 The Asiatic Petroleum Company, or APC (亜細亜火油公司) vii, xiii, xxii, 1, 4, 11, 51, 60, 62-63, 68-70, 74, 7879, 81-83. 93, 101, 115, 120-121, 127-128, 139, 148, 153, 156 Asiatica 127-128 Associated Press xxviii

Ataka (安宅), HIJMS 107, 116-117,

119, 152, 155, 16-165, 169, 176 Atami (熱海), HIJMS 109, 119, 165, 186 Atcheson, Jr., George 104, 135, 157, 159, 166 Attila the Hun xxv Augusta, USS 145, 179-180 The Auto-Palace Company (利喴機氣車 行) 93 Autonomous Committee, or SelfGovernment Committee 18, 36, 44, 47, 51, 66, 69, 168 Barlow, Harry Douglass xiv Barr, Mr. 119 Bate Point (連成洲八圩港大墩) 165 Bates, Gaylord Sparhawk 26 Bates, Clarissa Lilliath Gertrude (Robbins) 40 Bates, Miner Searle xi, xix, 22, 26 Bee, HMS xiv-xvii, xxi-xxii, xxiv, xxx, 2, 12-14, 56, 67, 99-107, 112-113, 115, 117-124, 127-128, 130-131, 143, 147-148, 151, 153-154, 156, 161, 164, 167, 173-174, 186 Berlin 20 Bethune Point (殷洲頭) 144, 165, 176, 186 Beyack 3 Bible Teachers’ Training School for Women (BTTS, 金陵女子神學院) 32, 34, 156 Big Tree 144, 178, 184 Bishoprick, Stanley 45 Blackburn, Arthur Dickinson 51, 59, 79, 127 Blasima, Mario 103, 174, 180 Bos, Henderick 120-121 Boynton, Charles Luther xix, 20, 25

240 Brayne 19 Brayne-Nicholls, Francis Brian Price 106 Bridge House Hotel (惠龍飯店) 12, 108 British Embassy xi-xiii, xviii, xxi-xxii, xxix-xxx, 14, 16-17, 38, 44, 76-80, 82, 85, 88-89, 94, 148, 150, 161, 163 British-American Tobacco Company, or BAT, or Yee-Tsoong (BritishAmerican) Tobacco Company 57-58, 60, 63, 66, 68, 70, 103 Brotchie, Donald 3, 112 Brown, Robert Ellsworth xix, 22, 148 Brydon 51 Butterfield & Swire Company (B & S), or Taikoo (太古洋行) xii, xiii, xxii, 1, 11, 16, 24, 35, 56, 58, 60, 63, 65-66, 68-69, 99, 101, 116, 119, 121-123, 128-130, 153 Canton (Guangzhou, 廣州) 170 Capetown, HMS 14, 15, 109 Carlton, Carl Harry xv, 105, 143, 173174, 180 The Central Agency Limited (綿華洋行) 93 Central China Electricity Company 72 Central China Iron Mining Company 50 Chang, Chun (張群) 138, 157 Chang, Hsing Tai (張興泰) 98, 99 Changsha (長沙) 132, 136, 138 Changshan Fort (長山砲台) 146, 167 Ch’angshu (常熟) 73 Changzhou (常州) ix Chen, Shaokuan (陳紹寛) 135 Chen, Kwang-tsai (陳光彩) 84 Ch’en Tse-min (陳則民) 52 Chiang, Kai-shek (蔣介石), or Generalissimo 6, 46, 80, 108, 135, 137-138, 140,164 Chiao, Shui-tseng (喬水真) 87 Chiba 119 Chicago Daily News xv, xxix, 158, 175, 187 Chidori (千鳥), HIJMS 165 Chilingmen (Qiling Men, 麒麟門) 8, China Egg Produce Company 54 The China Import and Export Lumber

Index Company, Ltd. (祥泰木行) xiii, xvii, 45, 78, 92, 100, 102 China Inland Mission 102 China Soap Company (CSC, 中國肥皂 公司) 60, 68, 70 Chinkiang (Zhenjiang, 鎮江) xxi, 6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 54, 60, 63, 67, 73-74, 93, 117-121, 124-125, 131, 138-139, 141, 144, 146, 165, 167, 176, 186 Chinwo (慶和) xiii, xiv, xviii, 60, 62, 75, 116 Chu, Ming 52, 53 Chu, Ming Hung (朱名宏) 98 Chung, Hung-sheng 73 Chungking (重慶) xii, 110, 129, 138, 140, 141 Chungshanmen (中山門) 7-9 Chuting (朱亭) 101, 115, 129 Clitherow, Christopher BryanStracey 63 Cockchafer, HMS xxii, 112, 131 Colliers Magazine 103 Comleybank 62 Cooper Crossing 129 Copley, Cecil Gordon 93 Cox, John Mark Symonds 103 Craighill, Lloyd Rutherford 102, 128 Cricket, HMS xii, xiv, xvi, xxi, 1-4, 11, 13-15, 19, 56, 99, 101, 107-111, 117119, 121-123, 128, 131, 144, 150, 153-154, 164, 173, 184 Deas, S. 63-65, 122, 129 Donald, William Henry xxi, 6, 78-81, 135 Doudart De Lagree, RFS 122, 155, 162 Dunlap, James Monroe xxix Durdin, Frank Tillman xv, xxviii, 12, 158, 175, 187 Dutch Embassy at Nanjing 120 Eden, Robert Anthony 25 Elton, Sir Arthur Hallam Rice 78 Ensminger, Charles Lee xiv, xv, 105, 143 Epstein, Israel 136 Ermanno Carlotto, RINS 41, 154, 180 Espy, James x, 181 Ewo See Jardine Matheson

Index Falcon, HMS 131 False Island (八寳洲) 99, 112, 142, 147 Fangshan (方山) 7 Ferriolo, Mr. 41 Fengyang (鳳陽) 73 Fitch, George Ashmore xxvii, 79, 119120 Foochong Hotel (福昌飯店) 156 Formosa (Taiwan, 台灣) 139 French Embassy xi Fu Chiang Sha or Demodocus Channel 147, 149, 169, 178 Fukuda, Tokuyasu (福田笃泰) 116 Fukui, Kiyoshi (福井淳) xviii, xxvii, 43, 45, 77, 82, 154, 159 Fushimi Maru (伏見丸), HIJMS 167 Gannet, HMS 131 Gauss, Clarence Edward 21, 134, 187 Generalissimo, See Chiang, Kai-shek Genghis Khan xxv George VI, King 6 German Embassy xi, xii, xvi, xviii, xxix, 11, 13, 16, 38, 42, 45, 60, 157 Ginling College (金陵女子文理學院) 156, 159 Glass 60 Gnat, HMS 131 Goldie, David Smith 103, 174 Goodfellow, Basil Robertson 60 Gozio, Prinela 41 Graham, Walter Gerald 77 Grimsby HMS 120, 123 Hai Hsing (海星) 108 Hanawa, Yoshitaka (花輪義敬) 74, 82 Hangchow (杭州) 20, 82 Hangzhou Bay (杭州灣) ix Hankow (漢口) xii, xxiii, 1, 3, 6, 12, 14, 19, 23-25, 36, 41, 52-54, 58, 61, 74, 79-80, 90-91, 99, 102, 127, 131-132, 136-139, 163, 169, 172 Hanwo (漢和), SS 116-118, 184 Harada, Kumakichi (原田熊吉) 26 Hasegawa, Kiyoshi (長谷川清) 105, 120, 123, 129, 143 Hanshan (含山) 104 Hashimoto, Kingoro (橋本欣五郎) xiii, 100-103

241 Hasu (蓮), HIJMS 121, 165, 177, 186 Hatsukari (初鹰), HIJMS 165 Hata, Shunroku (畑俊六) 165 Hayabusa (隼), HIJMS 165, 186 Hilliard, Herbert Duthy xii, xiii, 11, 78 Hira (比良), HIJMS 150, 165, 170, 180, 183 Hirota, Shigeru (広田豊) 47, 51 Hitler, Adolf 10 Hiyordori (鵯), HIJMS 170, 186 Ho Ying (和英) 4, 111 Ho, Yin-ch’in (何应钦) 30 Hodge, John Luther 21, 103, 174 Hodzu (保津), HIJMS 104, 106, 113, 143, 148, 173-174 Hoey, T. S. H. xx, 59-60, 63, 68 Hohsien (和縣) xiv-xv, xxii-xxiv, 102107, 121, 142-143, 145-150, 181 Holmes, Robert J. 93 Holt, Reginald Vesey xiii, xiv, xxii, 107 Hong Kong xii, 137 Hongo, Tadao (本郷忠夫) xxvii, 20, 4143, 154 Hongqiao Airfield (虹橋機場) ix Hori, Tomokazu (堀公一) 74 Howe, Robert George xii, xvi, xviiixix, 5, 17, 20, 26, 34, 36, 42, 45-47, 75 Hsia san shan (Xiasanshan, 下三山) xxi, 12, 99, 101, 110, 144, 175 Hsiakwan, (Xiaguan, 下關) xiii, xvi, xvii, xxi, xxiv, xxv, 1, 4, 8-9, 11-12, 24, 50, 54, 56-57, 60, 62, 69, 71, 78, 108, 134, 137, 144, 147, 149, 157, 160, 171, 176 Hsiao, Chun-t’ing (萧春庭) 87 Hsiaoshan Fort (萧山砲台) 166-167 Hsin Pao (新報) 52 Hsing Chung Company 50 Hsu, Chih Ho (徐志和) 97 Hua Chung Water and Power Company 54 Huang, J. K. 1, 4 Huangshan Fort (黄山砲台) 167 Hughes, James Joseph xiv, 135, 137, 141, 173, 179 Hulsebus, Edgar Gorge xiv, 173, 179 Hwang, Colonel 134

242 Ichang (Yichang, 宜昌) 131-132 Idzumo (出雲), HIJMS 120, 179-180 Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI, 卜内 門洋碱有限公司) 60, 68-70 Indo-China Steam Navigation Company, Limited (怡和輪船公司) 93 International Committee for Nanking Safety Zone or Zone Committee or International Relief Committee xviii, xxvi, xxviii, 18, 26, 28, 31, 36, 38-39, 42, 46-47, 72, 119, 122-123, 151-152, 156, 162-163, 168 International Import & Export Company, or Hogee (和記) xii, xvii, xxvi, 4, 11, 36, 51, 56, 60, 63, 68-69, 78, 9599, 108, 115, 119,150, 152, 170-171 International Military Tribunal for the Far East x, xxix Isabel, USS xxiii, 150-152, 154, 160, 163, 166, 168, 171 Isis, Morris 83 Italian Embassy at Nanjing xi Jacobs, E. 132 Jardine Matheson and Company, or Ewo (怡和洋行) xiii, xxiii, 1, 2, 11, 24, 56, 59,62-64, 67-71, 99, 109-110, 116-118, 121, 123,143, 149, 153 Jarrell, Henry Thompson 134-135 Jeffery, Ernest William xix-xxi, 52, 5960, 74, 78-80, 82-83, 87, 90, 94-95, 119, 128 Jeffs, Charles Richardson xxviii, 166, 168, 170-172 Jen, Yuan-tao (任援道) 51, 73 Ju Kao Reach 144, 146, 178 Johnson, Nelson Trusler or American Ambassador 134-135 Jorgensen, A. Birger 103, 174, 180 Kai Yuan 103, 130 Kansu (甘肃) 139 Kao, Kuan-wu (高冠吾) 73 Kao, Te His (高得喜)98 Kasasagi (鵲), HIJMS xv, 143-144, 146, 148, 167, 174-180 Kasuya, Yoshio (粕谷孝夫) 74 Katada (堅田), HIJMS 155, 165, 182 Kawagoe, Shigeru (川越茂) xi

Index Kelly, U. J. 93 Kerr, Archibald Clark xii, 52, 79, 81, 83, 90, 94 Kiang Ning Ch’en (江寧鎮) 134 Kiang Ting (Jiangzhen, 江貞), RCS 151 Kiangsu (江蘇) 50-52, 73, 84, 85, 87 Kiangyin (江陰) 6, 12, 56, 60, 67, 69, 70, 113, 119, 123-124, 127, 138-139, 146, 149,165-167, 169 Kiangyin Forts (江陰要塞) 6, 130, 144, 146-147, 155, 167, 169 Kintang (金堂), SS 116, 118, 151 Kinloch, John xx, 56 Kiukiang (九江) xxiv, 54, 99, 131, 132, 139, 142, 147 Knatchbull-Hugessen, Hughe Montgomery xi, xii Kondo, Eijiro (近藤英次郎) xxii-xxiii, 13-15, 34, 49, 105, 113-114, 116, 118-119, 122-123, 127, 143, 149, 152-153, 155, 164, 169 Kowan, or Kuan (Kou’an, 口岸) 13-14, 60, 67, 109, 117-119, 122-123, 127, 131, 144, 146, 165, 184 Ku Chu T’ung (顧祝同) 135 Kuei, Yung-ching (桂永清) 6, 7 Kuling (Guling, 牯嶺) 6 Kulow (Gulou, 鼓樓) 24 Kuomingtang (國民黨) 126 Kuyung (Gurong, 句容) 8, 158 Kwanghuamen (光華 門) 9, 134 Kwangteh (Guangde, 廣德) 8 Kwei Chi Cheng (貴池城 ) 112 Ladybird, HMS xiii-xv, xxii, xxxii, 1213, 58, 65, 100-102, 105-107, 130, 132, 142-144, 146, 167, 173-178, 180 Lall, Dr. 92 Lanchow (蘭州) 139 Lean, D. J. xiii, 11, 60, 74 Loeta 93, 109, 115 Li, Chi-yuan (李齊元) 84-85, 89 Li Hwei-yuan (李會元) 84-85, 87-89 Lin, Sen (林森) 164 Lion Hill (獅子山) 128, 171 Lishui (溧水) 8 Little Orphan (小孤山) 139, 142 Liu, Jui-heng (劉瑞恒) 135 Lo, Wan Kan 1

Index Lockhart, Frank Pruit viii, 187, 189 Lonergan, Terrance N. xiii, xiv, 100, 102 Los Angeles 74 Lovat-Fraser, William Alexander, or Military Attaché xii-xvii, 5, 11, 1617, 19, 45, 77, 99-100, 102, 108, 110, 117-118 Luzon, USS xxiii, 136-137 Ma, Mayor (Ma Chaojun, 馬超俊) 156 MacDonald, Colin Malcolm xii, 11, 78, 105, 174 Mackenzie, Captain 2, 3 Mackey, Ivor E. L. xii, 1, 4, 11 MacKillop, Douglas (D.M.) 12, 14, 17, 19, 23-25, 36, 41 Madras 64-65 Manadzuru (真鶴町), HIJMS 165 Manchurian Campaign 46 Mantis, HMS 132 Marco Polo Bridge Incident ix Marquart, Edward Johnxv, 139 Marshall, James Leslie 21, 103, 174 Mathews, Quartermaster xiii Matsui, Iwane (松井石根) ix-x, 8-9, 165 Matung (馬壋) xxii, 131, 139, 142 Maya Maru (摩耶丸), HIJMS 172 McDaniel, Charles Yates x, xxviii McFadyen, Archibald Alexander 187 McFadyen, Archibald Alexander, Jr. 181 McHugh, James Marshall 135 McNulty, Henry Augustus 134 Meads, Loren Joseph 60 Mei An (美安), SS xiv-xv, 103, 105, 109, 143, 147, 173-174 Mei Foo (美孚), SS 104 Mei Hsia (美夏), SS xiv, 103, 109, 143, 147 Mei Ping (美平), SS xiv, 103, 109, 143, 147 Mei Tan Kang (煤炭港) 96-97 Mei Tzu Chow (梅子洲) 167 Mei Yi (美意), SS 104, 147 Mei Ying (美鹰), SS 104, 147 Mendy (Mender), Peter G. A. 103, 174, 180 Menken, Arthur von Briesen xv, xxviii, 12, 175

243 Metropole Hotel or Asia Hotel 72 Military Aerodrome 108, 133-134, 139 Mills, Wilson Plumer xi, 159 Mitsui Bussan Kaisha (MBK, 三井物産 會社) 66, 70 Molland, Harold Harry xiii, xxi, 11, 50, 72, 83, 87-88 Morton, Cecil Ernest 94 Mud Fort (老鹽圩) 12-15, 60, 67, 113114, 117, 119, 124, 128, 141, 146, 155, 165, 169, 186 Munro-Faure, Paul Hector xii, 4, 10, 112 Mybara, Colonel 64-65 Nagajima, Kesago (中島今朝吾) ix Nagasaki (長崎) 166 Nanking Cutoff (Straw Shoe Channel, 草鞋峽) 144, 146 Nanking Min Pao (南京民報) 50-51 Nanking Municipal Government xx, 51, 53, 55-56, 71-73 Nanking Theological Seminary xix, 37 Nanking-Wuhu Railway 62, 67 Nasami (那沙美), HIJMS 165 National Christian Council of China xix, 20, 25 The National Motors Limited 93 New York Times xv, xxviii, 158, 175, 187 Ning Hai (寧海), RCS 130, 144, 146, 165, 167, 178 Nisshin Kisen Kaisha (NKK, 日清汽船 會社) 50, 54, 57, 63, 66, 70, 72, 125, 160 North Hotel (河北飯店) 92 Notoro (知床), HIJMS 167, 169, 172 Oahu, USS xv, xxiii-xxv, xxviii-xxx, 12-13, 16, 103-107, 115, 142-151, 153, 155, 161, 163-166, 168-171, 173-175, 177-178, 180, 182, 184-185 O’Donnell, George Eric Maxia, or Flag Captain xiii, 11, 99-100, 107-110 The Office Appliance Company Limited (文儀洋行) 93 Office of Works 62 Okabe, Keiji (岡部計二) 63-64 Okamura, Ekinosuke (中村奕之助) 105 Okazaki, Katsuo (岡崎勝男) 20

244 Opium War xxi, xxiii Otori (鴻), HIJMS xv, 143, 146, 165, 174-178, 180 Pai, Chung-Hsi (白崇禧) 138 Panay, USS xiv-xv, xxii-xxiv, xxx, 2, 11-12, 37, 40, 101-105, 107-110, 118, 130, 133, 136, 140, 142-150, 156, 158, 173-175, 178-180 Paramount Newsreels xv, xxviii Parsons, Serjeant xii, 11 Paxton, John Hall xiv, 157, 160, 174, 178, 180 Peiping (北平) or Peking (北京) 77,79, 126, 134, 169 Peking (北京), SS 113, 129-130 Peng Tseh Cheng (彭澤城) 142 Pengpu (Bangbu, 蚌埠) 73, 172 Peterel, HMS 132 Pheasant Island 2, 101 Phillips, Herbert xxi, 71, 92 Pickering, James Vance 103, 173, 180 Ping Hai (平海), RCS 130, 144, 165166, 176 Pitman King Island (劉海沙) 127, 165, 184 Plover Bouy 129, 182 Poyang Lake (鄱陽湖) 142 Price, Norman Harry xii, xxi, 11, 78, 95-96, 98 Prideaux-Brune, Humphrey Ingelram or British Consul xii-xix, xxx, 11, 1519, 23-25, 35-36, 41-43, 45, 48, 75, 77, 100, 102, 116-117, 119-120, 128129 Pukow (浦口) xxii, xxiv, 1, 2, 8, 10, 13, 51, 62, 69, 108, 114, 134, 144, 147, 151, 163, 169, 171-172. 176 Purple Mountain (紫金山) 9, 156, 164 Public Works Department (P.W.D.) 57 Rabe, John Heinrich Detlev xxvii, 10, 123, 158 Red Cross Society 31, 134-135, 160, 162 Red Swastika Society (紅卍字會) 37 Reformed Government for Central China 51-53, 55-56, 61-62, 73, 169 Reuters xiii, xv, xxix Rice, Edmond Lee 134

Index Rigden, William Bartholomew 60 Riggs, Charles Henry xxvi-xxvii, 40, 43, 154 Ritchie, William Walter xiii, xxi, 11, 50, 77, 83-88, 122 Rosen, Georg F. or German Consul xv, 11, 19, 20, 45, 121, 157 Rosina Beacon 2, 109-110 Rural Leaders’ Training School (金陵大 學農業專修科) 27, 33, 160 Russo-Japanese War 46 Ryan, W. A. 102, 106 S. Moutrice & Co., Ltd. (謀得利有限公 司) 88 Sa Chia Wan (薩家灣) xviii, 45 Safety Zone, or Neutral Zone, or Refugee Zone xvi-xviii, xxviii, 6, 910, 22, 27-28, 36-39, 45-47, 108, 149, 151-152, 156-158, 166, 168 Samejima, Tomoshige (鮫島具重) 167, 169 San Cha Ho (三叉河) xiii, 1, 45, 78, 81, 92, 108-109, 157 Sandpiper, HMS 132 Sandri, Sandro xiv, xv, 105, 143, 173174, 180 Sandwich, HMS 130 Sanshanchen (三山鎮) 50 Saucy, SS 118, 146-150, 180-186 Scarab, HMS xii-xiv, xxi, 1, 4, 11, 15, 63, 67-68, 99-101, 108-111, 113-115, 128, 130, 167, 171, 186 Socony 103, 109-110, 143, 148 Scony Hill (美孚山) 56 Seta (勢多), HIJMS 121 Shanghai-Hangchow Railway 50 Shansi (Shanxi, 山西) 139 Shansi Point 156 Shantung (山東) 49, 147, 172 Sheehan, John Mitchell xxiv-xxx, 145, 147, 150-152, 154, 160, 163, 165, 175, 177, 180, 182-183, 185-186 Shensi (Shaanxi, 陕西) 136 Sherwood, John Bingham 103, 174, 180 Shibuya 121 Shields, Philip Robertxii, 11, 51 Shinfu SS 127 Shirataka (白鹰), HIJMS 165

Index Showa Company (昭和海運株式會社) 66 Shukwang (蜀光), SS xiii Shunwo (順和), ST 1-3, 109, 115 Sianfu (Xi’anfu,西安府) 136 Siang Nan 4 Siangwo (湘和), SS 117 Siemens 10 Silver Island (焦山) 139, 167 Sim, Mrs. 12 Singh, Ram 90 Singh, S. Sadhu xxi, 90-91 Skyrme, Frank Harold Elcho 116 Small, Chief engineer 3 Smallwood, Petty Officer xiii Smith, Charles Stanley 159 Smith, Leslie C. xiii, xv, xxix, 11-12 Smythe, Lewis Strong Casey 159 Sone, Hubert Lafayette xi, 158-159 Soochow (蘇州) ix, 20, 52, 134-135, 139 Soong, Tse-ven (Song Ziwen, 宋子文) 140 Sperling, Eduard 156-157 Square City (四方城) 81 Standard-Vacuum Oil Company (SVOC or SOC, 美孚石油公司) xiv, 56, 58, 60, 62, 94, 120-121, 139, 145, 147-150, 157, 179, 181 Steele, Archibald Trojan xv, xxviii, xxix, 12, 158, 175, 187 Steiner and Company (天納洋行) 93 Suancheng (Xuancheng, 宣城) 8 Suiwo (瑞和), SS xiii, 34, 116-118, 149 Sun Yat-sen Memorial Park or Mausoleum (中山陵園) 20, 62, 161-162, 164 Sun, Yuan-liang (孫元良) 7 Sung, Hsi-lien (宋希廉) 7 Sutherland, Captain 134-135 Szechuan (Sichuan, 四川) 139 Tachengshan 7 Tachiaochang (Dajiaochang, 大校場) Military Aerodrome See Military Aerodrome Taikoo See Butterfield & Swire Company, or B & S (太古洋行) Taikoo (太古), ST 1-4 Taipingfu (太平府), or Taiping 67

245 Taitzechi (Taiziji, 太子磯) 112, 147 Taiyuan (太原) 139 Taketomi 43 Tanaka, Masakazu (田中正一) 26, 74, 159 Tang, Sheng-chi (Shengzhi Tang, 唐生 智) x, 6, 8-9, 156-157 Tangshui (湯水鎮) 7 Tani, Hisao (谷壽夫) 113 Tanyang (Danyang, 丹陽) 8 Tatung (大通), SS 113-114, 129-130, 163 Tennant, Robert Basil Stewart 128 Teng Ting-chang 160 Tern, HMS 132 Texas Corporation Ltd. (德士古公司) or Texaco 146, 181-182 Thompson, Dr. 158 Tien Kuang (滇光), SS xiii, 2, 11, 108112 Tien Sheng Kang (天生港) 129 Tientsin (Tianjin, 天津) 80 Tientsin-Pukow Railway (津浦鐵路) 49, 171-172 Tienwangtze (Tianwangsi, 天王寺) 8 Tiger Hill (老虎山) 108, 128 Times (London) xiii, 105 Tinson, John William 60 Toba (鳥羽), HIJMS 150, 165 Tokyo 17, 20-21, 25, 34, 36-37, 40, 43, 47, 58-59, 65, 68, 72 Tomodzuru (友鶴), HIJMS 165 Tseangtah, SS, or Changteh (常德), SS xiii, xv, 12, 100, 102, 109, 115 Tsinanfu (Ji’nanfu, 濟南府) 134 Tsingtao (Qingdao, 青島) 134 Taikoo Sugar Refiner (T.S.R., 太古糖 房) 1, 58 Tsuga (栂), HIJMS 165, 178, 186 Tuckwo (德和), SS 11, 143, 163 Tungchimen (通濟門) 8-9 Tungchow (Nantong, 南通) 118, 123, 129, 146, 166 Turner, Alfred Raymond 93 Uchida, Fujio (内田藤雄) 74 Ueda 104 The Union Brewery Limited (上海啤酒 公司) 92

246 United Christian Missionary Society (U.C.M.S.) 26 University of Nanking (金陵大學) xix, xxvi, 26-33, 37, 39-40, 134, 154, 159 University of Nanking Hospital (鼓樓醫 院) 23, 27, 31, 33, 38, 163 University of Nanking Middle School (金陵中學) 27, 29, 31, 39 Veda 110 Vine Point (姚港) 119 Vines, Frank Hayden 21, 103, 174 Von Winckler 60 Walser, J. S. or Air Attaché xvi-xvii, 19, 45, 117-118, 150 Wang, Tien-chih (Wang Dianzhi, 王殿 之) 104-107 Wantung (萬通), SS xiii, xiv, 1, 2, 4, 11-12, 49, 108-109, 112, 122, 129, 162-163 Warren 78 Waters, T. F. R. 127-128 Weining (威寧), RCS 112 Wentse Maru, HIJMS 167, 169, 172 Whangpu (黄浦), SS xiv, 1-4, 11-12, 15, 60, 99, 108-113, 117, 129-130, 145, 148, 176 Whitehead, C. B. 93 Williams, Walter Henry xii-xix, xxi, 60, 75-76, 78-79, 81-83, 119, 128 Wo Kwang (河光), MV xiv, 4, 14, 109110 Wong, Foo Hai 1 Wong, I Chang 1 Woosung (Wusong, 吴淞) 142-146, 173, 175-178, 182-186 Wu T’ai Shan, or Wutaishan (五台山) 31 Wuchang (武昌), RCS 118 Wuhan (武漢) 139 Wuhu (蕪湖) xiii-xv, xix-xxiv, 2-3, 6, 8-13, 15, 19-22, 25, 46, 49-50, 54-56, 59-60, 62-64, 66-70, 73-74, 82, 9394, 99-103, 105, 108-110, 112-119, 122-132, 142-145, 148, 152-156, 163164, 167, 169-172, 174, 187 Wuhu General Hospital xix, xxiv, 21, 102, 128, 130, 145, 148, 174 Wukiang (烏江) 10

Index Wushan Fort (巫山砲台) 167 Wusih (無锡) 55, 73 Yaeyama (八重山), HIJMS 143, 173174 Yamamoto, T. 74 Yanagawa, Heisuke (柳川平助) ix Yangchow (揚州) 46, 50, 73 Yangtze Hotel (揚子旅館) xvii, 24, 51 Yangtze Patrol xxiii, 101, 133, 136137, 140, 142 Yangtze River ix, x, xii, xiv, xviii, xxixxiv, 6-10, 15, 24, 50-51, 59, 69-71, 75, 92, 99, 120, 124-126, 130, 134, 136, 138-139, 142, 157, 172, 173, 177, 182-183 Yarnell, Harry Ervin xiv Yat Sen (逸仙), RCS 130, 144, 165-166 Yichiangmen (挹江門) 7, 9, 82 YMCA xi Yu, Hai Ting (余海亭) 98 Yu Heng Company 50 Yuam Ho Egg Hong 54 Yunlungshan 7 Yunnanfu (雲南府) 139