A Cultural History of Education in the Modern Age 1350035505, 9781350035508

Table of contents :
Contents
List of Figures
General Editor’s Preface • Gary Mcculloch
Introduction: Education in the Twentieth Century • Tom O’Donoghue and Judith Harford
1 Church, Religion, and Morality • Rosa Bruno-Jofré
2 Knowledge, Media, and Communication • Daniel Tröhler
3 Children and Childhoods: Childhood in Contemporary World History • Peter N. Stearns
4 Family, Community, and Sociability: 1920–Present • Helen Proctor and Heather Weaver
5 Learners and Learning • Gary McCulloch
6 Teachers and Teaching • Philip Gardner
7 Literacies • Jeffery D. Nokes, Roni Jo Draper, and Amy Petersen Jensen
8 Life Histories • D.G. Mulcahy and D.E. Mulcahy
Notes
Bibliography
List of Contributors
Index

Citation preview

A CULTURAL HISTORY OF EDUCATION VOLUME 6

A Cultural History of Education General Editor: Gary McCulloch Volume 1 A Cultural History of Education in Antiquity Edited by Christian Laes Volume 2 A Cultural History of Education in the Medieval Age Edited by Jo Ann H. Moran Cruz Volume 3 A Cultural History of Education in the Renaissance Edited by Jeroen J.H. Dekker Volume 4 A Cultural History of Education in the Age of Enlightenment Edited by Daniel Tröhler Volume 5 A Cultural History of Education in the Age of Empire Edited by Heather Ellis Volume 6 A Cultural History of Education in the Modern Age Edited by Judith Harford and Tom O’Donoghue

A CULTURAL HISTORY OF EDUCATION

IN THE MODERN AGE VOLUME 6 Edited by Judith Harford and Tom O’Donoghue

BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY ACADEMIC and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2020 Copyright © Bloomsbury Publishing, 2020 Judith Harford and Tom O’Donoghue have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. Cover design: Rebecca Heselton Cover image: Stack of books with digital tablet © Getty Images All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Harford, Judith, editor. | O’Donoghue, T. A. (Tom A.), 1953- editor. Title: A cultural history of education in the modern age / edited Judith Harford and Tom O’Donoghue. Description: London; New York : Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. | Series: A cultural history of education volume 6 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020030669 | ISBN 9781350035508 (hardback) Subjects: LCSH: Education–History–20th century. | Education–History–21st century. | Learning and scholarship–History–20th century. | Learning and scholarship–History–21st century. Classification: LCC LA132 .C86 2020 | DDC 370.9–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020030669 ISBN: HB: 978-1-3500-3550-8 Set: 978-1-3500-3556-0 Series: The Cultural History Series, Volume 6 Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

CONTENTS

L ist

of

F igures 

G eneral E ditor ’ s P reface  Introduction: Education in the Twentieth Century Tom O’Donoghue and Judith Harford

vii ix 1

1 Church, Religion, and Morality Rosa Bruno-Jofré

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2 Knowledge, Media, and Communication Daniel Tröhler

35

3 Children and Childhoods: Childhood in Contemporary World History Peter N. Stearns

57

4 Family, Community, and Sociability: 1920–Present Helen Proctor and Heather Weaver

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5 Learners and Learning Gary McCulloch

99

6 Teachers and Teaching Philip Gardner

119

7 Literacies Jeffery D. Nokes, Roni Jo Draper, and Amy Petersen Jensen

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CONTENTS

8 Life Histories D.G. Mulcahy and D.E. Mulcahy

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N otes 

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B ibliography 

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L ist

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of

I ndex 

C ontributors 

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FIGURES

1.1 Ana Jofre, Sisyphus, 2012

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1.2 Ana Jofre, Cyborg, 2011

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1.3 Sylviane Toporkoff, Babylone pieces

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2.1 Wilhelm Wundt’s psychological laboratory at the University of Leipzig, 1910

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2.2 A traveling library

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2.3 The League of Nations, Geneva, 1922

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2.4 World exhibition, Chicago, 1893

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2.5 The aesthetics of national comparison and competition, here the example of science, PISA 2018

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3.1 Colombia in the 1990s where civil war created considerable displacement

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3.2 Boy soldiers serving the Karen-people in Burma in 1995, during a bitter civil war

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3.3 Celebration of the ten-year anniversary of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, in an East End London school, 1999

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3.4 Kindergarten children during China’s Cultural Revolution, Canton, 1973

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4.1 A still from the Norwegian short film Birthday Parents (2018)

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FIGURES

5.1 Lecturing with the gramophone, c. 1929

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5.2 “The world forgetting”: a woman lying down on a sofa reading

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5.3 The lesson, A. Temba doing his homework

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5.4 The cover of the Hertford & St. Albans tourist map, 1931

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5.5 Picture Palace, Dudley Hall, Bradford

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6.1 “Young female teacher sitting at her desk”

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6.2 An early twentieth-century classroom scene

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6.3 A late twentieth-century classroom scene

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6.4 Striking Chicago teachers, 2012

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7.1 Photographs taken of Thomas Moore Keesick before and after his education at the Regina Indian Industrial School in the 1890s

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7.2 “You Shall Not Pass”

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7.3 Arab Spring Protest, February 1, 2011

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7.4 Benito Mussolini shown after his horse handler had been edited out (on left) and before editing (on right)

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8.1 John Dewey

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8.2 Maria Montessori

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8.3 Mary McLeod Bethune

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8.4 The Little Red Schoolhouse, 1947

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GENERAL EDITOR’S PREFACE

Bloomsbury Cultural History of Education Education has not always been well recognized as being central to cultural history. Even the leading British cultural historian, Peter Burke, could omit education from his own list of the inner circle of neighboring forms of history and related disciplines, despite its importance in much of his own work. According to Burke, this inner circle of neighbors included intellectual history, social history, political history, history of science, history of art, history of literature, history of the book, history of language, history of religion, classics, archaeology, and cultural studies.1 Yet education has a strong claim to be integrally involved in all of these areas. The anthropologist Clifford Geertz was perhaps more alert to this when he noted in The Interpretation of Cultures that education was indeed fundamental when attempting to match “assumed universals” with “postulated underlying necessities.” On a social level, Geertz continued, this was because “all societies, in order to persist, must reproduce their membership.” In psychological terms, moreover, “recourse is had to basic needs like personal growth—hence the ubiquity of educational institutions.”2 Even earlier, Raymond Williams in The Long Revolution pointed out the “organic relation” between the cultural choices involved in the selection of educational content and the social choices involved in its practical organization, and demonstrated how these links could be traced and analyzed historically.3 This present six-volume series, the Bloomsbury Cultural History of Education, seeks to build expansively on these essential insights. After the Second World War, there were a number of historical texts that sought to explain educational changes since Greek and Roman times.4 Since the 1970s, such a broad chronological sweep has become increasingly rare. An international infrastructure has grown for research into the history of education, with its own

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societies, journals, and conferences now well established.5 Internationally, for example, the International Standing Conference for the History of Education (ISCHE) supports an annual conference and a journal, Paedagogica Historica. There are national societies around the world with their own conferences and journals, including the USA, the UK, France, Australia, and many others. However, these have often tended to promote specialist research in particular areas rather than broad synthesis. Indeed, this process of increased specialization has tended to be both horizontal and vertical in nature. Horizontally or laterally, as it were, journal articles often are only able to engage with relatively narrow aspects or historical contexts in a detailed manner. They have tended also to be largely confined to study of the local or national picture, although recent “transnational” research has provided a significant corrective to this.6 Vertically, they largely eschew a longer-term framework for the field conceptualizing continuity and change since ancient times. They have also increasingly concentrated on the most recent periods, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, rather than on earlier ages. The current project offers a form of coherence and indeed synthesis in the history of education. Perspectives based on the cultural history of education promise to highlight continuity over time, and the resilience of practices, values, and ideas. As one collection of articles based on an international historical conference has concluded, “there may be remarkable periods of stability for cultural and educational formations and the role they play in the making of particular ethnonational-religious communities,” even though there is also “seemingly inevitable challenge, reform, sometimes regression—always change.”7 In this respect, the Bloomsbury Cultural History of Education series offers both a general synthesis of recent international research and an overall conceptual framework linking together different epochs, to inform and stimulate further work in the field. Early work in the cultural history of education arose from a new approach to the history of education that fought against its traditional preoccupation with the growth of national systems of modern schooling, while embarking on a wholesale revision of its key aims and aspirations.8 In a landmark publication in 1960, Education in the Forming of American Society, Bernard Bailyn called for a widening of the scope and definition of “education” in educational history. According to Bailyn, it should be concerned rather less with the rise of modern schooling and much more with educational processes as they have occurred in many different kinds of institutions and milieux, pervading individual lives and collective social experiences. Topics and problems in a “new” educational history would not be restricted to “those bearing on schools, teachers and formal instruction,” and it would consider nothing less than the “process and content of cultural transfer.”9 Bailyn hoped, indeed, that education itself might be reappraised “not only as a formal pedagogy but as the entire process by which a culture transmits itself across the generations.”10

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Following the earlier works of R. Freeman Butts,11 it was Lawrence Cremin who did the most to define and explore the cultural history of education. Cremin proposed that “education” should not be regarded either as age-related or as being confined to schools, but that it constitutes, far more broadly, “the deliberate, systematic, and sustained effort to transmit, evoke, or acquire knowledge, attitudes, values, skills, or sensibilities, as well as any outcomes of that effort.”12 This was a set of processes more limited than terms such as “socialization” or “enculturation” might imply. Nevertheless, it undoubtedly takes the idea and practice of education, in Cremin’s words, “beyond schools and colleges to the multiplicity of individuals and institutions that educate—parents, peers, siblings, and friends, as well as families, churches, synagogues, libraries, museums, summer camps, benevolent societies, agricultural fairs, settlement houses, factories, radio stations, and television networks.”13 Cremin himself embarked on a three-volume history of American education based on this central premiss.14 The organization of chapters in the current serial production owes more than a little to Cremin’s classic design. Cremin’s approach to the cultural history of education has often been criticized, both for its practical limitations and for its extensive vision. For some, he appeared so preoccupied with the many informal educational institutions of modern society that he allowed too little space to accommodate the growth of modern schooling.15 For others, such as Harold Silver, the project was itself a perilous pursuit: The attraction and importance of extending the history of education into such fields as the history of the press and the modern media, church activities and popular culture, are obvious. So are the dangers, with the possibility of the emergence of an amorphous history which fails to locate discrete educational institutions in a clear relationship with other processes, and also fails to establish acceptable and understandable definitions of wider educational territories.16 Its application to the United States since the late eighteenth century was itself an ambitious undertaking. In the current volumes, such a project must be scrutinized against the widest possible canvas of time and space, from ancient times to the present. The past generation has witnessed the rise of cultural history in its many forms and variations.17 At the same time, an extensive literature has developed the cultural history of education further in a number of areas, including the emergence of a “new” cultural history of education.18 Lynn Fendler emphasizes language as the “material stuff” of new cultural history, and insists that such history is generally oriented to be critical of “mainstream histories,” but concludes that “new cultural history opens up many more possibilities for history

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of education: more topics, more perspectives, more analytical possibilities, more directions, and more interdisciplinary collaborations.”19 Key examples of research on the cultural history of education in the past two decades include that of Harvey Graff and others, who have understood the history of literacy in terms of its social and cultural practices.20 Peter Burke has produced a detailed social history of knowledge, including changes in media and communications, in two volumes.21 Other work has explored religion and morality in society, with the church as a key defining educative agency alongside the family that has also attracted extensive interest.22 Children and childhood have been the focus of much historical interest since the early work of Philippe Ariès.23 Teaching and learning have been widely discussed for their longer term historical characteristics, not only in schools and other formal educational institutions but throughout life and society.24 The notion of learning lives, or of learning throughout the lifespan, also introduces the aspect of individual agency that can be examined through case studies of life histories.25 In more global terms, cases of cross-cultural encounters and their consequences have been documented in depth and detail.26 These key themes are explored in depth in the six volumes of the Bloomsbury Cultural History of Education series. My warmest thanks go to the volume editors who have each produced excellent collections of original essays by leading researchers in this burgeoning field, to the contributors of these essays that navigate and interpret such broad areas of territory, and to the publishers for their patience and support as this project has developed. Gary Mcculloch Brian Simon Professor of History of Education UCL Institute of Education London December 2019

Introduction Education in the Twentieth Century TOM O’DONOGHUE AND JUDITH HARFORD

INTRODUCTION Any attempt within one chapter to provide a comprehensive overview of the history of education in the twentieth century would be impractical. Thus, the exposition presented here takes a different approach. Essentially, it is akin to providing a “model” in the social science sense of the concept, namely, as a heuristic device, or a schema that helps one to navigate a field of interest. The exposition is in four parts. First, a number of broad overarching themes relating to education at the end of the nineteenth century are detailed. Secondly, the “new education” movements that emerged at this time and that underpinned several significant developments are considered. An overview of four periods in the history of education in the twentieth century follows. The chapter closes with a brief outline of historiographical developments related to the field for the period under review.

TRENDS IN EDUCATION AT THE END OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Recently, O’Donoghue has provided a cogent framework for considering education developments in any district, any country, or internationally, at any particular moment in history, as well as over time.1 This framework consists of three interrelated properties of education in relation to any, some, or all of its levels. The properties are “access to education,” “the process of education,” and “the structure of an education system.” To examine the history of access to education requires that one focus on the strategies and measures that influence, promote, or hinder participation. To examine the history of the process of education requires that one focus

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on the inner workings of the heart of any education system. This can relate to what went on in individual classrooms and schools, and includes considering the physical and instructional environment and the nature of the curriculum and instruction that prevailed. To examine the history of the structure of an education system requires that one interrogate issues related to its local, national, and international contexts; the details of its governance and funding; and the articulation mechanism guiding cross-sectoral links. Each of these properties as they relate to education and education systems at the end of the nineteenth century are considered at various points throughout the remainder of this section of the chapter. Over forty years ago, Connell noted that seventy years previously threequarters of the world’s population was located in agricultural countries and that, amongst the people concerned, informal education of different kinds had existed for over a thousand years.2 At the same time, the majority had hardly been touched by formal education at the basic foundational level. Consequently, around 70 percent of those who constituted the world’s population over fifteen years of age were illiterate. Leading the way in the provision of education for broad sectors of their populations were the industrialized nations in North America and Western Europe, and the British colonies of Australia and New Zealand.3 Motivated by a desire to “civilize,” regulate, and control “the masses,” they had begun to establish systems for the provision of universal elementary schooling by the middle of the nineteenth century. At the same time, provision was often church directed, with state intervention being kept to a minimum.4 Church involvement in education also included providing schooling for emigrant populations as well as for “native” populations through their mission schools.5 Over time, the spread of universal free and compulsory schooling among both urban and rural populations led to a marked increase in literacy rates.6 At the beginning of the twentieth century, a common associated model was the provision of six or more years of compulsory primary school education for all children. Further, a key issue that emerged, albeit gradually, was the low rate of children progressing from primary school to secondary school. Additionally, while primary or elementary schooling preceded secondary schooling in many situations, it would be historically anachronistic to think of primary- and secondary-level education having been sequential in European and Latin American countries.7 Usually, primary school education, or elementary education as it was often called, was for the great majority, free and compulsory, especially from the beginning of the twentieth century. Most pupils did not proceed to a post-elementary or post-primary school, except in some countries where technical and vocational education were slowly being promoted. Germany was one country where such development was taking place and its comprehensive system of technical schools provided the motivation for

INTRODUCTION

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the provision of technical and commercial education elsewhere, including in France, England, the United States, and Japan, though often only in the form of modest provision. Primary or elementary schooling operated in many European and South American countries to perpetuate a social class divide. Alongside it in a variety of countries was a system of preparatory schools. These were attended by the children of the middle and upper classes, who later moved to associated secondary schools and then into managerial and professional positions, sometimes by way of university. By contrast, a more egalitarian system, while certainly not all-pervasive, was developing in the United States, with primary school education leading on to secondary school education.8 Until 1910, however, the number of those proceeding to a secondary school there was small and, even though dominated by those of the higher social classes, was also characterized by high rates of student drop out. This, in turn, meant that only very small numbers proceeded to the tertiary education level. At the same time, tertiary education, including university education, for both professional and general studies was also slowly expanding in North American, South American, European, and Antipodean countries, even if still only for a selected few secondary school graduates.9 There was also an expansion in teachers’ colleges, which increasingly were also selecting their students from graduates of secondary schools, in contrast to an earlier practice of identifying potential teachers from amongst the brightest in primary school.10 A major feature of education at the end of the final decades of the nineteenth century was the greater attention being given to the education of females than had previously been the case.11 Up until then, girls from the lower social orders had been given much the same education as boys, with both males and females with this class background being expected to obtain basic manual employment, for which the ability to read, write, and do simple arithmetic was usually an added rather than essential advantage. In many countries, what little secondary education there was for girls took place largely in private and convent schools. Further, while France instituted state secondary school education for girls in 1880, Germany did not do so until 1908. It was also at this time that a number of Western European countries started awarding university degrees to women.12 For older generations of both sexes across a range of countries, various schemes of part-time education were also developed in order to provide an opportunity for those already in employment to “upskill” in key areas.13 Curriculum reform accompanied structural reform. For most of the nineteenth century, primary schooling internationally promoted basic skills in literacy and numeracy, along with emphasizing diligence and patriotism.14 At secondary school level, the curriculum was dominated by the teaching of the classics and mathematics, with the aim of providing one with “a liberal education.” Again, it was not until the beginning of the twentieth century that

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secondary schools began to teach science, “foreign languages,” English, and history extensively, with the pace of development in this regard being swifter in the United States than in Europe, India, and Japan. Concurrently throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, ideas around pedagogy were evolving. Typically, classrooms were divided based on pupil age, with thirty or more in a classroom, although multigrade teaching took place in some contexts.15 The dominant view was that the principal task of the teacher was, with the support of standard textbooks, to transmit “key information” and “key facts,” which pupils had to memorize and then recite verbatim. By the beginning of the twentieth century, however, the related didactic approach to teaching and learning was being called into question. This was a time when the discourses of education both mirrored and questioned social, economic, and political change associated with international wars, the rise of nationalism, decolonization, ideological assertiveness, and increased secularization. The rather specific origins of the manner in which the world of education was disrupted, at least in relation to conceptualizing the nature of the education enterprise, can be traced back to the beginning of the twentieth century, when a number of late nineteenth-century developments converged as “the new education.”16 Various reform groups that gave birth to this movement, which are considered in the next section of this chapter, had their foundations in a diverse range of interests. These related to pupil welfare, social and political ideology, moral principles, utilitarian considerations, and a desire to apply the empirical findings of the newly emerging science of psychology.

THE “NEW EDUCATION” MOVEMENTS THAT UNDERPINNED MANY DEVELOPMENTS IN EDUCATION IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Selleck identified six distinct groups that influenced the “new education” movement and contributed to its development: the “practical educationists,” the “social reformers,” the “naturalists,” the “Herbartians,” the “scientific educationists,” and the “moral educationists.”17 Given that these continued to be influential throughout the twentieth century, albeit at various rates and across various periods, they each merit some consideration. The practical educationists The “practical educationists” focused on introducing practical subjects into the curriculum. These included drawing, woodwork, physical education, nature study, and science. In some countries the ideas were embraced in the belief that they could lead to schools being used to raise national economic productivity.

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It was, however, the educational value of the subjects in question that was emphasized by advocates of this approach. This was particularly so in the case of devotees of the Slojd system of handwork that developed in Sweden, which was promoted at the Naas center for teacher education.18 Equally, the “practical educationists” advocated that teaching in geography, history, language, and mathematics should involve experimental work and practical experience. The social reformers Those termed “the social reformers” were primarily concerned about the importance, as they saw it, of introducing physical education on the lines of the Ling or Swedish system in schools to replace the army drill methods of the midnineteenth century.19 They also promoted a view that education institutions should provide school meals and medical inspection, which latterly was to become known as “special education,” improved “airy” school buildings, and “child-friendly” school furniture. The overall view was that education should act as an agent of social change; that access, provision, and administration should be democratized; and that provision for all should be extended to the secondary and technical school levels. The naturalists The movement by “the naturalists” involved a reawakening of interest in the education works of Pestallotzi and Fröbel, and an interest in new innovative “child-centered” practices advocated by various educationists, including Montessori, Steiner, Dewey, and Homer Lane. The kindergarten unit emerged out of this movement. It was centered on the argument propounded by Margaret Macmillan and others that education should be concerned with the harmonious development of children’s natural forces and powers, and with fostering the growth of their personalities. These aims, it was held, could only be achieved if the child was given a marked degree of freedom to pursue his or her own interests. Thus, the role of the teacher was seen to be that of a facilitator rather than as a transmitter of knowledge. The Herbartians Early in the nineteenth century, Johann Herbart developed a theory of mental processes and an associated systematic approach to instruction.20 The “rediscovery” of his ideas at the beginning of the twentieth century led to his steps for lesson instruction being used as organizers of content for school textbooks. These ideas were, to some certain extent, later developed into the rational approaches to curriculum design pioneered by Charters, Bobbitt, and Tyler.21 They eventually evolved into the behavioral objectives movement and

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the current outcomes-based education approaches, even though in some ways the latter movement was diametrically opposed to Herbart’s central idea that pupils should be immersed in large subject areas of interest rather than be engaged in pursuing groups of small objectives day by day in a lock-step linear fashion. Herbart also advocated the adoption of a wide curriculum based on the humanities, the sciences, and practical subjects. This position represented the emergence of a new dimension to the traditional idea of a “liberal education.”22 The scientific educationists The term “scientific educationist” stems from the movement to construct a science of education based upon experimental procedures. Charles Darwin and Wilhelm Preyer led the way when, like Jean Piaget decades later, they applied their scientific techniques to study their own children. Overall, however, the movement is generally seen to have originated in Germany. It was taken up later in the United States, and later still in Britain. Amongst its major exponents were Wundt at Leipzig, Cattell and Thorndike in the United States, Galton in Britain, and Binet in France. Associated statistical techniques were developed by Pearson, Spearman, and Terman, and led to the emergence of standardized tests and an acceleration in the use of quantitative analyses in the study of contemporary issues in education. It was not until the 1940s onwards, however, that “regular” classroom teachers began to feel the effect of this work. The moral educationists To a great extent, education has always been considered a moral endeavor. By the beginning of the twentieth century, however, it was being promoted on a number of distinctive fronts. These can be categorized in terms of different motivating forces, including those of a religious, political, and humanist nature. What they all had in common, however, was a view that only moral education could offer the necessary protection against an emerging plurality of values across all sectors of society. Thus, moral education was deemed to be essential for nation-building, with the associated view that schools had a major role to play in the promotion of patriotism, civic responsibility, and common national ideals. Differences emerged, however, between those who advocated the teaching of moral education using direct instruction and those who were in favor of it being promoted through indirect instruction. ____________________ Over the twentieth century, the “new education movement” had a major effect on the education systems of many countries, although often in different ways and to different degrees. The impact was most acutely felt in Europe and North

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America. At the same time, it was not exclusively the preserve of these regions. This can be illustrated by an example from the colonial world, namely, the school established in 1901, at Santiniketan near Calcutta, by the Indian poet and dramatist, Rabrindranath Tagore.23 Based on the Ashram or forest sanctuary ideas, pupils and teachers lived there together as one family. Here, pupils could learn art, music, and practical subjects in the homes and workshops of practitioners. The students also gave public readings of Tagore’s poetry and performances of his dramas. Later, in 1922, an agricultural college was added to the school by Elmhirst, who later established Darlington Hall in Devon, England.

PERIODS IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY In a pioneering work written in 1980, Connell outlined three periods in the history of education internationally for the years 1900 to 1975.24 This overview still constitutes a valuable model for use in the present era, although a fourth period needs to be added to encompass developments that have taken place since 1975. Each of the four periods in question will now be considered in turn. The education awakening: 1900–16 The title of this period refers to the “awakening” that took place in many countries in relation to the “new education” ideas considered in the previous section of this chapter. Connell argued that this awakening was due to forces released as a result of industrial expansion, middle-class ambition, and nationalism.25 Particular interest groups associated with each of these forces saw that various aspects of “the new ideas” could be harnessed to assist them in promoting their own interests through education institutions. Others, who were concerned largely with what they deemed to be in the best interest of the child and of the individual, were also very influential. An outcome of the activity of both groups was that education developments, generally both conservative and modest, but sometimes radical, were introduced in many constituencies. Education aspirations: 1916–45 The second period was one during which the trends of the first period were consolidated. The psychological effect of the devastation caused by the First World War and the associated threats that were posed to the old class systems in society caused many to turn to education as a mechanism for the promotion of reflection and renewal. This shift in mindset was sustained throughout the 1930s, partly as a response to the catastrophic situation caused by the Great Depression and the stimulus it provided for a fundamental examination of its social, political, and economic origins. Of particular significance for educators

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was the emergence of a dissonance or culture clash between mass education and elite education. As Connell observed: “a wealth of new practices and experiments were introduced which began to put into operation wide and substantial changes in the objectives, content and methods of teaching.”26 At the same time, there was some rolling back in a number of countries, especially in relation to progressive education. This was not always the result of objections to its fundamental ideas but rather because of disappointment regarding how these were being misinterpreted and poorly implemented. Education reconstruction and expansion: 1945–75 In the early years following the end of the Second World War, a new optimism developed internationally. Specifically in relation to education, steps were taken to reformulate some of the ideas of the 1920s and 1930s that were seen to be valuable and workable. Also, both developed and developing countries began to adopt national planning approaches as they sought to harness education to assist in the development of social cohesion and economic vibrancy. The continued expansion that took place in relation to access and provision of education, again in both developed and developing countries, was also a strategy adopted to achieve such ends, as was engagement in a range of innovations to ensure that school curricula took account of major changes occurring in science, technology, and social organization. Additionally, a growing consensus emerged that school-based approaches to educational policy-making were required to complement nationally driven ones so that national aspirations could be tailored for local circumstances. A wave of initiatives was also undertaken in the university sector, especially from the late 1950s.27 These included promoting a rapid expansion of higher education after the Second World War and an associated swift increase in enrollments. Outcomes included the emergence of a more heterogeneous student population in terms of social and cultural backgrounds, an increase in the funding that governments had to allocate to higher education, a demand for more precise planning, and a search for technically competent leaders and managers thoroughly familiar with the complexities of higher education. University curricula also underwent changes, especially with the division of year courses into smaller units and with a movement toward an increase in the number of courses specifically oriented toward the world of work. In some circumstances, these changes led to a marginalization of such traditional basic disciplines as history, sociology, and physics. From 1975 to the present Developments over the last twenty-five years of the twentieth century are too recent for one to be able to encapsulate them under a core theme. Nevertheless, certain trends are discernible. For one thing, nation-states embraced a view

INTRODUCTION

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that education should be a major public concern on the grounds that a quality education system is imperative to achieving desired political, social, and economic goals. Accordingly, they strengthened their grip on the provision and conduct of schools. A present-day consequence is a pattern across many countries of both private and state school systems being centralized in terms of state funding, but decentralized in the administration and management of schools. A major stated aim of this development is that it can lead to schools becoming more autonomous and democratic than heretofore, especially through the collaboration of parents and community members. A renewed emphasis was also placed on the promotion of literacy and numeracy, and on expanding secondary-level and higher-level education. Equally, education came to be promoted for international understanding, for peace building, and for “fixing” fragile and broken states.28 The classical curriculum, with some notable exceptions, was by now in rapid decline. Within many countries, a new form of general education was being advocated, at least up until the end of the junior cycle of secondary-level education. Indeed, the very notion that education levels, organized consecutively, are those of kindergarten, primary schooling, junior-cycle secondary level, and senior-cycle secondary level, with teachers working at the different levels and being alert to connections between them, only became widespread internationally during the period under consideration. Relatedly, a general curriculum pattern that emerged in many countries was one emphasizing that all pupils should be exposed to a broad knowledge base, extending from engagement in humanities and social studies to manual and industrial studies, from arts and crafts to sports and physical education, and from commercial studies to the domestic arts, the sciences, and health studies. Changes also took place during this period in approaches to teaching (though not always without teacher resistance), so that schools in many countries, including in those developed and developing countries receiving immigrants and refugees, could cater for their increasingly heterogeneous school populations. Teachers also experienced the impact of the rapid growth of the modern scientific technology industry. This growth was sustained in part by the expectation that schools should produce graduates able to fulfill the requirements of the industry and partly by advocates of various views on how information and communications technology could contribute to the improvement of student teaching and learning. It was accompanied by a development of technical colleges and polytechnic institutions across many countries, along with the promotion of adult education, the development of part-time and evening courses, and the provision of more training and education on-site within industrial enterprises. Somewhat paradoxically, as the old command economies of the Eastern Bloc countries collapsed, governments nearly everywhere adopted the “science of management” in seeking to maintain control and to guide the direction being

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promoted, not only in the education sphere but also in many other social spheres.29 Associated with this was a reintroduction of the emphasis placed in earlier periods on the use of behavioral objectives for lesson and lecture preparation, this time under such new names as “outcomes-based education.”30 In other words, there was an emphasis that still persists on the importance of stating in fairly precise terms what exactly it is that students should know and be able to do at the end of every lesson, every unit of work, and every subject studied. Coupled with this was the beginning of the growth internationally in the currently widespread use of standardized testing and associated “new public management” approaches to running organizations.31 The influence of international organizations over the period was greater than it had ever been. With the expansion of the European Union, education systems began to become more alike, while also preserving patterns that would maintain unity in diversity.32 The globalization and internationalization of education was also rapidly accelerating, especially as a result of the transmission of associated ideologies through a range of such global organizations as the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Finally, toward the end of the twentieth century, the proud tradition of university autonomy began to face a series of challenging societal trends due to such influences as the population explosion in developing countries, the revolutions in information and communications technology, multiculturalism, the demise of the nationstate, democratization, and economic liberalization and privatization.33 While these trends created many unprecedented opportunities for higher education, they also posed a number of serious challenges, most of which are still being grappled with today, not least amongst them being threats to academic freedom and reduced exchequer funding to publicly funded universities.

THE “NEW” HISTORIOGRAPHY OF EDUCATION While the study of the history of education itself has a long history, much of what was published in the field up until the 1950s was largely hagiographic and Whiggish. A great flowering of work then commenced, especially within university history departments. In the United States, Bailyn argued that the field should be studied by viewing education as part of society more broadly and also by extending the scope beyond the history of schooling.34 This was in accord with the growing emphasis on the “new social history” being produced by Abrams and Burke in the USA, by Thompson in Britain, and by Rude in France.35 While the works of these and others, including Cremin, Katz, Johnson, Tyack, and Silver, are not all in the same vein, they are indicative of the fact that a radically new approach, including in relation to the study of the history of education in the twentieth century, had emerged in so far as new research questions were

INTRODUCTION

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being posed, new methods of investigation were being used, and interpretative frameworks, especially from the social sciences, were being adopted.36 One origin of the new approach can be found in the work in the United States of the “progressive historians,”37 who saw history as serving a role in social, political, and economic reforms “to the point of becoming advocates of change based on historical evidence based in an allegiance to democratic political philosophy.”38 In taking this position, the “progressives” were responding to a perceived failure of the earlier nineteenth-century “scientific” and positivist tradition of Von Ranke, which had dominated in history departments for so long. Essentially, what they rejected was the emphasis on “grand schemes and structures, including progress, the value of rationality, one coherent reality, and one ascertainable truth.”39 In some ways, the new movement became entwined with the “history from below” approach of the “new social history.” Equally influential was the French Annales school that, while also eschewing any notion of research in the discipline being concerned with illustrating societal progress, took the macro-approach of examining daily life in great detail but viewing it as “shaped by larger forces and structures in societies and material conditions.”40 Feminist history also developed, initially with Marxist foundations, albeit of a voluntarist nature, while also drawing on insights from the other schools outlined above. The “new cultural history,” which was “derived initially from Marxist cultural history of the working class, growing interest in the language of various social classes and its relevance for social consciousness and ideology from the Annales School,” and “Foucault’s influence through the history of culture,” was equally prominent.41 Concurrently, those engaging in historical research solely from a Foucaultian perspective sought to examine the structures of power that shaped knowledge and institutions in both national and international contexts. Furthermore, from the 1970s, postcolonial history, with its emphasis on interrogating imperialist roles of the former colonial powers within their colonies,42 and the influence of their “mind tracks” as much as their train tracks on the colonized, grew in popularity. All of these developments had a profound influence on the development of history of education as a discipline and on the nature of the scholarship produced. A particular emphasis was on studying historical relationships between social class and education, and on whose interests had been served by various initiatives. This work led on to the emergence of a range of historical works in a variety of areas, including gender and education, childhood and education, adolescence and education, and adult education. It led also to the adoption of a new sophistication in the writing of the history of education in more traditional genres. It would not be correct to deduce from considerations so far that there was a desire to move away from the study of the history of schooling. Rather, what was sought was to approach this field in a more critical manner than had

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previously been the case. Thus, new sophisticated works covered what, as has been stated earlier, are arguably the three main interrelated aspects of schooling on which one can focus, namely, access, structure, and process, with the latter including works on the history of curriculum, the history of pedagogy, and the history of the measurement and assessment of student performance. The corpus of scholarship produced has been reaching international audiences through international conferences, books published in a wide range of languages by major international publishing houses, and the key international journals in the field that grew in tandem with the growth of the discipline and that contributed to its growth. Journals that are particularly notable in this regard are History of Education, History of Education Quarterly, Paedagogica Historica, Historical Studies in Education/Revue d’histoire de l’éducation, History of Education Review, and Espacion, Tiempo y Educación. Much of the published work has been undertaken using well-established historical approaches, albeit made easier than previously by the increasing availability of sources online. Newer approaches have also been used. In some cases, scholars have drawn from social science methodologies, including those related to micro-sociology and social semiotics.43 New approaches in oral history, including those drawing on insights regarding memory, communities, and intersectionality, have also been used.44 There are also works that indicate there is plenty of scope for research involving the examination of photographs, including using visual analysis methods from design history, as well as work indicating the potential of film analysis.45 Furthermore, historians of education adopting methods and theories drawn from media studies have made valuable advances in investigating other aspects of the history of education. Finally, the relatively new field of the history of the emotions, sensations, and feelings indicates territory that historians of education are now only beginning to focus on in a major way.46

CONCLUSION By way of conclusion, it is helpful to return to the point made at the outset: that this chapter should be seen as a heuristic device, or as a model, within which one can locate the complex and fluid facets of the history of education in the twentieth century across both time and space. Equally, it can provide an aperture into a wide variety of topics in the field related to the century. This includes topics with transnational and international foci, that are increasingly becoming popular, and that collectively have the potential to prompt one to think about how a “world history of education” of the twentieth century might, in the fullness of time, be generated.

CHAPTER ONE

Church, Religion, and Morality ROSA BRUNO-JOFRÉ

INTRODUCTION In this brief and certainly inexhaustive historical exposition on church, religion, and morality, I examine the intersection of religion, sociopolitical ethics as a moral ideal, and education, with the point of reference being the expansion of Christianity—mainline Protestantism and Catholicism—within the dynamic of modernities and where dramatic historical shifts and changing international educational landscapes often meet. The first part of the chapter situates the analysis of missionary projects in the international landscape of what Hobsbawm referred to as the “age of empire”—a period comprising the last quarter of the nineteenth century to 1914, with the war being, in his words, “a natural break.”1 The projects are examined relative to developing the educational state and the institutionalization of education as a scholarly subject, along with a process of internationalization that was Western in character. The second part overviews the interwar period during which international organizations related to education were created that promoted reform or responded to associated sectorial interests and projects, while the educational sciences began to rise and progressive ideas started to spread. The latter led to an analysis of the Protestant missionary project in Latin America that shows how the Social Gospel would converge with John Dewey’s educational theories in an attempt to generate a new polity—a new social morality in a spiritualized democracy. The last part of the chapter discusses the dramatic changes after the Second World War,

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including decolonization, a shift in education leading to cognitive psychology holding a central place, the emergence of new intersections such as the Cold War, secularization, the impact of pluralism, and “cognitive contamination,” and social liberating movements, together with growing Evangelical fundamentalism and the renaissance of Islamism.2 A different picture of religion and education was created by these changes. The connecting thread in this intellectual history is the pursuit of a sociopolitical ethics through education that would be framed by macro-political historical configurations, including, over time, colonialism in its various forms, American imperialism, the Cold War, and different liberating projects. The chapter does not go beyond the early 1970s.

FIGURE 1.1  Ana Jofre, Sisyphus, 2012. Sculpture.

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INTERSECTING RELIGION AND EDUCATION IN THE AGE OF EMPIRE TO 1914 Around the turn of the century, most of the world outside of Europe and the Americas was partitioned into territories under formal or informal domination, mainly by Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, the United States, or Japan. Spain had lost much of what was left of the Spanish Empire to the United States, including Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines.3 The United States thus intensified its economic penetration of Latin America. Hobsbawm wrote that it was an era of the bourgeoisie and its liberal ideology, which brought with it the fear and reality of war for some, and the hope of a revolution for others.4 Of relevance here is that the age of empire, being a colonial empire, inspired Christian foreign missions and schooling as a means to lead to conversion and/or to transmit social and moral values. The overall geopolitical context was of Christian religious expansion via missionary work and the civilizing mission, with schooling being a fundamental tool in this epistemic binary vision of “civilized” versus “backward.” Most missionaries, both Protestant and Catholic, shared elements of the imperialist ideology dominant at the time, even as the missionary experience was far from unidirectional, with the missions being influenced by different cultures and experiences in the field. Missionary work involved a complex process of adaptation, appropriation, and forms of creative resistance that intertwined foreign beliefs and values with local traditions; local converts, many of them teachers, played a role in this process.5 Industrial society and modernity thereby provided a configuration with no borders that would lead to multiple modernities;6 hence, the spread of modernization cannot be confused with westernization. In fact, contemporary research points to the power of cultural identity and adaptation to traditions, India being one example.7 In the nineteenth century, the Western world saw a shift from education as a function of the church and family to education as a function of the state. It was the period of developing and consolidating the state education system and its bureaucratization as part of the formation of a modern citizenry and reconstruction of the individual, whether as a member of the nation-state or a rationalized society. Compulsory schooling laws were aimed at creating mass schooling. The international expansion of forms of modern schooling generated changes in socialization and, in particular, in transmitting knowledge and introducing a broader world to communities. Schooling became a cultural model.8 The importance of modern education and the belief in its transformative power was apparent at the World Missionary Conference of 1910, which attracted 1,200 delegates from Protestant missionary societies to Edinburgh, Scotland. The conference was preceded not only by the world fairs and exhibitions of the nineteenth century, but also by interdenominational missionary conferences in the United States and England in that century and by

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the Ecumenical Conference held in New York in 1900.9 Education was seen as central to missionary work in terms of personal conversion, the creation of a Christian community, and the penetration of Christian ideals. The missionaries had a transformative understanding of education based on both the notion that (Protestant) Christianity had the highest moral standing of all religions and a hierarchical notion of civilization. Africa was at the bottom of this hierarchy, while India was considered a higher civilization under Christian rule, and China and Persia were classified as having higher civilizations and a politically independent character. There were hundreds of Protestant schools in African and Asian localities.10 The missionaries aimed to form leaders in their schools, although they also advocated industrial schools that taught the practical skills often needed in the administration of the colonies. The missionaries at the 1910 conference saw an opportunity to work with the Chinese government to build or supplement an education system inspired by the West, thereby moving the society to the peak of civilization. Japan was considered a country of the highest international rank, difficult to penetrate, and with a strong education system. It is noted that Japan’s population was obedient and respectful of hierarchy, and that the country had started building capitalism in the midst of feudal relationships.11 Islam was seen as a major threat at the conference because over the centuries it had quickly expanded to large geographical spaces.12 In relation to Islam, the Ottoman Empire, which collapsed after the Great War, attracted the missionaries’ attention partly due to its interest in modern education. It placed religion as a central component of its identity but devoted a huge amount of resources to modern education at the end of the nineteenth century. Fortna examines the appropriation of modern ideas from the perspective of how those ideas were indigenized with various outcomes by inculcating loyalty to the empire.13 Religion continued to provide identification and a sense of belonging as well as the values that regulated social relations. In the late Ottoman Empire, in the second half of the nineteenth century, education was modernized using the French centralized model with the aim being to create a modern Ottoman citizen via a common curriculum and textbooks. We should also mention that missionaries had an interest in starting their schools in Turkey from very early on, and that mission schools had a different curriculum and organization, cultivated their own institutional culture, and introduced different values that were not always welcomed. A case in point is the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions that worked in the Ottoman Empire, particularly in Turkey, after the 1820s, a time when missionaries established schools that mostly enrolled Christian students, largely Armenian and some Greek, and taught them in their mother languages. After the First World War, the end of the Ottoman Empire, and the establishment of the republic, mission schools began to enroll Turkish Muslim students and to teach them English.14

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In Asia, efforts to convert to one religion or another, especially various forms of Christianity, had commenced early in previous centuries, going back to the sixteenth century and the Jesuits. These efforts became more intense in the twentieth century within the setting of colonial rule and presence of many missions. Thus, Southeast Asia had believers from Indigenous religious traditions, with most belonging to Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity, the latter mainly through conversion. It was a time of expansion for Catholic male and female congregations.15 The missions were expected to disseminate Catholic values in a world that was becoming more modernized and secularized; 1,861 religious institutes—22.2 percent of which were devoted to education—were founded in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.16 Half of those institutes were founded in Spain, Italy, and France and operated in a transnational manner, spreading all over the world. Of course, they had a strong presence in Canada and even in the United States, where we can talk of an American Catholicism. However, while the traditional Protestant denominations embraced modernity, the magisterium of the Catholic Church took an anti-modernist stand, rejecting the autonomy of reason and increasing centralization within the papal authority. This was expressed in Pius IX’s encyclical Quanta Cura of 1864, and in the appended Syllabus Errorum containing eighty propositions that condemned rationalism, liberalism, naturalism, socialism, and the separation of church and state, among others. The papal-centric view dominated the First Vatican Council (1870) and was expressed in the “First Dogmatic Constitution on the Church of Christ” (Pastor Aeternus), which declared the infallibility of the pope on moral and social matters. Anti-modernism did not lose momentum with Leo XIII (1810– 1903), and modernism was condemned by Pius X in the 1907 “Encyclical on the Doctrines of the Modernists” (Pascendi Dominici Gregis).17 The 1929 Pius XI encyclical “Christian Education of Youth,” a point of reference for Catholic schools, contained strong anti-modernist tones. However, a discussion of Catholic schools and their mission cannot be conducted in relation to the church’s official position without considering other theological tendencies that often developed outside the Vatican’s walls, the charism of teaching congregations, and, in particular, the micro and macro sociopolitical and cultural configurations in any given specific community. Nonetheless, the dominance of neo-scholasticism in North America strengthened Catholic classicist culture, mainly the integration of arts and sciences by Christian philosophy through the light of faith; arts and science were unified by a believing mind and an understanding of God’s revealed word.18 This approach was grounded in the conviction that both faith and reason made sense and was embedded in Catholic pedagogy—known as the Catholic mind—although many of the schools took a practical approach. Thus, the insertion of the congregation in a community’s “social imaginary,” a term coined by Charles Taylor,19 in particular with settlers

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such as the French Canadians in the western provinces of Canada, nourished intentionalities—their school work and educational and civic aims—even their political agendas.20 From the end of the nineteenth century, Catholic schools tried to carve out a space in the state educational system, especially in Western countries with Protestant dominance, or were in open conflict with the state, as with the second republic in France at the beginning of the twentieth century. Overall, the Catholic Church took the shape of national churches, and we can thus talk of an American Church.21 Catholic values, which were highly gendered, were grounded on the magisterium’s dictates on sexuality, marriage, and reproduction along with Christian values of love and compassion; their schools served a range of constituencies, while Catholic social and economic thinking resulted in new social initiatives for a few decades, inspired by the encyclical Rerum Novarum issued by Leo XIII in 1891. In the case of the United States and Canada, public schools translated general Christian tenets—basically, Protestant tenets—into an effective civic morality that was strongly rejected by Catholics.22 Catholics did not accept nonsectarian schools and questioned the separation of religion from morality.23 By the end of the nineteenth century, although the majority of US (elementary) teachers were middle-class Protestant women of European origin, there were some poor women teachers with scholarships,24 Catholic women congregations also provided a large number of teachers since Catholic schools held an important role in the education system. Canada was no different. The Catholic Church by and large found its place in the education system in the United States and Canada, and brought to the field a particular transnational character through the work of its international congregations, whose members traveled to various countries to serve as teachers and engage in international meetings. On their part and within their relationship with the state, the education systems had a nation-building dimension that played out at an international level, while educational sciences developed, permeated by transatlantic exchanges. Within the context of modern industrial society, from the end of the nineteenth century internationalism became a feature of cultural, social, scientific, and religious missionary movements, with colonialism as a major framework. Nation-states saw education as an important component of nation-building and actually disseminated their achievements at international exhibitions. Civic virtue and the formation of the political subject for the nation-state were central educational aims. Fuchs argued that the internationalization of education was a Western initiative, and that the congresses involving education had, in their beginnings, a fragmented quality.25 He also said the variety of types—from an international congress on agricultural education (first held in Paris in 1900) to an international congress for the welfare and protection of the child (first held in Florence in 1896)—were a function of the different spheres, whether political, academic, or professional, to which education was related.26 The

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socio-economic challenges of the time that were affecting children led to networks related to social work. Educationists followed suit and began creating their own international institutions and congresses. The prevalence of international teachers’ conferences, international conferences of the World Federation of Education Association, women’s conferences, scientific congresses including those of educational sciences, and interdenominational missionary congresses with strong educational components would reach a high point after the Great War (1914–18). Of relevance here is the new education movement, an educational movement that arose in the United States and Europe at the end of the nineteenth century with a US progressive education variant called “education nouvelle” in France and “Reformpädagogik” in Germany. The institutionalization and internationalization of the new educational sciences took place in the decades before the First World War amidst a diversity of methods, research subjects— child development and instruction—and different social aims such as social reform, selection, administration, and discipline.27 Protestant missionary schools, particularly those involved with the Social Gospel in the United States and Canada, would transport new ideas on psychology, testing, and learning, and, especially, particularly after the war, notions of progressive education/ new education along with a political redeeming project for the North American continent.

INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION LANDSCAPE IN THE INTERWAR YEARS: ITS INTERSECTION WITH MISSIONARY WORK AND ITS MORAL IDEALS By the end of the war, the world had witnessed the collapse of four empires: the Austro-Hungarian, the Ottoman, the Russian, and the German. The map was redrawn not only in Europe but also in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Colonialism continued and Great Britain and France were the two major colonial powers. The period was marked by the two world wars and, in between, by waves of global rebellion, revolution, and the lasting 1929 Depression.28 There was a feeling that a new human civilization could be built through education, an example being the goals of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, discussed at its meeting in Zurich in 1919. The International Congress of Moral Education (IMEC), held from 1908 to 1934, with its emphasis on what advocates called the progress of moral education without distinction of race or nationality, and the New Education Fellowship (NEF) and its congresses, both founded in England, were imbued with Protestant values and related to spiritual associations linked to the emergence of a “discipline of education.”29 Kevin Brehony traced the NEF’s origins to the Theosophical Fraternity in Education, which started in 1915 with sections in France, the

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USA, India, Australia, and New Zealand.30 Brehony conceptualized the NEF, which exhibited a heretical discourse, as a social movement concerned with social and religious matters that attracted social and political radicals as well as liberals, in which Adolphe Ferrière was a dominant figure.31 The NEF organized seven international conferences and several regional ones in South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia. Brehony characterized the movement as one that connected lay supporters of educational reform in line with new education with major figures from psychology and education, such as Carl Gustav Jung, Jean Piaget, and John Dewey.32 The West continued to play a civilizing role through education while missionaries expanded their work. Education, religion, and morality would take on new connotations at their intersection with political and ideological shifts. A case in point is the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and its consolidation, which would keep a grip on religion, including millions of Muslims and Orthodox Christians. This opened up a process of secularization grounded in Soviet notions of solidarity, “socialism,” and forms of collectivism, particularly through education—in spite of a level of local autonomy and regional consciousness that had been acquired over time. As Braudel put it, the Soviet federal system’s culture was “national in its form, but proletarian and socialist in its content.”33 This was also a period of the rise of the educational sciences in all their various and often conflicting approaches, and the continuation of the educationalization (civilizing) of the body and emotions and self-governance. In examining this, Brehony distinguished between philosophical and moral conceptions of education, with their notions of a good life and emphasis on the aims of education and spirituality, and those associated with positivism; psychology had an ambiguous position in new education. The NEF integrated elements of the new psychology to achieve scientific legitimation.34 In fact, it was educational psychology that facilitated the entry of education into academia. It is interesting to note that experimental pedagogy, considered neutral and objective, was described in opposition to experiential pedagogy. Experimental pedagogy had gained life in Belgium through the physician and educational psychologist— doctor-educator—Ovide Decroly (who focused on the “abnormal” child), as well as Raymond Buyse. Both were engaged in psychological research that led to a pedagogy limited to educational methods and means, creating a gap with a normative theoretical foundation.35 The new psychology that took a dominant place in education was preoccupied with human behavior and its variability, and included various competing schools: American psychology composed of behaviorism and pragmatism, Gestalt psychology, psychoanalysis, individual psychology, psychology of individuality, psychology of irrationality, and developmental psychology.36 Behaviorist pedagogic psychology, led by Edward L. Thorndike, became the dominant paradigm that went along with US notions of meritocracy and would cultivate competitive individualist values.

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Important centers with international projection radiating across the world were the Teachers College at Columbia; the Institute Jean-Jacques Rousseau founded by Édouard Claparède in 1912, which between 1925 and 1929 had the International Bureau of Education as an international division, an institute aimed at improving the psychological and pedagogic education of teachers and building a new science of education via research; and the Institute of Education in London, a center for research and teaching for the British Empire founded by Fred Clarke. Furthermore, Belgian doctor-educator Ovide Decroly, his L’École Decroly l’Ermitage, a progressive school established in 1907, and his Decroly Method as well as centers of interest within education—summarized as education for life and by life—were particularly influential in Latin America. An interesting phenomenon was the traveling of progressive ideas in education within the discourse of modernity and related attempts at exporting democracy as a new political ethics and way of life, and the role American Protestantism played in this process. In the 1920s, Protestant schools were a point of entry for versions of progressive education and these expanded quickly in Latin America from the end of the nineteenth century. The schools were at the core of missionary work with an international dimension, as shown in various world missionary conferences, such as the meeting of the International Missionary Council held in Jerusalem in 1928, and the meeting in Madras, India, in 1938, among others.37 Spiritual relations and a new moral life were seen as fundamental in the process of change, especially in Latin America, and would quickly take on strong ideological connotations. As Samuel Inman, Secretary of the Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, a political voice for the Social Gospel—although not in its most radical version—and Pan-Americanism, wrote after visiting various countries, “Latin America needs a religion that will help solve the national problems as well as those of the individuals.”38 Inman was concerned with the potential for the “common people to rise up,” the exploitation of women and children, the need for recreational facilities and philanthropic organizations, and the need for “an educational system that will put morality first.”39 US missionaries had a particular interest in Latin America. In 1912, the Foreign Missions Conference of North America agreed to arrange a conference on Latin America that took place in 1913 (Panama Congress 1917). At that conference, the interdenominational Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, created in New York in 1913, organized the 1916 Panama Congress on Christian Work in Latin America, which was to be a space to exchange experiences and knowledge emerging from the missionary field. Education was at the center of the analysis of missionary work discussed by the 235 delegates representing forty-four US missionary societies; notably, only twenty-seven Latin Americans attended the meeting.40 At the core was the attempt to develop a new identity by converting the entire continent to a gospel of life, regenerating

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principles of personal Christianity, and creating a new soul that would lead to social changes and, most importantly, progress. This was in line with the US hegemony in Latin America—an area of the world that has also experienced a process of technological modernization, with the missions mainly being an urban phenomenon linked to economic enclaves. The new faith introduced by Protestant missionaries came with modern values and skills that held a place in the emergent middle-class ideology. The schools aimed at producing a citizenry with a new culture and a spiritualized democratic polity; this required the development of character and the capability to adjust to the environment and its changes.41 However, the missionaries were also creating a counterculture within the parameters of social Christianity in order to challenge the dominant culture influenced by the Catholic Church and to reform society. It was a counterculture that moved to embrace the progressive reconstruction of society inspired by Dewey and the Social Gospel that was so foreign to Latin Americans and their life experience and religiosity. The 1916 Congress emphasized the relevance of the family, the community, and the church, while the tenets of evangelical feminism conveyed the need to protect the weak; the latter materialized in the provision of expertise in health, social work, and education by women missionaries. The schools were centers of pedagogical progressive education and used teaching methods grounded in life situations, observation, problem-solving, development of initiative, and intelligent self-direction, and aimed at the creation of a new polity.42 Nonetheless, social efficiency was present in the structure and organization of such schools. These efforts were rooted in the imposition of superior values, even if confessionalization failed, and there were (not unexpected) overtones of racism, in particular toward Indigenous peoples. The 1925 Montevideo Congress entitled Christian Work in South America was fully imbued with a radical version of the Social Gospel that alienated more conservative denominations;43 changing the external socio-economic conditions was seen as necessary to reach the inner spirit, and so individualism took second place.44 Cooperation, efficiency, progress, democracy, and education were central themes in the reconstructive effort, via educational practices in which Dewey’s educational theory, mostly through George A. Coe, was explicit.45 At the time of the 1916 Congress, the Protestant missionaries had been dealing with popular nationalist movements that challenged the United States’ penetration of Latin America and with critiques of the politics of PanAmericanism, and they often had important interactions with leaders. Progress was the trope, as the missionaries saw a continent at risk to the point that they felt a spiritual conquest (“spiritual conquistador”) was justified. Democracy was construed as part of a redemption process and of the creation of an alternative culture, a new set of values in line with modern values. The congress strongly supported rights feminism, and Coe, whose work was very influential at the

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congress, wrote about democracy in the family, albeit without then discussing patriarchal structures.46 The missionaries drew upon Dewey and Kilpatrick to work out the religious nature of education and, pedagogically, the congress fully subscribed to their principles. Of course, there was a tension between redemption and democratic means, and a breakdown between means and ends, contrary to Dewey’s theory.47 Interestingly, the summaries of the Havana Congress of 1929 contained a statement that captured the problem with the religious political configuration envisioned by mainline Protestants in Latin America, and their inability to build ties with the people: “We are strangers to our race.”48 In the 1920s, Dewey’s ideas appealed to leaders engaged in social and political change and the building of a modern self-governed subject through education, although his ideas were mixed with other educational thinkers and psychologists, and often separated from his pragmatist philosophy.49 The main issue of note was the attempt to build a renewed polity grounded in a morality, whether religious or secular, that neglected or did not try to articulate people’s living history or ways of experiencing their religiosity—both a powerful component of their identity. A case in point is the report written by Dewey during his visit to Turkey in 1924, having been invited by President Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, after the Ottoman Empire gave way to a secular republic in the early 1920s.50 The new republic broke with Sharia law, abolished Muslim religious foundations, and adopted a new Civil Code—borrowing from the Swiss Civil Code—that prohibited polygamy, subjected marriage to secular law, rejected unilateral divorce, and established gender equality regarding inheritance and children’s guardianship. The new, secular Ministry of Education aimed to unify educational programs and institutions under its authority; thus, sciences and moral education became independent from religion.51 The report, Cole argued, neglected the Ottoman legacy that had extended from the thirteenth century to 1922 and that, given its geographical extension at various points in history, had involved Turks, Arabs, Serbs, Greeks, Armenians, Bulgars, and Hungarians, among others, as well as Muslims, Christians, and Jewish people.52 The point Cole makes is that the Ottoman legacy was negated as part of the effort to westernize Turkey and generate changes that would lead to new ways of behaving and a new way of life; history was read through a Western civilizing lens as part of the process of exporting democracy and scientific thinking. In the end, Dewey’s report was not in keeping with his alignment of means and democratic ends. The historical context would not allow that alignment either. As Arat wrote, the republic was neither democratic nor liberal, even as it was radical in its reforms.53 This approach to the rhetorical exportation of democracy and education was not unique to Turkey. The research Martínez Valle and I conducted on Dewey in Mexico showed that, although Dewey stressed the relationship between school and society, he did not seem to think about how contextual conditions including values and cultural and political forces could

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transform educational proposals.54 Dewey’s piece that appeared in The New Republic on September 22, 1926 conveyed his thinking on educational reform in postrevolutionary Mexico and on progressive educational reform as a tool for social transformation: I have long had a pet idea that “backward” countries have a great chance educationally; that when they once start in the school-road they are less hampered by tradition and institutionalism than are countries where schools are held by customs which have hardened through the years. But I have to confess that I have never found much evidence in support of this belief that new countries, educationally new, can start afresh, with the most enlightened theories and practices of the most educationally advanced countries.55 Dewey quoted Moisés Sáenz, a Presbyterian connected with the Committee on Cooperation mentioned before, who had studied at Columbia University from 1921 to 1922 and who was, at the time Dewey wrote the article, subsecretary of Education in Mexico (1925–31). Dewey was popular at this time when the populist developmentalists were in power, but his influence started to decline after socialist education was introduced. The historical cases mentioned in this chapter, including the efforts of the Committee on Cooperation in Latin America, Dewey’s visit to Turkey, and Dewey’s presence in postrevolutionary Mexico, are examples of appropriations of Dewey’s ideas that show the limits of the exporting of democracy and the fragile relationship between democratic aims and means, thereby illustrating the trap of universality. Protestant missionaries identified the Catholic Church as a source of backwardness and ignorance. The Catholic Church, in turn, saw the overall modernist efforts of the Protestants in Latin America as representing modernist forces but also as linked to US imperialism. Anti-communism was embedded in Catholic teachings and in Protestant doctrines and practices. The language used by Catholics—not only in Latin America but around the world—referred to heretics and people in error, while Catholic education was conceived as a moralizing force. As one example, Archbishop of St. Boniface, Canada, Adèlard Langevin, when he wanted the Sisters of Our Lady of Missions to open a school in a small Manitoba town, told the Vicar Provincial: “If you do not send sisters to Ellie you will be responsible for the loss of faith and virtue of many souls.”56 Particularly in the first decades of the twentieth century, along with the variations set by the charism of the congregations, there was an emphasis on discipline (in most cases with no system of punishment); obedience to authority and fear of God; notions of otherness that separated Catholics from those in error, or “infidels”; and, in many communities (for example, the French in Canadian provinces outside of Quebec and the Irish in New Zealand), a sense of identity based on religion, ethnicity, and community, and a focus on a moral education that intersected with both official state discourses and the official curriculum.57

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Moreover, the centrality of the child, an educational ideal to which most Catholic teaching congregations subscribed, became hollow, for example, in the case of residential schools for Indigenous children in Canada, where various women teaching congregations provided a “Christian and civilizing education” under the direction of the Oblate Fathers of Mary Immaculate. In other words, the force behind the removal of the Indigenous child from their family was conversion to Christianity to reach salvation, along with the assimilation of the child into Western ways.58 Child-centered education, attention to the senses, and the stages of development were situated in relation to the inculcation of universal truths and the only true faith, the negation of Indigenous children’s inner self, the prohibition against speaking their own language, and the adoption of a particular way of life.59 Hundreds of missions run by Catholic congregations—from those founded early on in the life of the church to those set up in the nineteenth century—ran networks of schools regionally, nationally, and/or transnationally. Examples included the Jesuits, the Christian Brothers, the Franciscan Capuchins, Our Lady of Missions/Religieuses de Notre Dame des Missions (RNDM), and the Sisters of the Infant Jesus, St. Maur, to mention just a few. In the nineteenth century, the missionaries had followed the settlers, aimed at the salvation of souls in the Indigenous population, or of “infidels,” and ran schools in the colonies for boys and girls. The charism of the congregation inspired educational aims. Motivated by a pragmatic approach and surrounded by the modern world, women teaching congregations adapted their curriculum, holding commercial classes for girls that prepared them for work and having a family, and encouraging higher education for young women. These concerns were not alien to the feminist movement or to the new practices in girls’ education and in secondary schools for girls that circulated through the internationalization of teachers’ associations with which the sisters were in touch.60 The sisters’ progressive initiative was interwoven with the Catholic, gendered, conservative values found within the gender duality sustained by the church and the notion of the reproductive family.61 While Protestants in Latin America were denounced by Catholics as allies of imperialism, Pentecostalism with its national roots burst onto the scene among the poor and marginal classes, first in the United States and then in Latin America. Pentecostalism challenged traditional mainline Protestantism, which at the time was putting forth Christ as a social and individual moral regenerator; in contrast, Pentecostalism, being sectarian (set against ecumenism) and millenarist and emphasizing the power of the spirit, had an oral character and grew through division. It is important to note that anti-communism was embedded in both Catholic and Protestant teachings.62 The Catholic Church rejected Dewey’s theories due to his naturalism, experimentalism, questioning of dualism, and his fallibility, or the inevitability of uncertainty—in other words, truth, in Dewey’s thought, was not to be

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understood in absolute terms. The Catholic Church continued its educational work, with its central guiding document being the 1929 Pope Pius XI encyclical letter, “On Christian Education of the Youth” (Divini Illius Magistri). In this encyclical, the pope affirms that education belongs in due proportion to the family, civil society, and the church, although education belongs preeminently to the church following the supernatural order, a right conferred by God. The church and the family would be in charge of moral education. The Vatican wanted to ensure that the dictates from the magisterium were followed in Catholic educational institutions, and asked philosophers and teachers to swear an oath to teach a form of neo-Thomism (neo-scholasticism) that the magisterium had codified in twenty-four propositions.63 In practice, nuns and priests who taught were exposed to progressive views through normal schools and teacher colleges, and thus adopted active pedagogical methods very early on. In the 1930s, a time when theologians in France and Belgium were aiming at integrating contemporary culture in their analysis along with a pluralization of neo-Thomism (1920–50) that led to Nouvelle théologie, there were attempts made to adapt Dewey’s theories to the Catholic doctrine.64 Moreover, the Corpus Christie Catholic school in New York, with Columbia University directly to the south, was remodeled in 1936 under the leadership of Father George Barry Ford, and thereafter the organization of the curriculum and the school fully followed Dewey’s conception of democracy and Kilpatrick project methods.65 In the 1930s, the Vatican developed a gendered and hierarchical strategy, which Chappel calls “paternal modernism,”66 and tried to secure protection for the welfare, property, and rights of religious families. The Vatican was not committed to civil liberties, democracy, or anti-racism, and was more preoccupied with the reproductive family than anti-Semitism.67 As Chappel states, it was not “inherently fascist or anti-fascist.”68 Catholic schools need to be read with all this in mind, but they were indeed inserted into specific historical configurations and engaged in pragmatist solutions to emerging new situations. A new scenario emerged in the Western world in the 1930s with the Great Depression and the emergence of fascism and Nazism. In Spain, the civil war ended the Second Republic (1931–6) and culminated in 1939 with establishment of Francisco Franco’s regime that brought Catholic integrism (a unitarian experiment with its protagonists being the state and a church that dreamed of a reconquered state).69 It was a decade of aggressions on the path to war: the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931; the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935; the German and Italian intervention in the Spanish Civil War (1936–9); the German invasion of Austria in 1938; the German occupation of Czechoslovakia (1938–9); the Italian occupation of Albania in 1939; and the German occupation of Poland in 1939.70 During this period, the new education movement was still at work, mostly until 1936, as shown by the congresses.71 The war, although European, became global.

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EDUCATION SHIFTS, SECULARIZATION, AND PLURALISM IN THE POSTWAR YEARS AND THE LONG 1960s After 1945, Western countries experienced political, military, and demographic shifts with large movements of people and, not unexpectedly, educational shifts. Further, when the Cold War began it was not only a military struggle but a cultural struggle that heavily involved school curricula and the ethos of schooling, particularly in North America. Meanwhile, the process of decolonization started soon after the end of the war, but coloniality and the workings of colonialism in the inner self and its deconstruction would have a longer life. The old colonial system broke first in Asia—Syria and Lebanon became independent in 1945, India and Pakistan in 1947—and by 1950 decolonization was complete, except for in Indochina, India, and Pakistan; the region of western Islam, from Iran (Persia) to Morocco, had been the setting for a series of popular movements.72 The French bitterly resisted the independent movement in Algeria (1954–62); France and Britain tried to show their power in the Suez Crisis of 1956, a doomed adventure; Portugal resisted the dissolution of formal colonialism, but Paris, London, and Brussels (in reference to the Belgian Congo) moved to recognize formal independence within the context of cultural and economic dependency.73 The new nation-states and their civil societies tried to rebuild their collective and individual identity and the role of religion in their societies—a binding role. Pan-Islamism, Braudel argues, in fact goes well beyond politics in the sense that “from one end of Islam to the other, there are similar beliefs, morals, habits, family relationships, tastes, leisure pursuits, games, behavior and even cooking.”74 Many of these new states had combinations of the various colonial schools, including missionary schools, and traditional forms of schooling became a major issue in their developmental policies.75 In the meantime, the Soviet Union extended its power into Eastern Europe: Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, East Germany, Poland, Romania, and Yugoslavia. In 1949, with the victory of the communists, the People’s Republic of China started to move away from the remnants of the old regime through a cultural revolution that influenced intellectual life, and by creating a culture of discipline and humiliation and forcing manual work in the factories or the fields. Morality officially took a secular character rooted in national pride and old ways of being and thinking.76 The missionaries had to deal with complex postcolonial realities and their own misalignment. Catholic religious, both women and men, had been present in Asia and Africa for centuries, where they engaged in processes of conversion, inculturation, and often imposition—albeit, as Depaepe says, “the cross-cultural contact with the ‘other’ also influenced the psycho-pedagogical construction of

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‘the self’ in the mother country.”77 Many congregations began to reflect on the interplay of gender, gospel, and culture in a postcolonial context.78 The processes of secularization, the challenges to the established notions of authority, and an intense pluralism accentuated by processes of decolonization and the movement of people intersected with the Second Vatican Council (1962–5), which aimed at an aggiornamento with the modern Western world of the second half of the twentieth century.79 Vatican II opened a new relationship with the world in terms of dialogue, cooperation with other faiths, and a commitment to social justice as a component of spiritual life, working to reinterpret faith and the teachings in light of the times.80 In most Western countries, there was indeed a decline in church commitment by ordinary people, evident in the empty pews in mainline Protestant churches and in the Catholic Church and fewer religious vocations in the latter.81 Most vocations in international congregations come from Africa and Asia. However, Evangelical Protestantism, particularly its Pentecostal version mentioned earlier, being grounded in the “gifts of the spirit” and a very personal relationship with God (one cannot be born a Christian, but must be born again), grew everywhere, even underground in China. From the 1970s, migration intensified from the south to the north, involving a movement of religious beliefs that included Islamism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and others, and generating conversions of various sorts. Asian religions permeated the West and were mixed with ideals of wellness and a good life, bringing in yoga and meditation and martial arts. As Peter Berger writes, pluralism in the mind exists in contemporary times.82 Meanwhile, there was a renaissance of Islamism, including Muslims in the West, many of whom were conservative in their religious beliefs and piety; there was resistance, or a mixed reaction, to the cultural exportations from the West, with implications for women and education.83 In the long 1960s (1958–74), teaching congregations encountered a new world around them. Vatican II brought a commitment to social justice that was embraced differently by teaching congregations. Thus, as Cox and Imbarack showed for Chile, Opus Dei schools had a negligible social justice component while the Jesuits fully embraced social justice, and poverty became a recurrent term in their educational projects.84 The Cuban revolution and its grassroots character set the tone for aspirations for transformative change in Latin America. Many missionaries had a culturally contextualized experience of change in which political ideology, theology, racialization, and class-based interests intersected. The Canadian province of Our Lady of Missions/RNDM, for example, was inserted in an emerging theological and ideological configuration inspired by Vatican II that placed the church’s engagement with the world along with social justice at the center. The congregation tried to live the radicality of the Gospel in the new context. At the same time, Canada experienced a renewed “modern” and global identity, maintaining residual ties with its British past while aligning—

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in an uneasy alliance—with the United States in the midst of the Cold War. The Cold War and its ideological battery penetrated the language of education and the language of the Vatican within the framework of liberal democracy, military security, and capitalism as core “Western values.”85 Political, military, and technological changes had an impact on education. The technological changes continued after the war; the jet engine, the transistor, and the digital computer set the stage for globalization, while television transformed subjectivities, opening up new worlds and paths for manipulation as well. The civil rights movement and anti-racist activism cannot be separated from Protestant spirituality, with Martin Luther King being a baptist minister, while second-wave feminism and a new understanding of gender relations took their full shape in the early 1970s, influencing women religious and nourishing a feminist theology that over time would take an intersectional approach (race, class, and genders).86 In Canada, the RNDM, like other women teaching congregations, began to leave schools in the 1960s. The congregation closed some of its private schools and moved some to the Catholic separate system, or later, in the case of Manitoba, to public boards. The reasons varied. In some cases, the school’s facilities were not adequate, while in others the school had few students, their mission with French Canadians in the prairies had changed, lay teachers were the norm, and the sisters had moved to other ministries. The educational landscape and its political context became different; in Canada, as in the USA, money flowed into education, the theory of human capital became dominant, and the launch of the Soviet Sputnik placed education as a primary Cold War battleground.87 Yet, it was also a period—in particular during the 1960s—when radical experiments in pedagogy became mainstream for a time (for example, open classrooms). The process of the scientification of education took new shape, and in the late 1970s and 1980s cognitive psychology had a major place in the process, with a focus on research on mental activity and the processing of information inspired by cybernetics and its future-oriented perspective (Figure 1.2).88 Beyond the debate on whether we can conceptualize the current religious landscape and still talk of secularism and the plausible theory of pluralism, there was, mainly in Europe, North America, and Australasia, a process of secularization of consciousness amidst plurality. People did not perceive their personal or national identity as Christian. Christianity—referring to mainline Protestantism and Catholicism—lost cultural and social hegemony in the 1960s and beyond.89 The 1960s embodied a revolt against Christian cultural oppression, especially women’s oppression. I have argued that “a new concept of the self started to emerge, shaking its relational dimension.”90 However, secularism did not erase spiritual searches and new forms of spirituality and religiosity developed. I agree with Berger and his emphasis on pluralism because the plurality of spiritual and religious experiences generates cognitive contamination and makes beliefs relative to one another. This is reflected in new ways of approaching theology, particularly

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FIGURE 1.2  Ana Jofre, Cyborg, 2011. Sculpture.

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in feminist theology that emerged in both Catholic and Protestant circles, as well as in black theology. Catholic theologians such as Matthew Fox would be open to other forms of spirituality and a critique of Western cosmology. Incidentally, Our Lady of Missions/RNDM officially embraced eco-spirituality, and the critique of Western cosmology articulated by the Canadian province adopted many elements of Indigenous spirituality. This new approach brought a new ethical positioning of humans and their relationship with God vis-à-vis the earth and the universe.91 Of course, there has been a conservative reaction in sectors of the church. In the long 1960s, Indigenous spirituality gained prominence in Canada— as well as in other parts of the world—along with the movement toward decoloniality. The “Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy, 1969,” known as the White Paper, aimed to eliminate the Indian Act and treaties and fully assimilate all Indian people under the liberal construct of a just society, which created a backlash and a counter-document, “Citizen Plus,” known as the Red Paper.92 The Indigenous people’s right to control their own education was upfront in their demands; their schools would suffuse the curriculum with Indigenous spirituality and an Indigenous view of wholeness. The salvation of souls and the religious rationality behind the racialization of subjectivities and the building of the Christian subject was shaken by a consciousness of the need for reconstruction of their own collective self. In South America, liberation theology—influenced by theological developments in Belgium and France—emerged hand in hand with popular movements and the idea of grassroots Christian communities. Not surprisingly, in Brazil, where bishops were very active, Catholic pedagogues such as Paulo Freire developed a pedagogy and a literacy method grounded in people’s lived experience. His book Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968, published in English in 1970) was read widely across the world.93 A renewed pedagogy imbued by a sociopolitical ethics of social change emerged. The notion of liberation and liberating education at the core of social morality became current, along with a focus on power relations and material conditions that could make democracy possible. At the center lay the questioning of a universal conception of democracy. The years 1970 and 1971 were key years for the history of education in the south, and the protagonists were two Catholics. Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed inspired change extensively and reached all continents due to his grassroots approach to literacy and his revolutionary message of change. Then in 1971, Ivan Illich, who ran the Centre for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico, published Deschooling Society, an apophatic book written after his conflict with the Vatican, in which he denounced the pseudo-religious character of education and expressed the need to liberate education from the monopoly of schooling. Both authors had a tremendous political impact, but the envisioned changes did not materialize. The potential internal ethical crisis of the Catholic Church was hidden at the time.

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CONCLUSION I was invited to write a chapter on religion, morality, and education—a challenging task for which I relied on previous research to generate a synthesis. I chose as a theme the renewed expansion of Christianity from the late nineteenth century as a way to navigate the hybrid waters of modernity and the relationship of developments in education to ideals of social morality and the place of religion. I have situated the analysis at the intersections of political and socio-economic changes. The chapter began with Hobsbawm’s “age of empire” (the last quarter of the nineteenth century to 1914) to provide a geopolitical framework for the missionary efforts of both Protestants and Catholics, chiefly through schooling. This expansion coincided with the development of the educational state in its various versions. The Catholics overall aimed at serving the settlers, saving the souls of Indigenous peoples and “infidels,” and carving out a place in education systems in countries such as Canada and the United States based on Catholic values (mainly dictated by the magisterium) that were counter to the imperative of modernity and to a secular morality grounded in Protestant values. In the United States and Canada, public schools had translated Protestant tenets into a civic morality. The Protestants, being highly conversionist, sought to change communities by penetrating them with what they considered were the highest moral standards; these cases show the limitations on their ability to bring their transformative notion of education to some parts of the world. This was clearly stated at the World Missionary Conference of 1910 in Edinburgh. The interest of American Protestants in the Ottoman Empire and the later secular republic is of note. The process of the internationalization of education, a general tendency at the time, provides a background landscape. This went along with the process of institutionalization of the new educational sciences and the emergence of the new education movement that took place in the United States and Europe from the end of the nineteenth century. The chapter then moved to the international educational landscape in the interwar years and its intersection with missionary work and related moral ideals. At the end of the Great War, there was a feeling that a new civilization could be built through education, and while the map was redrawn, Great Britain and France continued as the two major colonial powers. The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 would open a new scenario affecting millions of Muslims and Orthodox Christians by beginning a political process of secularization, particularly through education. The International Congress of Moral Education (held from 1908 to 1934) and the New Education Fellowship and its congresses, both highly influential, were injected with Protestant values. The period saw further development of the

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educational sciences along with conflicting approaches, and the preeminence of educational psychology in academic circles. The discussion of the traveling of progressive ideas in education within the discourse of modernity led to the examination of attempts by mainline American Protestant missionaries to export democracy and a new political and social ethics grounded in Protestantism to Latin America, particularly in the 1910s and 1920s. Protestant schools were the point of entry of progressive education and acquired the form of a counterculture, a new polity, with modern values inspired by the Social Gospel and providing the skills needed in the new economies. This new polity was, by and large, grounded in the conversion to a new religion. The missionaries were challenging the dominant cultural influence of the Catholic Church, which in turn saw the missionaries as linked to American imperialism. There was in most cases a disconnection with the people. In a similar way, the uptake of Dewey’s ideas in Turkey and Mexico exemplifies the difficulties emerging from exporting democracy and Dewey’s theories, in particular, the de-alignment between means and ends that often occurred, in contradiction with Dewey’s thought. Meanwhile, in Latin America, Pentecostalism burst onto the scene, challenging traditional Protestantism. This section closed with considerations of the Catholic schools, which on one side show the rigidity of the magisterium— both gendered and hierarchical—that even banned Dewey’s work and on the other the pragmatic approach taken in the field that shows an interplay with elements of modernity. In any case, it was clear that the magisterium was not committed to democracy, civil rights, or anti-racism, as Chappel concluded.94 The last part of the chapter discussed the postwar years, shifts in education, secularization, and pluralism, and the “long 1960s.” After the emergence of fascism and Nazism and a war that became global, the postwar years witnessed the movement of people, educational shifts, and socio-economic and political changes generated by decolonization. The communist victory in China in 1949 and consequent Cultural Revolution and the Soviet Union’s extension of its power had set a new scenario. The interplay of religion and education took new directions at a time when the political map was changing dramatically, while simultaneously the Cold War started to penetrate education, making it a cultural war as well. Teaching congregations encountered a new world and Vatican II (1962–5) engaged in a process of aggiornamento. There was a process of deChristianization, referred to as secularization, along with a pluralism that, as Berger shows, incited cognitive contamination.95 The movement of people brought many religions to the Western world, from Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islamism to animist spiritualities; often elements of Eastern religions became part of the life of Christian people (yoga, meditation) and the secular and the religious intertwined. There was also a counterpart in the renaissance of Islamism and the explosion of fundamentalist Evangelism, by and large with Pentecostal traces. Indigenous spirituality also came to the forefront, and very clearly in Canada.

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FIGURE 1.3  Sylviane Toporkoff, Babylone pieces. Sculpture.

By the 1970s, some congregations had left schooling. Other congregations adapted well to a market-oriented approach over time and were staffed by lay teachers. The language of democracy was replaced by transformative educators such as Catholic Paulo Freire with a language of liberation mediated by liberation theology, in a church that had resisted modernity, Marxism, socialism, and Deweyan pragmatism, among other modernist expressions. Mainline Protestantism, with less strength, developed a liberation theology and supported popular education projects through the World Council of Churches in Geneva. In the 1970s, Freire would work there. Ivan Illich engaged in a critique of the certainties of modernity like those sustaining education and considered how people were integrated into the systems generated by those certainties.96 The 1970s and the decades to follow would bring to the fore an economic crisis, a global market, new shapes of financial capitalism, intense pluralism, new searches for identities and rights, continuing inequality, and the collapse of communist regimes. A new sense of the moral would grow with ever-changing signifiers, but also with rigid fundamentalist positioning, particularly in religion, a crisis of mainland churches, and a quite technocratic view of education, with many voices claiming to be heard.

CHAPTER TWO

Knowledge, Media, and Communication DANIEL TRÖHLER

INTRODUCTION This chapter is concerned with how the production of educational knowledge based on competing epistemologies has been channeled through such institutional apparatuses as universities and, since around 1950, also through nonuniversity organizations, “think tanks,” and interest groups, as well as how it has been administered by professional associations and pertinent publication organs, especially reports and journals. It begins by reconstructing two intertwined motives—denomination and nation—and the processes triggered by them, resulting in the establishment of education as a university discipline. It focuses then on epistemologies underlying academic knowledge production. Further, it is shown how, in the context of the Cold War, a denominational epistemology oriented toward medical research became globally dominant with the help of international organizations. Finally, how a cultural history of education could address new epistemological ideas that have changed educational research and traditional publishing and communication practices is considered.

THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF EDUCATION AS AN ACADEMIC FIELD OF STUDY In the age of Enlightenment a considerable reservoir of educational knowledge and pedagogical techniques that in the long nineteenth century was sorted,

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selected, arranged, and formed into theoretical systems had developed. The educational background of actors in the field slowly changed as the thorough educationalization of social problems and subsequently of nation-states led to increased hopes of schooling and, as a result, to a huge improvement in the quality of teacher training.1 A milieu was created at normal schools in which theoretical knowledge, with a mixture of idealist commitment and pedagogical experience, could be generated. This was communicated and disseminated via various publication organs. When Prussia received worldwide attention for its school system it was not only its schools, the curriculum, and the administration that attracted interest but also the trained teachers who had a certain amount of theoretical knowledge and, thus, of professional certainty and authority. Gradually the trained teachers controlled communication among their peers, founding magazines and communication organs. In the beginning it was individuals who published magazines explicitly devoted to education and schooling, but during the nineteenth century professional associations became more involved. The dynamism of this profession-focused field of publication can be seen in the example of the not very large Canton of Zurich, where over 170 magazines were published between 1832 and 2007. Initially, these works were generalist, covering fields from moral questions to education policy, subject didactics, and pedagogy. From the mid-nineteenth century, however, there were specialist journals, including ones on school levels, individual subjects, and teacher training.2 At the beginning of the twentieth century, the production and communication of knowledge in education and pedagogy was firmly in the hands of teachers, and the most important actors in knowledge production were directors of teachers’ seminaries or of normal schools. However, an academization of education led to these directors, who often had studied Protestant theology, philology, or philosophy, being appointed to the first university chairs of education. Often, while organizationally integrated into the faculties of philosophy, they had very limited time for teaching other than that geared toward the training of grammar school teachers. The star of the German educational scene around 1900 was the Herbartian Wilhelm Rein, a Lutheran theologian who in 1876 had become Seminary Director in Eisenach. His approach was paradigmatic. Ten years later he was appointed Honorary Professor at the University of Jena and was appointed Full Professor in 1912. At the same time, he continued to expand the teachers’ Seminary (normal school) originally founded by another Herbartian, the Lutheran theologian, philologist, and philosopher Karl Volkmar Stoy. He also developed the so-called “internship school” into a center of considerable reputation, founded holiday courses for teacher training, and promoted the adult education movement. Rein’s Encyclopedic Handbook of Education, published first in seven volumes and then in ten volumes and covering some 10,000 pages, set the authoritarian standard of a moderate Lutheran education and pedagogical

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body of knowledge, and not only in the German-speaking realm.3 One of his major theoretical works, Pädagogik im Grundriss, first published in 1890, was translated into English in 1893 under the title Outlines of Pedagogics.4 In the 100 years between 1860 and 1960 most Western countries, especially Protestant and secular (France), had established chairs of education at universities that were, at least in the first sixty years, tightly connected to teacher preparation. To some extent, the situation reflected that in Australia, where “there was hostility towards the inclusion of Education within the university curriculum” because “teacher training was never accepted at the Universities […] in the same manner as the professional training courses such as Medicine, Law or Engineering.”5 Some of the earliest university professors were (following a very short intermezzo of the Lutheran Theologian Ernst Christian Trapp in Halle 1779–83) the philosopher Herbart in Königsberg (1808) and Göttingen (1833); the Lutheran theologian and philosopher Thaulow in Kiel (1846), whose disciplines had been in both cases philosophy and education, a combined discipline common in many universities until after the Second World War; and the Lutheran theologian Hermann Masius at the University of Leipzig (1862). The first chair in education in the Nordic states was established at the University of Helsinki (then the Imperial Alexander University) in 1852. However, the first professor, the Pietist theologian Lars Jacob Stenbäck, resigned for health reasons after only two weeks and was succeeded by Johan Vilhelm Snellman, Zachris Joachim Cleve (1862), and Johan Julius Frithiof Perander (1882). All of these devout Finnish national Hegelians were also Finnish nationalist German idealists and therefore far removed from asking concrete educational questions Herbartians were addressing.6 The first professor of education in England was Joseph Payne at the College of Preceptors in 1873, who was devoted to the further training of teachers, and the first American professor in education was William H. Payne, Professor of the Science and Art of Teaching at the University of Michigan in 1879. In Switzerland, the first professor of education was the nonacademic normal school director, Hans Rudolf Rüegg, who was appointed in 1885 at the University of Berne. In France, the moral philosopher and psychologist Henri Marion became the first professor in education in 1887 at the University of Paris (Sorbonne). He was followed by the liberal Protestant philosopher Ferdinand Buisson, and then by Emile Durkheim. In Argentina, the first chair in educational sciences was created in 1896 for the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Buenos Aires. In Chile it was Jorge Enrique Schneider, who had studied with Wilhelm Wundt in Leipzig, who became the first professor in Santiago at the Instituto Pedagógio in 1903. In Sweden it was Bertil Hammer, a doctor of philosophy with initially a strong interest in psychology, who in 1910 was appointed Professor in Education at Uppsala University.

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One of the last countries in the Western world to establish a chair in education was Norway, at the University of Oslo (at that time entitled the Royal Frederik’s University) in 1938. In contrast to the global forerunners, the first professor was Helga Eng, a woman. She was much less concerned with questions of teacher education than with experimental scholarship of children, having studied for several years with Wilhelm Wundt in Leipzig. Wundt had been Professor of Philosophy in Leipzig from 1875 until 1917 (Figure 2.1), during which time he supervised a total number of 186 doctoral theses of scholars from all over the world, primarily in psychology,7 a discipline that was, in the eyes of Wundt, in its essence experimental.

FIGURE 2.1  Wilhelm Wundt’s psychological laboratory at the University of Leipzig, 1910.

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It was even later, in 1955, that Denmark established the Royal Danish School of Educational Studies, for in-service training of primary and secondary school teachers. In 1963, it was recognized as a school for higher education studies.8 A university chair of education was established in Copenhagen and occupied by the Lutheran philosopher Knud Grue-Sørensen. While Norway and Denmark were latecomers in establishing university chairs devoted to education research and knowledge production, both disciplines there were meant to be of less immediate practical relevance in teacher education; they were, as in all other Lutheran countries at the university level, in that sense producing more theoretical knowledge than applicable professional knowledge. Hence, education as a university-borne science developed from a complex mixture of academic lateral entrants and institutional climbers in education, and from concerned educationalized intellectuals and education practitioners with intellectual ambitions, often oscillating between education fantasies of omnipotence and resignation, and ultimately between despair regarding the world and hope of salvation. This resulted in a very diverse, if not confusing, field of committed world philosophers, concerned pessimists, political opportunists, and do-gooders in the devoted service of the educationalized world that had made it possible in the first place for them to become academic researchers. Relatedly, the opportunity of institutionalized systems of academic reasoning provided by the university discipline resulting from this world led these systems to do what systems “naturally” do, namely reproduce themselves and aim to further strengthen the cultural reasons that made them possible in the first place. The impressive expansion of the educational sciences over the last 150 years has led to the disappearance of chairs with titles such as “philosophy and education” and “sociology and education” that were often taught by philosophers or sociologists. These reappeared educationalized as such education subdisciplines as “philosophy of education,” “psychology of education,” and “history of education.” Further, the expansion of the educational sciences mirrors a growing faith in an educationalized culture in education. At the same time, however, departmentalization of the education sciences expresses a lack of common ground that could probably only lie in the cultural circumstances of our educationalized cultures as the core expression of what is usually labeled modernity. Even if the discipline of education and its subdivisions are, however, now well established; prevent lateral entrants from other academic disciplines and institutional climbers from entering into institutionalized educational reasoning without relevant and certified training; and produce their own canons of academic knowledge that are published in journals and book series, it still has a difficult time in overcoming its denominational origins. In the same way that religious denominations and ideas of national geniuses differ across the globe, we see pertinent epistemological traditions that stand at the origin of education

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knowledge production that govern the performances in the (respective sub-) disciplines to which early career scholars have to adapt themselves in order to successfully enter the academic system. This matter will be discussed in the following section.

DENOMINATIONAL EPISTEMOLOGIES OF EDUCATION AS AN ACADEMIC FIELD Modern educational reflection characterized by aiming at both progress (change) and stability (the taming of its feared excesses) was decisively favored and shaped by Reformed Protestantism, whereas Evangelical Protestantism emphasized the inner-mental perfection, or Bildung, as being largely independent of economic, political, and social circumstances.9 The encompassing worldviews inherent in all the different Christian religions and denominations with their particular education aspirations, however, allowed for a merging with increasingly politicized ideas of nation. As a result, nationalized religious cultures, not seldom sanctifying the nation-state, were at the foundation of the educationalized nation-states out of which many of the modern universities’ humanities and social science disciplines emerged, including the education sciences. The French historiographer Jaqueline Gautherin’s discussion on the emergence of the education sciences in France and her emphasis on “an academic discipline for the republic” is evidence of how strongly nation-building, education as organized practice in the expanding school systems, and education as an academic sphere of research, reflection, and teaching were intertwined.10 The same can be said in relation to Italy after the foundation of the unified national kingdom as well as other countries.11 The degree that the nationalist stance still dominates today in the perception of the emergence and development of the academic sciences can be seen in the genres of projects that focus on developments in education as an academic field of research and teaching. Ellen Condliffe Lagemann deals in her Troubling History of Education Research exclusively with US-American research in the wake of G. Stanley Hall, William James, and John Dewey.12 Equally, Rita Hofstetter and Bernard Schneuwly edited a book exclusively focusing on the education sciences in Switzerland since the late nineteenth century.13 Further, the history of the educational sciences in Germany looks exclusively but inexplicitly at German authors since the age of Enlightenment.14 Additionally, Wolfgang Brezinka seems to compensate for the rather uncertain history of the Austrian nation-state with an account in four volumes of an academic science in Austrian history of education, comprising more than 4,000 pages, starting again in the eighteenth century.15 These historical narratives of education often ignore transnational exchange processes that are occasionally subsumed under the term “traveling library (of ideas).” In contrast to its traditional meaning, where “traveling library”

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indicated an actual collection of books lent for a defined period of time by a central library to either a branch library, to an organization, or even, in the context of the “free-books-to-all” movement, to individuals living in remote areas (Figure 2.2), the particular notion “traveling library of ideas” referred to here indicates ideas, perceptions, and even theories generated in one context and received in another. The quality of reception—that is, the range between full acceptance and harsh rejection—can depend less on the “objective” dignity of these ideas, perceptions, or theories of authors than on the culturally dependent cognitive interests of the receivers. The “traveling” of US-American pragmatism, in general, and the ideas of John Dewey, in particular, around the globe after 1900 is a model case to show how interest and reception “by others” can depend on established epistemologies.16 Whereas, for instance, in the Reformed Protestant context of the Genevan Republic, pragmatism as a Calvinist congregational education system reflecting modernity and its challenges was received with enthusiasm, it was harshly rejected in Germany with its Lutheran dualistic epistemology, which did not allow for thinking in terms of social cooperation and democracy.17

FIGURE 2.2  A traveling library (in the original sense). Courtesy of Preston Digital Archive.

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There was, then, a great deal of interest in “others,” even though it was marked by its own questions. There were also forums for personal face-toface exchanges. In the beginning, these slightly institutionalized interchanges offered space and opportunity for communication, comparison, exchange, learning, and demarcation. As early as 1889, psychologists met in Paris at the First International Congress of Physiological Psychology in order to emancipate their discipline from philosophy.18 Then, in 1900, the first International Congress of Philosophy took place (also in Paris), the second in Geneva in 1904, and the third in Heidelberg in 1908, where clashes between German idealism and pragmatic truth theory became legend.19 In the extensive correspondence between William James and the organizer of the Second World Congress in 1904, the Genevan psychologist Theodore Flournoy, the latter wrote the following to James in the United States about the conference in Heidelberg, which neither had attended: “I have had news of the Congress at Heidelberg only through [Lorenzo M.] Billia, the philosopher from Turin, who passed through Geneva […]. He found the Congress very tedious, much too German and not international.”20 After the First World War, many international projects, organizations, and congresses that originated in the prewar period were reestablished, but they became more institutionalized. One key influencer was the education efforts of the League of Nations, founded on the occasion of the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 and located in Geneva, Switzerland (Figure 2.3).21 In parallel, the New Education Fellowship was the first international organization fostering international progressive education. It was constituted in Calais, France, in 1921 by Beatrice Ensor (England), Elisabeth Rotten (Switzerland, for the Germanspeaking countries), and Adolphe Ferrière (Switzerland, for the French-speaking countries). Amongst its exponents were Martin Buber, Ovide Decroly, John Dewey, Paul Geheeb, Maria Montessori, Helen Parkhurst, Hanna Meuter, Jean Piaget, and Peter Petersen. The New Education Fellowship published the journal The New Era as a tool for international communication. Initially it was edited by Beatrice Ensor together with Alexander S. Neill, the founder of a school that later became famous under the name Summerhill. Furthermore, the society served as a significant forum for international exchange by organizing international conferences with broad international participation. The first was in 1923 in Montreux. This was followed by conferences in Heidelberg in 1925, in Locarno in 1927, and in Danish Helsingør in 1929. Another kind of international congress of education, less exclusively focused on progressive education, was organized by the Genevan International Bureau for Education (IBE). It first took place in 1927 in Prague and was dedicated to World Peace.22 From 1934 on, the IBE hosted some thirty-four international congresses of education in Geneva,23 equally serving as a forum of international exchange.

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FIGURE 2.3  The League of Nations, Geneva, 1922 (founded 1919).

While international fora, journals, and world exhibitions (Figure 2.4) provided space for international performance, transfer, and (self-)critique, they did not prevent the ongoing nationalization of thought, as Klaus Dittrich has observed in relation to world exhibitions: “During the 1870s pedagogical know-how circulated relatively easily. Towards the turn of the century the selfrepresentation of institutions became predominant.”24 International exchange even helped, by complex processes of transfer, translation, and transformation, to foster nationalism and therefore to configure national “thought styles,” to use Ludwik Fleck’s terminology; national epistemologies that were cultivated and handed down by “thought collectives.”25 These were institutionalized and organized in universities and national professional associations, and disseminated and canonized by their relevant publication organs—including primers, book series, published PhD theses, handbooks, encyclopedias, pertinent historiographies—reconstructing the trajectory of the past to their own ideological present as if no alternative had been possible: they normally ended with an interpretation of the respective national system of thought or style of reasoning.26 Hence, what Thomas S. Kuhn has observed for the history of the natural sciences, namely, that certain “paradigms,” once having become dominant as opposed to others, are supported to increase their “natural” legitimation by historiographies that suggest that no other development would have been as meaningful as the particular dominant

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FIGURE 2.4  World exhibitions as forums of national self-representation and international transfer; here Chicago, 1893.

one, holds true for the humanities, socials sciences, and therefore for education as well.27 Histories of education focus on selected “heroes” and begin, as a rule, in antiquity, cover a few authors from different regions from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and are, after 1900, remarkably often or even exclusively limited to “predecessors” from one’s own country.28 In the cultural double constraints of denomination and nation, which were configured, channeled, disseminated, and handed down by professional chairs and associations, the national epistemologies produced different styles of theories that already around 1900 were more than clearly visible in their diversity.29 As a rule—and there are, of course, many exceptions—Lutheran countries, foremost Germany, produced idealistic theories that oscillated between inward perfection (Bildung) and the national community.30 In contrast, Calvinist countries focused more on education questions regarding social interaction, democracy, and good citizenship, while in the wake of the French Revolution, in secular France with its positivist epistemology the education sciences were predominantly understood as promoting the notion of a laboratory, where the belief in the social and political power of education, based on psychology and sociology, was to be worked on.31 The French epistemology, far from being idealistic in the German sense, did not focus on developing controlled and effective techniques to transform teaching practices, didactics, or pedagogy. Rather it aimed at

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clarifying the potential of education with regard to the promises of the French Revolution concerning solidarity among equal, rational, and free citizens. As the theological and institutional antithesis to Protestantism, Catholic countries created two education epistemologies that sometimes complemented each other. One was a strong experimental research orientation for improving teaching, as for instance in the Instituto Pedagógico in Santiago di Chile, in Argentina, where in 1914 the University of La Plata created the Laboratory of Experimental Pedagogy, and in Mexico as described by Ducoing.32 Such developments led to complaints about the excess of experimentalism in educational research and to criticisms of psychology and experimental didactics and what was termed “the reign of the method.”33 A more medically oriented experimental research on childhood emerged, in contrast, in parts of France and especially in Belgium, and created an epistemological milieu in which a trained medical doctor could become an education star, such as Ovide Decroly, who still exerts unbroken fascination, especially in Belgium, his homeland.34 This again serves to demonstrate the national preoccupation of the dialectic between dominating research paradigms and historical research interest. In the case of the progressive movement reflected in the New Education Fellowship, however, modern psychology allowed for both international and trans-denominational reception and cooperation. Originally a Protestant endeavor resulting from a fascination with detecting laws or regularities of the soul by methodized research, it started to equally attract Catholic researchers. Combined with the omnipresent fin de siècle crisis and the world’s apparent need for a humanistic and/or democratic cure and social renewal, this faith in the soul led—beyond the more famous antiestablishment initiatives such as open-air schools or Montessori education—to increased research in school subject didactics. Hence, a large number of scholars in Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina, among others, participated in the Geneva-based and Teachers College, Columbia, supported progressive movement initiative of the New Education Fellowship and its journal New Era in Education, published since 1919.35 Together they aimed to develop a psychologically sound childcentered way of teaching, learning, and teacher education.36 The alleged urgency to improve education and pedagogical practices also generated a tendency toward research being closely applied to teaching methods at school, as was the case at the Brazilian Instituto de Investigaciones Educacionales under the direction of Anixio Texeira, who combined political management with research and teaching far distant from any idealist conception of education that dominated Lutheran countries.37 Interesting here is the case of Spain after the Franco dictatorship, where this same didactic and pedagogical preference in education research was combined, through the lenses of a Catholic reading, with the German theory of Bildung and its associated general didactics (Allgemeine Didaktik), producing a rather unique German “bridge” between the

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ideology of inward Bildung and the school curriculum.38 This Catholic reading of Protestant education theory applied not only to German idealism but also to American pragmatism, as for instance in the case of the Institución Libre de Enseñanza (the Free Institution of Education), which aimed at protecting teaching in schools and universities from political and religious influence, and gave concerned liberal theologians, such as the Chilean Jesuit Alberto Hurtado, an intellectual home that served as an epistemological basis for his Chair in Pedagogy at the Catholic University of Santiago di Chile.39 By the middle of the twentieth century, education studies in the Western world had become a firmly established field of research in universities and teacher training institutions. It was unmistakably religious and denominational in its roots and was strongly configured in nationalist frames, not least through international relations and exchange. Education as a field of knowledge production was, therefore, diverse, quite path dependent, and often indifferent toward its cultural, that is, denomi-national, impetus. It was also vulnerable to challenges that followed after the Second World War and especially during the Cold War, when one particular epistemology of one nation-state, rooted in one particular Protestant denomination was meant to be globalized via international organizations, “think tanks,” and agencies. This epistemology gained its authority primarily from the research paradigm that dominated medicine and pharmaceutics, as will be discussed in the following section.

MEDICALIZATION OF EPISTEMOLOGY OF EDUCATION RESEARCH The Second World War and the Cold War brought about an epistemological change in the field of the social sciences and partly also in the humanities, although it did not take place as a “paradigm shift” in a natural sciences and Kuhnian sense.40 It had, however, comparable fundamental consequences. The space in which the change was initiated was the United States and the time span covered the twelve years between 1957 and 1969, namely, between the Sputnik shock and the first comparative school performance measurement that formed a basis for the distribution of federal funding. While the adoption of the famous National Defense Education Act (NDEA) in 1958 was not an exclusive direct result of Sputnik,41 and although in the United States the call for more physics in schools had been loud for some time, the national political momentum triggered by the shock in 1957 led to significant interventions and financial investment for such selected school subjects as mathematics, physics, and foreign languages.42 And, when the successes of the interventions remained unclear, a transformation of national education funding based on a model of evidence followed. To establish evidence, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) was founded in

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1964. The first comparative performance measurement study in 1969, based on the methodology used later on a more global scale in the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), was then conducted despite fierce resistance from teachers. The change in education policy between 1957 and 1969, then, which was supposed to rely on evidence-based scientific data, favored an epistemological shift toward psychometrics, which had been developing since around 1900 and had always justified its own legitimacy with the discourse of “effects” and “efficiency.” The hub of this education epistemology upon which the new post-Sputnik federal education policy relied was Teachers College, Columbia, in New York. It aimed at developing an alternative to the then rising pragmatism, symbolized by John Dewey, who, in 1905, moved from the headquarters of pragmatism, Chicago, to Columbia University, one block away from Teachers College. Whereas pragmatism was obviously deeply rooted in the social ontology of Congregationalism and the notion of understanding social cooperation as the most important form of democracy (understood to be the true cure for the dangers of big industry and immigration society), the new test psychology arising at Teachers College was based on an organizational understanding that reflected the church and decision structure of Presbyterianism.43 The leitmotif was efficiency rather than cooperation, and the reference discipline was psychology rather than philosophy. Knowledge to be learned at school should not, it was held, be derived from cooperative projects—the ideal of pragmatism—and theoretical knowledge about education should not be understood as the philosophical reflection of the ideal, namely, cooperative education practice as one of the many social practices. Knowledge about the education field should, instead, come from practice and have something to say about it. At the same time, this knowledge should not be based just on teachers’ experiences nor be decided by philosophers of education. Rather, it should be collected and systematized by trained psychologists working with methodical instruments and ultimately with statistical evidence. Teaching, then, was in this point of view the efficient application of insights or collected data provided by test psychology, and psychology meant depicting reality in sets of numbers and statistically relevant correlations, which were usable for both teaching and education policy generation. Hence, psychological knowledge of educational and pedagogical processes was designed to serve both teacher-conducted interaction in the classroom and the aspirations of those empowered to decide on what kind of life American citizens should lead in the future. This model with its actors (implementers, and decision-makers, and data providers) expresses a cultural configuration that strikingly coincided with the church governance of Presbyterianism and Methodism. Relatedly, a whole engagement of this kind of social science had been triggered by the president of Columbia College, Nicholas Murray Butler, whose grandfather had been

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the moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. Accordingly, the first professor in experimental psychology that Butler hired was James McKeen Cattell, whose father had been a Pennsylvanian Presbyterian Minister; and McKeen Cattell’s most important (and most famous) doctoral student was Edward Lee Thorndike, son of a Methodist minister, who had completed his PhD on animal intelligence and now wanted to apply this to human learning.44 McKeen Cattell and Thorndike were not enamored by philosophy of education in the style of Deweyian pragmatism. In Thorndike’s biologicalsocial worldview, stimuli existed, and differently gifted people dealt with these stimuli through different kinds of reactions. To him, questions of education had essentially to do with (physiological) psychology, and his favored sciences were the natural (and not the social) sciences and certainly not the humanities. In his vision, the ideal teacher studies and learns to apply psychology to teaching for the same reason that the progressive farmer studies and learns to apply botany, the architect mechanics, and the physician physiology and pathology. Good teaching meant applying the right stimuli in order to achieve conformity with a particular moral dignity that was meant to dominate American culture: “The school must prepare for efficiency in the serious business of life as well as for the refined enjoyment of its leisure.”45 There is a considerable overlap between this kind of psychology aiming at an “empirical” understanding of the functioning of the soul in the real life and the overall intentions of the efficiency-driven “administrative progressives,” as David Tyack labeled them,46 in contrast to the “pedagogical progressives,” who were strikingly popular within congregational realms and identified themselves more with pragmatism. Until the 1950s, and more precisely until Sputnik, these two epistemologies had existed in a kind of parallel world, separating teachers and teacher unions on one side and school administrators on the other, until the Sputnik-generated state of emergency shocked Americans, who now set their preference on test psychology and the efficiency it promised. The concerned policy-makers conformed with the idea of a necessary superior agency—the General Assembly in Presbyterianism as opposed to the Congregational “brotherhood”—and its centralized administrative body in charge of defining a particular unité de doctrine that had been followed by the members or the individual schools, and to which children had to be exposed to related stimuli that promised the desired, more or less uniform, moral behavior. Efficient social intervention and organization, and morally controlled forms of development, seemed to be the ultimate task of education in the service of a nationalist desire to protect and even strengthen America’s idiosyncratic mission as a Protestant nation that wanted to serve as a global model for others and that would use international organizations to disseminate its core ideas.

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A further element was added, namely, standardization. The reactions to Sputnik were not only to keep the hated pragmatism under the name of “life adjustment” in check but also to introduce binding education standards that had been introduced in medicine since the 1920s. Immediately after the Sputnik shock, the renowned TIME magazine offered the opponents of “life adjustment” education space for promoting their policies. It also interviewed Navy Vice-Admiral Hyman Rickover, who gave air to his criticism of the dominant education doctrine of the American teachers. He made a plea for incentives, national standards, and monitoring experts to improve American education. He then declared: In some fashion we must devise a way to introduce uniform standards into American education. It would be best to set up a private agency, a Council of Scholars, financed by our colleges and universities as a joint undertaking—or perhaps by Foundations. This council would set a national standard for the high school diploma, as well as for the scholastic competence of teachers. High schools accepting this standard would receive official accreditation, somewhat in the order of the accreditation given medical schools and hospitals.47 Others interviewed spoke in similar terms. Medicine became the leading discipline of test psychology and the education policy closely associated with it; and the concepts of “evidence-based” policy and “monitoring” have unmistakably come from medicine. When the director of the UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning, Philip H. Coombs, published in 1968 the book The World Educational Crisis—A Systems Analysis, he used a medical definition of the idea of “the system”; “A ‘systems analysis’ resembles, in some respects, what a doctor does when he examines the most complicated and awe-inspiring ‘system’ of all—a human being.”48 A systems analysis of the education system faces thus the same challenges as doctors do in their analysis of the human body: It is never possible, nor is it necessary, for the doctor to have complete knowledge of every detail of a human being’s system and its functional processes. The strategy of the diagnosis is to concentrate upon selected critical indicators and relationships within the system […]. The doctor, for example, is concerned especially with correlations between such critical indicators […]. From these he appraises the way the total system is functioning, and prescribes what may be needed to make it function better.49 From this point on, at the end of the 1960s, a globally disseminated triumphal march of a medicalized epistemology took place, in which policy-related test psychology increasingly dominated research in the education field and pushed other research approaches and their epistemologies to the margins.50

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Coombs’s example is but one early example of how, in the end, medicalized psychometrics, a dominant way of generating knowledge in the field of education, could evolve. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) is another even more prominent example. It created a new cast of agency in the intersection between policy and research, the so-called “experts,” who acted—at least in the beginning—outside the universities and who advised governments on how to efficiently plan education with regard to an ideal labeled as “development.” These “experts” have not only developed a disguising rhetoric that suggests merely assistance and support to individual countries, they also hardly formulate concrete research questions. Indeed, they scarcely ever discuss the state of research, and their citations of other research are an exception and as a rule are restricted to the experts within the OECD organization itself.51 They have also changed practices of public communication through publications other than books, the latter now only playing a marginal role in the reputation of researchers. Reputation today is no longer achieved through the intellectual analysis of problematic issues that need 200 or 300 pages to be presented well and fairly. Rather it is achieved through the publication of journal articles and the measurement of their citation frequencies. This has led to a significant change in publication practices in which, suddenly, collectives of not infrequently six, eight, or more authors present their collected data and findings in short articles. These authors quote their own texts in later publications, thus significantly increasing the “impact factor” of themselves and of their coauthors, creating a snowball effect in citing and resulting in more quantity (for instance h-index or i10-index) that pretends to make statements about quality of the academic work. These practices, in turn, often result in the creation of “citation cartels” that have organized themselves into associations—as in the case of Germany with the Society for Empirical Educational Research, established in 2012 in opposition to the 1964-founded German Society for Educational Sciences— which either can dominate traditional journals or can result in the founding of new ones especially for their purposes. This matter is now taken into account in more detail below.

DATAFICATION, REPORTIFICATION AND JOURNALIFICATION The rhetoric of the psychometric research agenda usually suggests something that can be equated with internationality. The data generated often ignore cultural contexts, namely, aspects of the multiple collective processes in making sense of the world. Instead, they are confined to such numerical contexts as the OECD’s Education at a Glance, to the items of “demographic context” (“education attainment of the population,” “gender differences in education,”

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“youth and population”) and of “Social and economic context” (“home and school language,” “labor force participation and education,” “unemployment among youth and adults,” “national income per capita”).52 This strategy of reducing the contextual factors of educational realities reflects what Ted Porter has described as trust in numbers, namely, the attempt to tame the imponderables of fortuity, the ongoing taming of chance, and the longing for objectivity in research and results.53 It also helps to explain the fetish of (research) methods that has come to dominate university programs in education studies; often students, having decided to study education as an academic discipline, spend their first semesters studying empirical research methods and statistics in order to qualify themselves to do “objective research.” What we witness here is an interesting aspect of what is called “the ostrich effect,” a notion that comes from the common—but false—idea that ostriches bury their heads in the sand to avoid danger. It points to strategies of avoidance of apparently risky or unclear situations by pretending they do not exist or that they can be mastered by statistics. This “datafication,” a term coined in 2013 by Kenneth Cukier and Viktor Mayer-Schoenberger, indicates both a trend in expressing many aspects of our life in quantifiable data and a faith in computational opportunities afforded to predictive analytics: the open future, so the belief goes, is to be predicted by means of statistical data and algorithms and its process of development is to be controlled by monitoring programs. What is labeled as “international” in the large assessment programs such as TIMSS (Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study), PIRLS (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study), ICCS (International Civic and Citizenship Education Study), and PISA (Program for International Student Assessment), however, is misleading at best. It suggests international participation not only at the level of execution or application, but also at the level of program development, which would necessitate the negotiation of the overall research designs. But that has not been the case. We know from a report by Stephen P. Heyneman—who served the World Bank for twenty-two years—how in 1983 the OECD-subdivision Centre for Educational Research and Innovation (CERI), the later host of PISA, was virtually forced by the American delegate to take over an American approach to education research and policy by focusing on quantifiable inputs and outcomes, threatening them that if they did not do so the American Ford Foundation, on which CERI financially depended, would in the future cease its financial participation.54 The US delegate “put great deal of pressure, and in very direct language, for the OECD to engage itself in a project collecting and analyzing statistical education ‘inputs and outcomes’ – information on curricular standards, costs and sources of finance, learning achievements on common subject matter, employment trends, and the like.”55

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This proposal first met with resistance from Europeans who knew about the cultural diversity of their school systems. Indeed, the “reaction among the staff of CERI was one of shock, and deep suspicion.”56 But, in the end, it was actually the threat of cutting off funds that caused the European delegates to give in. This led first to Education at a Glance (from 1993) and then to PISA (from 2000) (Figure 2.5). These programs are “international” to the degree that they consist of participating countries, but they are in fact imperial in that they contribute to the globalization of one particular US-American national research agenda that had emerged during the Cold War and that in its imperial mission has relied on its implementation in different countries. The effective blackmailing of the OECD countries in 1983 contributed decisively to the fact that the psychometric epistemology, that since the 1960s had been located in nonuniversity institutions close to government, was incorporated into universities. From there, it found its way into study courses and training programs, and was supported by relevant conferences, journals, and academic associations. However, it seems that this internationally disseminated epistemology claiming “internationality” and designed to contribute to an imperial agenda of one nation, is in fact contributing to different nationalist purposes; “internationality” serves in this respect as a legitimation in the pursuit of national interests. Overall, the epistemological shift from knowledge to data, from theory to models, from arguments to evidence, and from deliberations to correlations, has led to changes in communication and publication practices. On the one hand, there is a myriad of reports that fulfill the task of describing the state of the art that can be assessed and subjected to intervention, and the effects of these interventions are being monitored. These reports, both national and international, aim at highlighting national differences. Germany has published the National Education Report (Nationaler Bildungsbericht Deutschland) biennially since 2006, Austria has published a similar report since 2009, Norway publishes Education Mirror: Figures and Analysis of Kindergartens and Basic Education in Norway, and Scotland publishes National Improvement Framework for Scottish Education: Evidence Report.57 Further, the European Commission publishes annual country reports, currently as the Education and Training Monitor.58 All of these reports are based on a set of formal criteria that are somewhat unusual in academia. They include an unusual page format, often DIN A4, they are self-published, they do not undergo double-blind peer review, there are no references to the state of art in research, and there are often no clearly identifiable author(s). The reports are characterized by a disguising rhetoric that was promoted during OECD training seminars for ongoing education planners from as early as 1962.59 Writing a useful guide for policy-makers, it was said, depends on five factors, and these constituted nothing less than the recipe of an international

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FIGURE 2.5  The aesthetics of national comparison and competition, here the example of science, PISA 2018.

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bureaucratic language in educational policy. First, on this, Lyons advised, governments need to be basically committed to the work undertaken by the strategists. Secondly, the report should always begin with “a short introductory chapter summing up clearly and concisely the findings of the investigation and the conclusions drawn from them”—relativizing or limiting comments on these findings and conclusions are to be omitted.60 Thirdly, the report should be “balanced”—balanced meaning offering a consideration of both educational and economic claims.61 Fourthly, there should be avoidance of “too much indulgence in academic exercise,” for it has “no immediate and practical relevance and may do more harm than good.”62 Fifthly, one is expected to be careful about putting forward alternatives to the proposed programmatic steps. On this, Lyons stated: It is unwise to introduce into a report the degree of fluidity which is inherent in too many alternatives. Moreover, ministers and politicians are always tempted to accept the alternative which carries the lowest cost. Lastly, alternatives may suggest lack of confidence on the part of the authors and thus throw doubt on the solidity of the report itself.63 Thus, the sorts of reports being recommended are not committed to the traditional academic culture of consideration and deliberation, but to clear and unchallenged agendas. The medicalized epistemology has also found expression in conference proceedings that gained momentum in the mid-1960s and reached their peak in the 1990s, as well as in academic journals that address a network of like-minded scholars rather than policy-makers. The effects of this and the preference for author collectives and data presentation and dissemination are demonstrable in a change of orientation in traditional academic journals. The prominent American Educational Research Journal is a case in point, as is the foundation of new journals serving the purposes of communicative networking. How strongly one particular culture is dominant in the politics of journals can be seen by considering that out of the fifty top-ranked journals in education only three are not based either in the United States, its traditional ally England, or the Netherlands.64 In the currently more than 1,000 journals in education, those related to psychology play an important role, as do those sociologyoriented journals such as the Sociology of Education (founded in 2004, ranked 3rd) that have adapted to the new epistemology. Another of the top-ranked journals is the Journal of Educational Psychology (ranked 5th). It has been published by the American Psychological Association since 1887 and its first editor-in-chief was G. Stanley Hall. It has now become a kind of mouthpiece for research expressing the new dominant epistemology. Yet, most of the journals sharing this epistemology were only founded during the Second World War or during the Cold War. They include Educational and Psychological Measurement

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(since 1941, ranked 53rd), Educational Administration Quarterly (since 1965, ranked 36th), Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis (since 1979, ranked 2nd), and the journal Developmental Review, serving publication interests in the intersection between medicine and developmental and cognitive psychology (since 1981, ranked 9th). As if the reoriented traditional and newly founded academic journals were incapable on their own of serving the plethora of publication interests expressing the new epistemology, many new journals were also founded after the end of the Cold War. These include the journal School Effectiveness and School Improvement (since 1990, ranked 72nd), Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy and Practice (from 1994 and 1995, then from 2010, ranked 63rd), and the Journal of Research on Educational Effectiveness (since 2008, ranked 21st). In Australia, the top-ranked journal is the Statistics Education Research Journal, published since 2011, and one of the top-ranked German-based journals is Metacognition and Learning, published since 2006. To round up the picture: the first four top-ranked journals in education belong to SAGE Publishing, an independent American publishing company founded in 1965, that also owns those ranked 8th and 12th. Another keyplayer is John Wiley and Sons Inc., a traditional American company (that owns rank 11) that in 2007 bought the British Blackwell Publishing Ltd., resulting in Wiley-Blackwell (that owns rank 10). Further key-players are Elsevier Ltd., located in the UK and the USA (owns ranks 7 and 9), and Elsevier BV, the parent company, located in the Netherlands (owns rank 16). In short: the first twenty ranked journals are predominantly located in the United States, and to a lesser part in the UK, and with one in the Netherlands. These are all countries with a strong Calvinist tradition and are inclined toward capitalism. Publishing magazines has become a lucrative market, fed by the great interest in “objective” facts and efficient management. This carries the semblance of internationality having supposedly overcome everything that constituted the old education, nationality and partisanship.

CONCLUSION The history of education of the twentieth century is, from a cultural-historical point of view, a history that consists of innumerable attempts to develop nationally framed education epistemologies that attempt to rationalize traditional ways of making sense of the world by reconciling them with the aspirations of an educationalized culture that not only assigned all kinds of problems to education but that also successfully constructed the modern self as an educational project described above all in psychological categories of self-discovery or self-realization. This history has so far been written only very selectively and often, if in a comparative way, from the points of view of the

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dominant nations that thereby, nolens volens, run the risk of perpetuating their own epistemology, universalizing it, and thus de-culturalizing it by ignoring its own cultural, that is, denomi-national, path-dependencies and by silencing differing voices, configurations, and manifestations in the making of an era claiming to be the one of modernity that seems to fundamentally rely on education and the manifold promises it makes. Yet, the power play of dominant and recessive epistemologies and their manifold cultural performances are also wonderful sources for constructing an innovative and stimulating cultural history of education capable of generating new theoretical qualities that have previously not been possible to attain because theory has placed itself more in the service of an educationalized culture than in the analysis of its manifold diversity.

CHAPTER THREE

Children and Childhoods Childhood in Contemporary World History PETER N. STEARNS

INTRODUCTION Global trends in childhood over the past century are predictably complicated. There are some overriding general developments, which had been prefigured in the nineteenth century but gained increasing global currency after 1920. These include the decline of child labor and the spread of education; the growing role of government in dealing with children or at least in establishing some basic parameters for childhood; the dramatic decline of infant and child mortality; and, usually somewhat more gradually, the reduction of the birth rate. Arguably, these trends and their mutual relationships fundamentally redefined the nature of childhood and its place in modern societies. Charting the trends, discerning their emergence even in seemingly distinctive contexts such as revolution, and dealing as well with further consequences—for example, in the emotional quality of childhood—offer a rich agenda in contemporary history.1 Global trends are qualified, however, by a host of regional differences. The timing of basic changes varied considerably from one region to the next, depending not only on patterns of economic development but also on political events including major revolutions. Timing continues to vary as well within societies, depending on social class, gender, and a significant rural/urban divide. Even aside from timing, varied regional cultures continued to affect childhood strongly, for example concerning the role of religion or the strength of traditional ideas about gender.

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Beyond these variables, contemporary history has also been marked by a series of crises that have inevitably, and sometimes disproportionately, affected children. Wars, periodic streams of refugees, civil disputes, and environmental change all left a mark, superseding the larger trends for many groups of children at least during portions of the past century. Finally, often in some association with the general trends, certain other patterns have emerged with extensive, if not always global, impact. The idea of children’s rights, barely sketched before 1920, gained wider currency amid some interesting regional divisions. Children as consumers and the development of a global “youth culture” demand attention: among other things, with due regard for significant differences in affluence, children by the early twentyfirst century dressed more similarly around the world than had been the case in 1920.2 Here, with the rights movement and with consumerism were two manifestations of globalization with obvious bearing on children and childhood. Global developments also triggered some new problems for children, such as the rise of obesity as a novel health challenge. Overall, and predictably, the tension between large patterns of change and the various regional distinctions sets the basic agenda for a historical summary. Their coexistence complicates any effort at global generalization, although on balance, despite the hazards involved, an emphasis on the overall—and arguably positive—redefinition of childhood probably warrants most attention. One final preliminary: the past century has obviously been marked by important internal stages. Historians often divide the century into at least three subperiods: the interwar decades, denoted by international tensions and the Great Depression, along with mounting agitation against imperialism; the postwar decades, dominated by the Cold War and decolonization but also expanding industrialization; and finally the past quarter-century, defined by the Cold War’s end, the advance of key economic powers such as China, India, and Brazil, and accelerating globalization.3 It is unclear whether these internal divisions apply significantly to childhood, though it is true that most of the key global patterns accelerated more clearly after 1945 than during the interwar years. The issue of internal chronology deserves attention in relation to specific topics, but on the whole regional issues and complexities take precedence in their interaction with the overarching trends.

THE CORE CHANGES Child labour The rapid decline of child labor has been one of the most striking global developments in childhood over the last century.4 Data are weaker for the interwar period than for the decades since 1945, but the overall pattern is

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clear enough. Already by the 1920s, the most advanced industrial societies had reduced child labor through a combination of legal restrictions and parental decisions about what best advanced the family and the lifetime prospects of children themselves. The peak decade for child labor in the United States opened in 1910, but this was accompanied by a massive campaign to end the practice not only in the larger industrial sites, which had long been a target, but in agriculture, shops, and domestic operations as well. Child labor had declined even earlier in Western Europe thanks among other things to firmer national legislation and more effective inspection.5 The world wars introduced brief interruptions to these patterns of decline, but the overall trend continued. Globally, it was estimated that 28 percent of all children aged ten to fourteen were working in 1945; this had dropped to 10 percent by 1995.6 Substantial child labor continued in sectors such as agriculture and the hotel and restaurant business; more boys than girls were employed. In some cases, work combined with a certain amount of schooling, but this linkage was difficult, particularly in regions such as Africa. On the other hand, communist regimes in Russia and later in China sought to provide some work requirements for children even as they enthusiastically promoted primary and even secondary education. Most communist youth groups organized work opportunities, for example at harvest time.7 Yet, for the most part children’s work levels declined as larger patterns of economic development, including urbanization, gained ground. Child labor laws pushed in this direction. So did the increasing complexity of technology and work organization, which often eliminated some of the simpler tasks that children might perform. Changes in parental expectations also added to this as families sought to protect children from the risks of working with strangers and in nontraditional settings, and increasingly came to realize the long-term drawbacks of child labor. Reducing the association between childhood and productive work was a serious transformation requiring an appropriate mix of causes, from government to the individual family unit. In some cases, finally, particularly in the growing cities, not only formal child labor but also informal assumptions about responsibilities for chores around the house also shifted.8 First, there was often simply less for children to do: fewer siblings to care for, more tasks accomplished through new household equipment such as dishwashers. Second, while this was somewhat a cultural variable, parents who were particularly eager to see their offspring do well in school often eased up on chores in compensation. This was particularly marked in East Asia by the early twenty-first century. Overall, informal chores almost certainly declined—a very clear pattern in the United States—though more for teenagers than for children in the later primary grades and more for boys than for girls.

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Schooling As child labor declined, and sometimes before it was fully under control, schooling gained ever stronger grounds as the standard social responsibility of children. The basic development was followed, although at different dates, by an expansion of the levels of schooling available, an increase in the age of children normally at school, and growing efforts to supervise attendance and discourage truancy. Even in countries where education was well established, such as the United States, developments in the 1920s, including more uniform grading practices and more systematic enforcement of attendance, began to make school an increasingly serious business for all involved. Health and mortality Dramatic trends in child health defined important global patterns in most regions throughout much if not all of the contemporary period. In 1900, 38 percent of all children born died before age five, despite some slight improvements during the second half of the nineteenth century. By 1960, the figure was down to 18 percent worldwide, and by 2015 the number had dropped to 4.3 percent. Absolute numbers tell the same story: in 1990 7.8 million died before age five, in contrast to 3.7 million in 2013. Regional patterns were often more dramatic: Africa, at 25 percent in 1960, was down to 10 percent in 2013; South Korea, at almost 40 percent in 1950, has dropped to 1–2 percent today.9 Obviously, most of the crucial traditional sources of child mortality, the various infectious diseases including diarrhoea, pneumonia, and measles, had been significantly curtailed, thanks to a combination of public health measures, inoculations, and improved family care due to better education and, in some cases, improvements in living standards. Setbacks there were, as in the rise of deaths from AIDS in the later twentieth century in parts of Africa, but they did not offset the overall gains. The cumulative result was another sweeping transformation in the experience of childhood compared to patterns that had prevailed literally for centuries in every agricultural society. Broader consequences varied. Societies and individual families might be strained by the unexpected numbers of young people as the traditional constraints fell away so rapidly, particularly of course before the new mortality trends were balanced by changes in the birth rate. For a time, percentages of children and youths in the overall population might rise, a pattern still visible in many parts of Africa today. Other implications of the lower death rates were more personal. Gradually, parental attachments to children might change when it became clear that, for the first time in history, the average family no longer faced the prospect of a child dying.10 Children themselves would encounter death less often, among siblings for example. At the same time, precisely because child deaths became

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less common, shock and disorientation might intensify when in fact a child did die. Pressure on parents to maintain sound health conditions for their offspring increased as well, including of course arranging for appropriate immunizations. Birth rates Dramatic and fairly steady reductions of the birth rate formed a vital development during the past century in world history. As always, regional differentials apply: some areas were moving toward lower birth rates even before 1950, others (for instance, much of Latin America) turned more decisively in the 1970s. African societies were beginning to cut into birth rates by the early twenty-first century, but rates remained quite high, as was also the case in countries such as Pakistan. In Western society, the downward trend started early and remained fairly steady, but a baby boom surge in response to the end of the Depression and the Second World War marked a brief interruption, followed however by continued decline.11 Globally, the pattern is striking. The average birth rate per family was just under 5 during the early 1950s; it had dropped to 3.8 in 1970; and was down to 2.5 by the early twenty-first century. Just as some societies hovered well above these averages, others dramatically reversed course during the later twentieth century, including Iran, from 6.3 to under 2; or Thailand, from 6.1 to 1.5. Key cases, led by Japan, moved well below population-maintenance levels. Lower birth rates have major implications for society in general but also impinge on childhood in several ways. For children themselves, dramatic birth rate reductions obviously alter the range of siblings available, often promoting deeper interactions with one or both parents (and/or nonfamily friends). Parental emotional investment in individual children may increase when their numbers decline (particularly when bolstered as well by more certain survival rates).12 The birth rate reduction often involves new parental calculations about the purpose of children and their obligations to their offspring. Increasing realization of the importance of education, and the lower availability or desirability of child labor, link the birth rate trends to broader adult recalculations. In some cases, parents may disagree among themselves; Latin American data in the 1970s show many mothers were far more conscious of the need to reduce traditional levels (if only because of their more extensive childcare obligations) than were their husbands—from whom, on some occasions, they sought to conceal their use of birth control devices.13 In some cases—for example, the Soviet Union during the 1930s—birth rate reductions occurred despite government programs that sought to push in the opposite direction. Many governments long retained a preference for high birth rates, seeing these as a vital economic and military resource. This was true in the West at least until the 1950s, including fascist regimes in the 1930s and

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notoriously in Maoist China. By the later twentieth century, most governments encouraged greater use of birth control, most famously in the Chinese conversion to the one-child policy in 1978. Governments in India, Mexico, and elsewhere promoted birth control through educational efforts. More recently still, the extreme drop in birth rates in some cases has prompted yet another government approach to modestly encourage larger families; South Korea and China are examples, with the results not yet clear. Birth rates, in sum, form an important aspect of government policies toward childhood, although with varying effectiveness as well as varying direction over the past century. The modern pattern of unprecedentedly low birth rates suggests some interesting tensions concerning children, both for societies as a whole and for many individual families. On the one hand, those children who are born are by definition rarer, and may warrant greater attention on this basis. On the other hand, the same trends reduce the size and significance of children as a population percentage, which in turn may draw greater social investment toward other age groups, particularly the elderly. Thus, in the United States since the 1960s federal expenditures for older adults have increased far more rapidly than those for children. Within families, birth rate reduction may encourage a wider interest in activities other than child-rearing, especially for mothers. The surge of mothers into the labor force in Western nations from the 1950s onward suggested a rebalancing of priorities, along with huge and ongoing tensions about how childcare could be suitably arranged particularly during preschool years.14 The role of the state and the rise of child specialists Many of the key changes in childhood over the last century involved growing interactions between government policies and officials on the one hand, and those directly responsible for the care of children on the other (see Figure 3.1).15 Traditionally, government interaction with children had been fairly limited: states might encourage the formation of orphanages, yet these were often left primarily to religious charities; they might sponsor selective training for elites, as in the Chinese Confucian pattern. In the main, however, care for children rested with families and religious groups, not the state itself. This has now changed, increasingly on a global basis. Governments widely acknowledge a responsibility for providing educational services and, often, require certain levels of education at least in principle. Correspondingly, they set key curricula and, in most cases, administer qualifying examinations at various levels—a huge expansion of the state’s impact on childhood. Mandatory physical training or sports activities have extended the state’s role as well in many societies. Proclaimed authority was sometimes modified in fact, particularly in rural areas where, in many regions, government authority

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FIGURE 3.1  Local governments and humanitarian groups increasingly seek to provide care for children. This picture is from Colombia in the 1990s where civil war created considerable displacement.

extended only partially. Even in twenty-first-century China a large number of rural children quickly escaped from the schools through early departures. Public health standards formed another new connection between states and childhood, with efforts to enforce hygiene and other measures such as inoculations. In some cases, compulsory military training formed another connection between the state and older children. Some governments, or political organizations closely tied to the state, tried to reach further at various points during the past century. Sponsorship of youth groups (complete with distinctive uniforms) spread widely during the interwar period, building on earlier examples of more informal organizations such as the Boy Scouts. Fascist governments notoriously relied on youth groups, for example the Hitler Youth, to extend propaganda and press for political conformity. Often, they provided paramilitary training as well. Communist Russia quickly moved to establish the Young Pioneers, which organized almost all children by the age of nine and sponsored various activities ranging from dance lessons and sports training to collective work efforts.16 Many Young Pioneers then moved on, at age fourteen, to participation in the Komsomols, where Communist Party controls were more overt and political indoctrination more intense. Similar groups were formed in China after 1949, beginning with the Little Red Soldiers.17 Efforts of this sort aimed not only at increasing state

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control over youths, extending training in obedience and group loyalty. They also aimed at using youths to discipline adult society, as in the Chinese effort to organize youth patrols to prevent spitting in public or the Russian attempt to persuade children to wean their parents away from older customs such as setting up Christmas trees in the home. China’s Cultural Revolution period encouraged even wider efforts by youth groups, including attacks on traditional monuments. The ultimate defeat of fascism and the evolution of communism—and the spread of children’s consumerism—reduced these special initiatives by the later twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. But the broader trends, of increasing the state’s role in shaping childhood and regulating parents, persisted strongly. Accompanying the expansion of government responsibilities for children was the rise in the number of people specializing in children’s issues—for state agencies as well as for private charities and other organizations. Not only teachers but also many social workers, psychologists, experts in juvenile crime and other cadres expanded considerably. The rise of pediatric medicine, increasingly established as a specialty in many countries from the 1920s onward, was another key development, with some precedents in the nineteenth century.18 The establishment of a new Indian ministry, the Department of Women and Child Development in 1985, was a characteristic example of the definitions of new functions and expertise—in this case, focused mainly on health issues but with some other concerns, for example in the domain of educating against child marriage. The expansion of child expertise had further manifestations. While again not an entirely new development, manuals on childcare proliferated from the early twentieth century onward, emanating ever more from various child specialists. Some works, such as Dr. Benjamin Spock’s Baby and Child Care (first published in the United States in 1946), were widely translated, but various national efforts were also important.19 Communist governments but also experts in places such as Japan broadly sponsored pamphlets, aimed at presumably illinformed parents and designed to promote better child health and socialization. The impact of this new, popularized expertise on parents surely varied, but in some cases the expertise may have undercut parental confidence and/or encouraged a variety of new worries about parental adequacy.20 Many societies, finally, had to consider special arrangements to facilitate childcare, particularly for children before school age. This was an issue particularly where larger numbers of mothers joined the labor force working outside the home, for instance, in Soviet Russia, communist China, and after the 1950s and 1960s in Western Europe and the United States. Day-care facilities spread widely, though there were important national variations in their cost and adequacy, and in parental willingness to entrust children to their care; United States parents were famously less well served than their counterparts in Western Europe.21

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Regional variations The major global changes in childhood unfolded in close correlation with larger patterns of economic development. Regions that advanced particularly quickly in industrialization—headed by precedents provided by Western Europe, North America, and Japan—moved earliest to extend school requirements, reduce child labor, and cut into traditional levels of mortality. Birth rate reduction, although somewhat more variable, followed closely as well. Something of a chicken-and-egg conundrum results. New patterns of childhood to some extent resulted from the bigger economic and political innovations. However, they also encouraged these innovations and were also promoted by imitation. Better-educated and in some cases healthier children improved the quality of the labor force. As the Chinese example after 1978 suggested, birth rate reduction might free resources for more rapid economic development overall, and the same holds for the spread of education. Changes in childhood and larger social patterns were intricately interlocked. Two cases, however, stand out somewhat from the larger development/ childhood connections. Major communist revolutions, first in Russia and then in China, accelerated education and improvements in child health unusually rapidly, clearly in advance of some of the larger development patterns. The Russian regime moved very quickly to expand schooling, even as it struggled with a variety of political and economic challenges in the early 1920s.22 Primary schools spread quickly. Then in the 1930s secondary schools expanded their enrollments elevenfold, while university slots quintupled. Public health received similar attention, with a 1918 decree attacking the “ignorance and irresponsibility of the oppressed populace” that had led to unacceptable levels of child mortality. Clinical and prenatal services expanded, with regular medical check-ups required: between 1918 and 1960, child mortality rates dropped 900 percent. Communist China displayed similar zeal. The number of children in primary schools tripled during the 1950s, and nursery schools spread widely as well, in part to facilitate both parents working.23 Local clinics and the work of “barefoot doctors” in the countryside helped reduce child mortality by 18 percent a year from the 1950s onward. And, of course, after 1978 the state vigorously enforced birth rate reduction as well. Communist revolutions, in other words, provided an unusual spur to accelerate changes in childhood through increased regulation and social investment. The other regional anomaly, particularly with regard to child labor, took shape in India and other parts of South and Southeast Asia by the later twentieth century.24 Child labor actually increased in this region during the 1990s by 50 percent. Continued high birth rates provide part of the explanation. Competition from global enterprises pressed small and family businesses to cut labor costs. Massive poverty forced some families to sell their children into

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labor, sometimes including sexual labor, although this was a problem in other developing regions as well. Governments proclaimed their adherence to modern goals such as expanding education, but in fact they had limited authority— especially in rural areas. And many parents seemed particularly attached to traditional patterns, which emphasized children’s participation in the family economy over schooling. Children themselves often sought work opportunities that provided some individual earnings. Improving economic conditions after 2000 in countries such as India began to cut into the regional anomaly, with child labor declining, but some distinctions persisted. Larger consequences The redefinition of childhood that took shape globally over the past century involved, or compelled, new thinking on the part of various groups. Parents had to shift expectations about children from expecting earnings to accepting the new predominance of schooling. Lower birth rates raised questions about the functions of mothers—now involved with fewer children and, usually, a shorter period of active parenting—and sometimes about the prowess of fathers. Governments had to establish new policies and agencies to deal with their expanded responsibilities for aspects of childhood. Tensions between the role of the state and more traditional assumptions about the authority

FIGURE 3.2  Boy soldiers serving the Karen-people in Burma in 1995, during a bitter civil war.

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of parents formed an important part of the process of change. In many places, some of the key implications of the basic changes are still under active discussion. For children themselves, the process of change might be less obvious, for they lacked a baseline of comparison save perhaps in the earliest stages of transition when, for example, being sent to school might still be contrasted with the experience of older siblings or neighbors who stayed at work instead. But there were also wider implications, some of which invite further analysis. With schooling and lower birth rates, for example, the role of sibling interaction declined. For younger children, this might generate heightened direct interaction with parents, or at least mothers, as older siblings became both less common and less available. Quite generally the rise of schooling also promoted growing associations among same-age peers, as friendships beyond the family gained new attention but differentiation by age became more marked. Schooling itself could generate new issues. By the twentieth century, the Attention Deficit Disorder phenomenon gained new attention, initially particularly in Western societies.25 This was an ailment not previously formally recognized, but which became increasingly important as school performance won greater emphasis. Diagnosis and medication quickly accelerated. Another school-based ailment was widely identified in Japan by the early twenty-first century, when several thousand children fell victim to hikikmari, an inability to function easily outside the home. In several societies, pressures of examinations and intense study were associated with troubling levels of suicide among teenagers, although the incidence varied regionally (as did the willingness to accept therapy). The basic redefinition of childhood also held interesting implications for gender identities among young people, which had usually been quite marked, at least after early childhood, in most agricultural societies. Several components were involved. Lower birth rates might leave an increasing number of families with children of just one gender, which in turn could prompt some further reconsiderations of what gender might entail—particularly in families with daughters. Schooling increasingly embraced both genders, and despite some lingering prejudices it usually became apparent fairly quickly that girls could do just as well as boys in student success, and in some cases possibly a little better. Lower birth rates might ultimately reduce the importance of any special emphasis on training for motherhood. To some degree, in other words, the redefinition of childhood potentially reduced the significance of gender distinctions—and indeed, over time, even the differential costumes for boys and girls declined in importance.26 But this general pattern could also generate some fierce resistance in the name of traditional gender norms, particularly of course during a transitional period. Many societies kept boys and girls separate in school, and some still

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do, particularly in parts of the Middle East. Some parents were long convinced that educating boys (particularly beyond the primary grades) was especially important, and some regional gender distinctions persist in school access, as in parts of Africa. Many schools long maintained special training programs for girls, as in the emphasis on “home economics” in the United States through the middle of the twentieth century, or the particular attention given to producing “wise mothers” through school curricula in Japan. Famously, by the early twentyfirst century parents in both India and China aborted or abandoned many girls, seeking to combine birth rate reduction (and prenatal gender identification) with their preference for sons. Debates and active differentiations about gender form a major element in regional distinctions in the experience of childhood in the contemporary world.

OTHER KEY TRENDS While changes in the labor/schooling and birth/mortality rate balance dominate the global history of childhood over the past century, with due attention to government involvement and some regional distinctions, several other developments also had a wide impact. In some cases, however, regional differences played a more important role in these categories, reflecting strong cultural patterns beyond the familiar disparities in timing and levels of economic development. The themes in this section are admittedly varied—some closely linked to the broader shifts, others, particularly around the expansion of consumerism, somewhat more distant. The key point is identifying additional patterns of change that may not quite fall into a fully global category, but which have unquestionably exercised wide influence. Children’s rights While the idea of human rights stretches back to at least the eighteenth century, the application of rights thinking explicitly to children is largely a contemporary project. Efforts of international organizations to assist children expanded greatly in the aftermath of the First World War, initially chiefly in terms of refugee relief. The idea of focusing many humanitarian efforts on the plight of children would expand after the Second World War under the auspices of agencies such as the Save the Children Fund.27 Again beginning after the First World War, increasing international attention also focused on the problem of child labor, which became a major target for the reconstituted International Labour Office under the League of Nations. Many resolutions aimed at eliminating the employment of children under the age of fifteen and, although little systematic change initially resulted, data collection improved.

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Also in the 1920s, a variety of individuals and groups began formally discussing a broader array of children’s rights. The International Save the Children Union, established during the postwar decade, urged that children had the right to be the first group aided in times of distress; to be educated; and to be protected from exploitation. Individual advocates went even further. The Polish educator Janusz Korczak not only set up a new kind of orphanage but also argued more broadly that children had the right to respect and even to a voice in decisions that would directly affect their well-being—independent of their parents or other adults. This began to suggest a division in approach— between advocates of rights seen as various kinds of essential protections (from abusive work, for schooling) and those who expanded beyond this to insist on opportunities for free expression and even a share in governance.28 The discussion of children’s rights was also boosted by provisions in certain new national constitutions, as with the Soviet Union, for rights in areas such as education. In 1936, Uruguay issued a Children’s Code focused on health and education—and this kind of thinking was later extended to the Pan-American Union with a 1948 Code insisting that “all children, regardless of race, should enjoy the best health conditions” and gain the opportunity to live “healthy, happy and peaceful lives.” The formation of the United Nations and, soon, the Universal Charter of Human Rights after the Second World War extended the discussion still more broadly. A host of conferences and declarations targeted child labor and the need for education. Efforts to formulate a specific children’s rights document were long abortive, mainly because a number of countries—including India, but also the United States, eager to maintain work contributions from migrant families in agriculture—resisted any sweeping provisions. A 1973 effort to ban child labor internationally thus came to naught. Finally, a somewhat watereddown document was drafted in 1989—the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Figure 3.3)—focusing on the protection of health, avoidance of abuse, access to education, and to the more general rights such as freedom of religion. While child labor was not systematically banned, children were seen as having the right to protection against particularly exploitative forms of work. Almost all countries signed on, at least in principle; by 2010 the United States (concerned about infringements on national sovereignty) was the only holdout. Additional targets drew attention not only from international governing bodies but also agencies such as Amnesty International. A key focus in the 1990s was protecting children from capital punishment, and almost all countries agreed at least in principle. Even the United States, under a Supreme Court ruling of 2005, which explicitly referred to the evolution of international standards, accepted this change. The World Health Organization worked hard to translate general statements about rights to health care into specific campaigns against polio, AIDS, and other diseases impacting children, while also seeking to improve maternal

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FIGURE 3.3  Celebration of the ten-year anniversary of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, in an East End London school, 1999.

care. In the 1970s, world opinion was mobilized against the Nestlé company, accused of distributing infant milk formulas to regions without sanitary water, and the company ultimately backed down. Other United Nations programs worked to reduce birth rates (albeit amid controversy with the Catholic Church, the United States, and some Islamic countries), in part to improve conditions for children. Several agencies strove to improve access to education. Several rights efforts also concentrated on specific problems faced by girls in many societies, although with mixed results. Thus, attention was drawn to the problem of child marriage (explicitly targeted in the leading rights statements) and indeed rates did begin to decline in many regions. Efforts to police the circumcision of girls, both internationally and in countries that began to receive new waves of immigration from northeastern Africa, also had some limited impact.29 New kinds of thinking about rights also drew more attention to rape as a crime against individuals, in contrast to some regional customs that had absolved perpetrators if they married their victims; reform legislation had gained ground in countries such as Jordan and Tunisia by 2017. Measures toward children’s rights obviously continued to reflect tensions between the idea of international standards and a variety of regional concerns. In some cases, the distinction between rights as protection and rights toward more active agency also persisted. A new Brazilian constitution in 1988 thus moved away from simply identifying problems to a broader assertion of

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children’s “rights to a dignified life.” The United States, largely comfortable with measures to limit abuse, generally sided with adult authorities in cases involving school newspapers or other forms of independent expression.30 In contrast, several Western European countries, including the United Kingdom, pressed for a greater voice for children in school governance or in court cases where their interests were involved (even when they might dissent from the wishes of their parents). Overall, the idea of children’s rights, even amid significant disagreements, signaled an important change, and up to a point a global change, in the ways childhood was defined and the position of children in society was considered— most obviously, potentially limiting abusive adult authority in several ways. And while actual policies often fell short of the new thinking, there was some measurable impact in conjunction with broader economic and political trends. Consumerism Increasing interaction between many children and the larger trends of consumer societies formed an important development over the past century, particularly as rates of urbanization and industrialization expanded by the later twentieth century. Here, as with children’s rights, is another example of the interaction between globalization—in this case, through new patterns of international trade and communication—and children’s lives and expectations.31 Children’s participation in consumerism was already expanding rapidly in the West during the early twentieth century. The practice of buying items even for very young children, including stuffed animals such as the famous teddy bear, became increasingly common. Concern about undue materialism or envy among children dissipated fairly quickly. Commercial entertainments directed at children also gained ground, particularly with the advent of radio shows during the interwar period. By the 1920s, families in countries such as the United States placed growing emphasis on birthday celebrations for children, complete with gifts; the song Happy Birthday, directed at such occasions, was launched in 1926 and became common fare during the 1930s. During the 1920s, Japan, along with the United States and Western Europe, became a leading producer of toys, both for domestic and export use, with growing attention to the production of new items and designs.32 The rising film industry developed sectors aimed at children and teenagers, again with wide exports to places such as the Middle East, Latin America, and elsewhere. The Walt Disney Company, founded in 1923, focused strongly on child audiences, with the expressed aim of generating happiness as a spur for sales. Also in the United States, among teenagers, the practice of dating increasingly replaced more traditional courtship; it featured some sort of commercial activity, for example, movie-going or visits to an amusement park, as part of the interaction.

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Consumer opportunities expanded after the Second World War, geographically and thematically. The advent of television opened new opportunities for children’s viewing, raising new questions for adults as well about how, and how much, to regulate commercial fare. Widespread exports of children’s shows, including America’s Sesame Street but also Japanese animation fare, extended the global implications of children’s consumerism. Child-focused amusement parks and vacation sites spread more widely, and again exports extended opportunities more widely. Disney theme parks, and imitators, cropped up not only in the West but also in Japan and other parts of East Asia. Japan and the United States continued to churn out a variety of toys and games. Fad products, such as Pokémon or Hello Kitty (from Japan), or Barbie dolls from the United States, won wide audiences. For teenagers, global consumer fare took on new forms as well. Youth music was widely exported—from the United States and Britain, but also from Japan and South Korea.33 Concert-going expanded steadily as teenagers eagerly embraced styles and noise levels that kept most adults away. Patronage of fastfood restaurants provided another opportunity for young people to indulge in global tastes. Clothing styles in many cities around the world increasingly highlighted young people’s preferences for blue jeans and labeled T-shirts and sweat shirts. Birthday celebrations, including translations of the Happy Birthday song, spread to globally influenced middle classes in India, the Middle East, and China. In urban Mexico and some other regions, American-style Halloween practices gained ground, turning the focus away from traditional religious activity and toward the provision of consumer treats for costumed children. Sports passions could provide another global consumer enthusiasm for young people, sometimes building on their own sports experiences in school or youth groups. One of the unexpected consequences of cultural change in communist China was a massive increase of interest in globally popular sports headed by soccer (football) and basketball.34 Dating practices spread widely for many older teenagers, especially as traditions of arranged courtship declined in several societies. Regional patterns varied within this framework: Chinese youth focused on dating one other partner, whereas Westerners shifted partners more widely. While dating spread among youths and young adults in India, polls suggested continued preferences for arranged marriage, at least in principle. Obviously, the expansion of consumerism for children and youths depended heavily on levels of affluence: rural areas and the poorer classes were not greatly involved. Even here, however, some awareness of consumer styles might develop. In the late 1990s, an American Peace Corps volunteer working in an eastern Russian village that still lacked an internet connection found that children were quite aware of American pop stars such as Britney Spears (and

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impressed by her beauty). On the other hand, parents and adult authorities in many regions sought to discourage too much consumer interest, particularly among girls—quite apart from the costs involved. By the early twenty-first century, the word “teen” began to gain ground in Vietnam, designating consumer- and fashion-conscious teenagers. Eager purchases of trendy items such as blue jeans, enthusiasm for high-tech devices including mobile phones from Japan, and attention to the latest pop music styles all marked the new phenomenon, and indeed the Vietnamese soon added the term “teen teen” to denote particularly extreme behavior.35 Consumerism, and even the suggestion of a global youth culture built around consumer fashions as a relief from the demands of schooling, clearly continued to reflect changes in the nature of childhood in many parts of the world. Expanding consumerism deeply affected those dealing with children as well as children and adolescents themselves. Parents had new decisions to make about what kind of toys (if any) were appropriate and what types of entertainment might be allowed. As technological change made it increasingly easy for commercial outlets to reach children directly, parents had to consider which kinds of oversights were feasible and essential. Governments often stepped in with regulation directly, such as by providing government television channels that would offer approved programs. Even teachers had to adjust, in seeking to make their instruction more entertaining or to incorporate commercial lures (as in amusement park field trips) into the school routine. Related issues Obesity  Key trends in many parts of the world generated the new and growing problem of childhood obesity by the later twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.36 Increasingly abundant food, including some of the most popular global options such as fast-food outlets and soft drinks, won growing popularity among many families—including teenagers eager to take advantage of new items and locales. At the same time, the decline of work and, often, new forms of transportation reduced physical exercise for many children. Recreational preferences, including television watching and the fascination with electronic games, added to this as well. Childhood obesity was first noted in Western societies, particularly the United States, where rates rose to embrace a substantial minority. But the phenomenon was also registered in Asia—including China—and even in parts of urban Africa. Countermeasures included efforts to regulate access to some of the most caloric food items, particularly in school diets, and attempts to promote exercise. Special camps for overweight children emerged in many countries, including China. But the problem—identified as a global health hazard by the World Health Organization37—has resisted any easy solution.

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Sexuality  Several changes in childhood raised new issues for children and for adult policy in the area of sexuality. The spread of schooling, unless rigidly gender segregated, gave many young people new opportunities to interact with members of the opposite sex. Consumerism, including entertainment such as movies, television, and popular music, often involved sexual signals, and with the rise of the internet outright pornography became increasingly available. Changes in birth control technology and the availability of options such as the pill, introduced around 1960, might encourage new behaviors as well. Certainly, in a number of countries the experience of premarital sexuality increased and the age of intercourse declined, particularly from the midtwentieth century onward, though in countries including Japan and the United States some stabilization occurred in the early twenty-first century. While in most cases sexual activities centered on similar-age partners, there were also cases in which adult men had relationships with teenage girls. By the early twenty-first century, an extensive pattern of relationships between gift-giving, adult male “sugar daddies” and adolescent females developed in South Africa.38 Results of these new patterns, which remained quite varied, included increased rates of venereal disease or HIV (a particular problem in certain regions of Africa). Some regions reported a rise in illegitimate births, as in the United States. In other cases, however, such as Western Europe and Japan, more readily available contraception kept the illegitimacy rate low even as sexual behaviors changed considerably. Finally, even where behaviors did not change, parents often developed new concerns about monitoring the sexual behavior of their offspring. Globalization and extreme poverty also promoted increases in the sex trafficking of young people, especially girls.39 The purchase of adolescent girls for the sex trade increased, with some sent to centers of sex tourism such as Thailand. Considerable recruitment of young village girls into the sex trade was reported in India, with formerly trafficked women often involved in setting up the networks. By the early twenty-first century, the International Labor Office estimated that about one-quarter of all people being trafficked in the world (for all types of work, but often the sex trade) were children—a total of 5.5 million overall. The United Nations and many individual countries expanded programs designed to curb the sex trade in children, particularly after agreement on several international protocols in 2000. Delinquency  No generalizations can cover the patterns of criminal behavior, or presumed criminal behavior, by young people over the past century. Regional rates varied considerably and shifted over time. For example, in the 1900s rates of youth crime rose noticeably in Western Europe and Asia, but declined in the United States.

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Youth crime was normally characterized by more group or gang activity than was common with adult crime. Males were far more involved than females, although the imbalance lessened in some societies by the early twenty-first century. For the most part, rates corresponded closely to economic hardship or dislocation. Increasingly, whatever the precise patterns, societies worked to address youth crime with measures that differed from those applied to adult criminals.40 The idea of special efforts to prevent or respond to juvenile delinquency had developed strongly in Western nations by the late nineteenth century, and Japan adopted a similar approach early in the twentieth century. International discussions, and particularly the increasing acceptance of the idea of children’s rights by the later twentieth century, generalized the movement still further. In China, concerns about an increase in youth crime triggered new measures in the 1990s, when a new law on the prevention of juvenile delinquency was passed (1999) and a special system of juvenile courts established. Turkey expanded its attention to the need for special policies for juveniles again in the 1990s and early 2000s in response to both international children’s rights concerns and the effort to win admission to the European Union. The Turkish Child Protection Law was enacted in 2005, yet critics argued that special custodial facilities and preventive efforts were still inadequate. Despite the great variety of means, depending on culture and economic development, the ever wider recognition of the need for distinctive approaches to the issue of juvenile crime was a significant global development.

CHILDREN IN CRISIS: THE OTHER SIDE OF MODERN GLOBAL HISTORY Larger global patterns of childhood did not apply to significant groups of children in various regions and at various points in time over the past century. Children were caught up in most of the great crises of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. In some cases, they were explicitly targeted, for example in instances of “ethnic cleansing.” In other cases, they suffered from more general developments, as in the increasing blurring between military and civilian targets in times of war and civil strife, or the recurrent hordes of refugees fleeing violence.41 The process began early, with the forced migrations of many Greeks, Turks, and others with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The Holocaust, while not singling out children, nevertheless killed over 1.5 million Jewish youngsters in various parts of Europe. While various forms of collective violence generated the most vivid tragedies, it is important to remember that at least a minority of children in many more regions were victimized by great poverty and social instability. Several observers have noted that African American children in violence-torn housing projects

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in Chicago have experiences distressingly similar to children in outright war zones. The same applies to many street children in the slums of Latin American cities, often also suffering from disorganized family settings.42 Modern war was a clear culprit. Bombings of civilian sectors began clearly during the 1930s, with Japanese attacks on China and fascist shellings during the Spanish Civil War. Children were often killed or maimed in the process.43 Air attacks and sieges during the Second World War claimed many child victims, yet there were some efforts to send children away from the most dangerous settings, as in London or in Leningrad prior to the German encirclement. Evacuated children faced their own demons, often amid strangers and suffering considerable guilt about sheltering away from the beleaguered cities. But children who could not escape were at huge risk from indiscriminate shelling or deliberate massacres. Many children died, for example, during the Japanese attack on Nanjing in 1937, and others were deliberately mutilated or raped—100 girls at Ginling College alone, according to one account. Other accounts claim that Japanese troops forced family members to commit incest, simply for the entertainment of the troops. Allied retaliation against German and Japanese cities again left many children as victims. After the Second World War, attacks on children eased for several years, only to resume in the many conflicts that dotted the decades of the Cold War. One of the most powerful photographs of the Vietnam war shows a young girl running naked down a street, her back in flames after an American napalm attack. Wars in Israel/Palestine and Cambodia, civil strife in Central America, the former Yugoslavia, and Colombia again claimed many child victims.44 Recurrent violence raised the child mortality rate in Afghanistan to one of the highest in the world, and the same occurred during the prolonged civil war in Syria in the early twenty-first century. American attacks on Iraq, and an intervening period in which foods and medical supplies were limited by embargoes, killed many children. Several African conflicts, including the genocide in Rwanda, killed many children and maimed many others. In some cases, particularly in cases of ethnic violence, children were deliberately and disproportionately killed or violated, as an expression of rage and a deliberate effort to reduce population potential. It has been estimated—and estimates offer the only figures really available— that 150 million children have been killed in war and civil war since the 1970s around the world, and another 150 million crippled. Still more suffered psychological damage, and many were deprived of schooling for long periods of time. In the Syrian conflict, for example, while 12,000 youngsters were killed outright in the fighting up to 2017, a full 3 million were unable to attend school. The threat of violence often persisted long after conflicts ended, for example through the ubiquitous land mines that made the territory around many villages unsafe in places such as Cambodia and Afghanistan.

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Children typically figured prominently in the hordes of refugees fleeing contemporary scenes of war.45 As many as 4 percent of the entire world’s population have been forced to flee their homes at least once over the past century, including over 20 million children. Many refugee children, crowded into inadequate camps, still faced violence but also sexual abuse; or were forced into servile labor. Malnutrition and health problems were rampant. Psychological stress claimed over 80 percent of refugee children in one study of displaced populations in the nation of Georgia. In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, the rapid rise in the use of child soldiers constituted another connection between children and contemporary violence.46 It was estimated in the later twentieth century that, in any given year, up to 3 million children were bearing arms, especially in civil conflicts in Colombia, in Myanmar, and various parts of central Africa. While the phenomenon applied particularly to boys, girls might be recruited for support services and sexual access. Thus, in the Moro Islamic Liberation group in the Philippines, girls were seized to cook and tend to wounds, but each was also assigned to a military leader for his sexual pleasure. The rise of new terrorist groups in places such as Iraq and Nigeria similarly featured a combination of recruitment of children for suicide attacks and of enslavement and sexual abuse of others. Even if released, many of the children involved faced huge adjustment problems after the period of violence, including shunning and suspicion from their communities of origin. The vivid clash between the violence inflicted on many children and the standards being urged for the treatment of children more generally, most particularly the idea of children’s rights, was bitterly ironic. Many besieged groups understandably highlighted the contradiction by sending pictures and accounts of children’s brutalization, both to express their own rage and sorrow and in hopes of galvanizing a global response. Pictures of children in Vietnam or among Middle Eastern refugees generated some of the most agonizing commentary—but often failed to galvanize much effective remediation.

CONCLUSION DIVIDED CHILDHOODS Crucial divisions among children and the experiences of childhood during the last century are inescapable. The larger transformations remain the most important developments, along with their various and sometimes unintended consequences in emotional interactions or physical developments. A growing number of children were separated from the labor force, sent to school, spared from traditional levels of mortality. A growing number were increasingly affected by various government policies, often supplemented by the new sources of expertise on issues of health and education.

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These main trends were, however, complicated by significant variations in timing. African societies, the latest to begin the turn to lower birth rates and with substantial minorities of children, primarily rural, for whom schooling was unavailable, were particularly distinctive by the early twenty-first century, but other regions continued to reflect the huge differences in the chronology and rapidity of economic and political development. Regions aside, children in rural sectors in places such as India continued to differ markedly from their urban counterparts because of differential exposure to the newer patterns of childhood. Ongoing cultural distinctions have provided yet another differentiator, separate from the checkered development patterns. Children’s consumerism and the role of gender among children form two examples where general trends simply have to be qualified by the perpetuation or intensification of particular value systems. The same distinction applies to degrees of individuation among children. Whereas Western societies continued to emphasize a child’s individual development as a primary familial and social goal, societies in many parts of the Middle East and elsewhere, although aware of these “modern” signals, worked hard to maintain a greater emphasis on family and community cohesion. A Western preference for limiting the exposure of children to shame was not matched in many parts of East Asia, where considerable and deliberate shaming was seen as a vital disciplinary mechanism.47

FIGURE 3.4  Kindergarten children during China’s Cultural Revolution, Canton, 1973. Coordinated school exercises fitted in well with the ideals of the Cultural Revolution.

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Finally, the role of war or other conflicts or unusual levels of deprivation and exploitation provide yet a fourth differentiating factor, one that can easily nullify the impact of the larger global trends and recommendations. Only a minority of children have been exposed to the worst conditions at any single point in time, but the cumulative impact has been considerable. The evaluation of childhood over the past century rests on these conflicting and contradictory components. It is possible to advance a hesitantly positive overall judgment, depending on the point of view and recognizing that even the larger transformations have generated some unexpected problems. But the complexity weighs heavily on any effort to summarize.

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CHAPTER FOUR

Family, Community, and Sociability 1920–Present HELEN PROCTOR AND HEATHER WEAVER

INTRODUCTION While the twentieth century may be widely known as the “century of the child”— in which children and childhood were subjected to new kinds of scrutiny from educators, psychologists, and social reformers,1 the period from 1920 to the present might be called the century of the school. This period has, more than anything else, been marked by intensification of the cultural significance of mass, institutionalized education—especially in the lives of young people, their families, and their communities, particularly as manifested in the institution of the state-mandated, classroom-based school. Efforts to increase the cultural power and profile of schooling form part of an interconnected set of historical transformations—in the family, economic and employment structures, knowledge production, and the modes and means of mass communication. Relatedly, cultural products such as books, films, and visual images have been central to how people think about schooling. This chapter centers its discussion of education on schools rather than other educational institutions, practices, or forms due to their historical significance in this period: their normative power and their spectacular global growth. It understands schools as culturally powerful and also as constitutive of,

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and constituted by, different kinds and elements of “culture,” interweaving anthropological interpretations of culture—as a way of life—with readings of literary, artistic, and mass-cultural representations. It is also informed by changing theorizations of the school curriculum, which allow for an expansive conceptualization of how schools are to be understood as institutions that educate, both within and beyond the physical and temporal boundaries of syllabus documents or daily attendance in classrooms, in ways that may be intended or unintended, direct or “hidden,” local or systematic.2

SCHOOLING AND CULTURE The rise of schooling as a mass institution—whose provision is legally mandated across the world for young people of a certain age—has been a global phenomenon featuring remarkable regularity in the key technologies and “grammars.”3 These include patterns of time discipline, patterns of authority and respect, the subgrouping of children by age and certain measures of competence, and national standardization of spoken and written languages. “By 1918,” according to Myers, “and in all nation states irrespective of their ideologies and economic systems, official curricula increasingly resembled one another and reflected, in turn, the dominance of a standardised, Western and scientific model of organization.”4 Britain and the United States are particularly significant in this history5—certainly in the Anglosphere, but also beyond it—as colonialist or neocolonialist sites for the invention and flourishing of models, themes, and imagery. Certain schooling tropes are immediately, and internationally, recognizable: the child’s journey from home to school, the chalkboard, the little wooden desks, the ritualized formation of friendships and hostilities beyond the family. Through its increasing claims over both the field of education and the person of the child, the school shaped and structured family, community, and sociability—how people spent their days, with whom they interacted, what they read, watched, and listened to—and caused previously intimate or domestic relationships to become publicly visible in new ways. In the twentyfirst century, an explosion in the commercialization and consumption of new media has occasioned new public cultural spaces for the conduct and expression of education relationships. One way of looking at culture, families, communities, and schooling is through processes of classification, affiliation, and attribution; via the relationship of a person, family, or community with certain habits, manners, tastes, and speech forms. The relationship between social class and culture was central to several analyses of schooling in the 1970s and 1980s. In a classic 1970s’ cultural studies text entitled Keywords, Raymond Williams described a two-part historical linguistic process (in British English) by which first “education” and

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“schooling” became roughly synonymous, and then the terms “educated” and “uneducated” came to express a distinction of social class that derived from a subjective cultural assessment rather than objectively from ownership of the means of production, distribution, and exchange.6 This kind of cultural reading relates to a body of critique advanced by several academics and theorists from the 1970s onward, of the role of postwar secondary schooling in the West in the legitimization, reproduction, or production of social inequality by cultural means, despite being ostensibly open to all on equal terms. Theorized in the 1960s and 1970s by sociologists to encompass the internal social order of schools, the school curriculum, namely, the unwritten rules of classrooms, corridors, and playgrounds as well as their formal pedagogies and syllabuses,7 has been the core of a number of explanations of the cultural relationship between schooling and inequality. The French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, for example, proposed that middle- or upper-class students bring with them to school amounts of “cultural capital” that make them appear brighter than others, when what is on display is instead a systematized congruity of cultural practices between home and school.8 The Australian sociologist Raewyn Connell and colleagues argued that the “competitive academic curriculum” and the valorization of mental over manual work around which high schools are organized, privileged and promoted middle-class modes of individualized effort and achievement.9 Alternatively, as two British historians described the relationship, “education is absolutely crucial to the English middle classes: they are the people who pass exams.”10 In his pioneering ethnographic study of working-class resistance to schooling, Paul Willis of the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies followed a group of white working-class boys, the self-named “lads,” who responded to the demands of schooling and the lack of respect it offered them by defining themselves in opposition to it, through hyper-masculine disobedience, willful academic failure, and violently expressed racism.11 A twenty-first-century inflection of this kind of analysis can be found in emerging cultural explanations of the 2016 British and US voting shocks of Brexit and the Trump election, in which the education levels of certain voter communities has been a key point of discussion, including by President Trump, who has argued for the superior worth and authenticity of “street smarts”—vernacular knowledge derived from exposure to labor and business enterprise—over formal abstract, theoretical education, or elite culture.12 The cultural relationships between family and school may be seen from several different viewpoints, from the personal and local through to the national and global. Some argue that increases in the take-up of schooling in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries led to contractions in family size due to the process by which the child transitions from economic contributor to economic dependent.13 Others propose that the increasing marketized,

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competitive set of schooling arrangements, both structural and cultural, in the twenty-first century have reconstituted family-child relations, and created new repertoires of parental behaviors and new sources of parental anxiety.14 In the twenty-first-century context of international metrics and comparisons, such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) administered by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the educational practices of parents and communities can be high-stakes matters, with some families categorized as more educationally savvy and adept than others, according to nationality, ethnicity, or race. The question of East Asian or “Chinese” academic success and its relationship with historically produced “cultures” of schooling is a popular field of study in the twenty-first century.15 The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which superseded the earlier Millennium Development Goals, establish education as a fundamental element of the UN’s global development agenda.16 This, in turn, is predicated upon the institutionalized separation, pioneered in the industrialized West, between the states of childhood and adulthood.17 The SDG statistic that “Enrolment in primary education in developing countries has reached 91 per cent but 57 million primary age children remain out of school,”18 not only speaks to the near-universality of school attendance in the twenty-first century (however patchy or truncated) but also to a globally held belief that schools are where modern children belong. These kinds of measurements, by means of the state policies and international development aid projects that precede and follow them, can add to the disconnection of children from cultural practices and attitudes from families. In some rural and Indigenous families and communities, “traditional” cultures interact uneasily with modernization, notably around children’s participation in family economies.19 Rahul Maithreyi and Arathi Sriprakash describe how national education policy documents in post-1947 India have prescribed attitudinal and behavioral changes in how families and local communities encourage, support, and more recently, make some choices about their children’s schooling, with each of these shifts predicated on a transfer of cultural authority from home to school.20 Through explications of historical representations of embodiment, language, and spirituality, Ligia López documents the participation of educational institutions and curricula, including teacher training, in the “making” of the mutable category “indigenous” in Guatemala, as a category requiring policy attention.21 Others document educational practices that accompanied or prepared the way for the Western-style schooling of Indigenous peoples under settler colonialism in northern Australia, such as instruction on Western forms of dress and the use and maintenance of material objects of capitalist land cultivation, such as fences and motorized farm machinery.22 In migrant or multiethnic nations, schools have been the focus of state-sponsored cultural projects, at different points in history, of assimilation, multiculturalism, or integration.23

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Even as discourses of education over the past century have been shaped and informed by fields of policy, politics, and economics on a global scale, they have also been created and circulated on a mass scale by industries of mass media and creative culture. It is important to understand that schools not only exist in the realm of the material, structural, or “real.” “Culture” is in many instances unsettled, contested, and incorporeal, encompassing many kinds of interpretations and fiction. Schooling has long been fictionally or creatively rendered; but the period from 1920 has witnessed the unprecedented proliferation of vehicles for this cultural imaginary.24 Everything from novels, movies, and paintings to television programs, plays, and memoirs have had something to add to the general understanding of education. Schools provide a recognized set of narrative patterns for the imaginative representation of family, community, and sociability—such as friendship, social aspiration, romantic love, or political allegiance. Cultural representations of schooling in particular can offer sophisticated and powerful readings of the emotional and intimate. Some cultural products show the school as a world in microcosm, for example, the mass market US movies Election (1999) and Pleasantville (1998), which offer allegorical insights into the US electoral system and critique cultural nostalgia for the small-town 1950s, respectively. Cultural representations of schooling also provide vivid and enduring images of what a school looks and feels like, and what an educated person, such as a schoolteacher, looks and sounds like. Fictional representations can sometimes seem more real than they are, like in the case of those archetypal objects—the apple and the dunce cap—both immediately recognizable as schooling artifacts, but neither used in modern or indeed twentieth-century classrooms in the way they have been popularly rendered.25 In the cultural history of education, the Italian fictional Neapolitan Quartet and the American television series The Wire offer two examples of powerful, extended essays on schooling, family, social life, and community. As fictional accounts in the mass-market domain they offer significant insight into the historical periods and places in which they are set, the historical periods and places in which they were made and first distributed, and will continue to be constitutive of cultural histories of education for as long as they are read, watched, and discussed. Both of these works are realistic in style, yet both offer up schools of the imagination. In each case, there are charged transactions between the school and the family, and complex relationships are forged at school and in the community. In Ferrante’s Neapolitan novels, the “brilliant friends” Elena and Lila develop a mutual, intense, and rivalrous engagement with reading and writing, fueled by their shared experiences as children at the local elementary school.26 Elena’s ensuing education becomes a form of escape from the neighborhood traditions of womanhood that for a time Lila seems to embrace. The novel

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sequence revises conventional narratives about the emancipatory power of education, to create intricate, interconnected representations of sexuality, social class, knowledge, friendship, and politics. There is a cultural genealogy at work in Ferrante’s quartet—lines of connection between cultural texts formed through the appearance and reappearance of ideas, images, and conventions about education and the twentieth-century history of schooling. A similar genealogy exists in The Wire’s portrayal of middle school in the disadvantaged, urban setting of West Baltimore and is explicitly articulated in the scene taking place on the first morning of the school year. The assistant principal greets students flooding through the doors with the instructions, “Sixth grade is on the first floor; seventh grade is on the second; eighth grade home room is on the third floor—don’t go up the down staircase! Quickly and quietly, people!”27 In referencing Bel Kaufman’s 1964 novel Up the Down Staircase as well as the 1967 film based on it, the makers of The Wire clearly recognize the intertextual landscape in which their own work is situated: they recognize the degree to which their school-related plot—involving a wellmeaning teacher trying to make a difference in the lives of urban students— follows a well-worn cultural outline.28

FAMILIES: THE PERSONAL AND THE COLLECTIVE The history of the family and the history of the school, as discussed above, have been inextricably interconnected during the twentieth century and into the twenty-first, mainly through management of the lives of children. The school has been a significant site of engagement between families and the state—and these engagements have been fundamentally gendered. In the 1970s and 1980s, new explanations of culture were developed by some feminist scholars in multifaceted critiques of masculinist analyses of capitalism. Too much analysis, they argued, had neglected the significance of the gendered division of labor in modern families, and the significance of the family as a constitutive unit of capitalism.29 The home and to a lesser extent the school were two key sites for feminist attention. Building on Marxist scholar Louis Althusser’s early 1970s argument that the church had been replaced by the school as the dominant ideological apparatus in advanced capitalism, in her groundbreaking book, The State, the Family and Education Miriam David examined historically “how the State has developed parental, and especially maternal, responsibilities for schoolchildren, teachers’ duties for schooling, and curricula for boys and girls, both together and separately.”30 The most intense relationship between school and family during the period covered in this chapter has been the primary school years, especially the younger years. The primary school is where, as Carolyn Steedman put it in a famous 1980s piece, quoting Friedrich Fröbel’s nineteenth-century dictum,

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the teacher was encouraged in textbooks, by psychologists, and in treatises to behave as “the mother made conscious.” Steedman argued that “the development of compulsory mass education allowed a large number of women who were not actually mothers, to take the skills and attributes of that state onto the market place.”31 According to Steedman, the structure of modern compulsory schooling rendered some families—which is to say working-class— both visible and problematic, while culturally positioning the woman teacher of young children as an ersatz family member in a way that diminished her claim to professional status. Both Steedman and David, in common with other historical and sociological writing of the 1980s, aimed to overturn and reset certain analyses of the school that were either attentive to power relations of social class but failed to comprehend the significance of gender, or assumed schools and schooling to be manifestly beneficial and welcome instruments of enlightenment and modernization. Some more recent accounts of family and school are the result of digging through the sedimented piles of correspondence files produced by twentiethcentury bureaucratic and archival regulations to excavate traces of the to-andfro of family-school interaction, and thus to uncover the perspectives, activities, and voices of families in negotiation with schools—acting as well as acted upon.32 The following two studies are histories of the 1920s and 1930s in Australia and England, respectively, which for both places was a period when state elementary schooling was already thoroughly routine, but prior to majority experience of secondary or higher schooling. Each illustrates a different aspect of cultural and social negotiations between families and schools. In Australia, the extreme centralization of educational administration in the state-capital cities provides the historian of school-family relations with a rich trove of records in the period before telephones, easier transportation, and custom meant that less was recorded in writing for later historians to discover. An account of a 1920 visit by a city-based school medical inspector to the South Australian desert settlement of Oodnadatta generated documents that offer insights into, among other things, the impossibility of treating “school” and “family” as unitary categories. In the one-teacher school visited by the medical inspector, Gertrude Halley, whose own position embodied a crossing of the boundaries between public and private health, a group of white parents had been agitating for the expulsion of nonwhite children and the implementation of a color bar. All the parents of children at the school similarly wanted an education for their children, but a group of white mothers had written to head office demanding the expulsion of children they identified as having South Asian and Aboriginal ancestry. The cultural politics of race in outback Australia were complex in the 1920s, but South Australia, unlike some other states, did not have regulations in place for the automatic exclusion of Aboriginal children on the grounds of race. Exclusion had to be justified another way. The language used

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to describe the children included “Afghan,” “coloured,” and “black,” connoting varying degrees of offensiveness according to the context of use, and underlining the continuity of the classificatory curriculum of schools and the segregated housing arrangements of towns. In this instance, the families of the “Afghan” and “coloured” children refused to withdraw them, the teacher declined to exclude them, and they were allowed to stay, seated separately to one side of the schoolroom, after the humiliating experience of having their persons and homes inspected by Halley for traces of uncleanliness and lack of respectability.33 In a study of interactions between parents and schools in working-class East London between the First and Second World Wars, Hester Barron explores “the contested intersection at which parenting was seen to end and the responsibility of the teacher to begin.”34 This was a period, Barron argues, when local schools sought to build cultural identity and cohesion through means such as the introduction of houses and distinctive uniforms, such that the separation between home and school became more pronounced. Rather than a binary opposition between teacher and parent or a simple cultural mismatch, however, Barron found a range of interactions in the documentary record. During the 1920s and 1930s, parents offered practical assistance and moral support across a range of school activities, and a range of mutually sympathetic exchanges were recorded in the files. On the other hand, where the civilizing or paternalistic missions of the schools were intrusive or heavy-handed, such as in individualized medical inspection campaigns, or where the corporal punishment of children was judged excessive or unwarranted, parents did complain or resist through noncompliance. Modern schooling is associated with complex buildings, graded classrooms, and hierarchies of professionals. In the United States, the shift toward this systematized approach to education was made possible by the school consolidation movement, which saw the elimination of smaller country and village schools in favor of amalgamated institutions serving larger areas.35 By 1920, about half of all the nation’s children were attending schools in comparatively urban settings.36 This trend would only increase during the decades that followed. And yet even as educational bureaucracies in the United States were becoming more elaborate during the first half of the twentieth century, they failed to register in the mass-cultural narratives about schooling then emerging, which proved to be about something else entirely: the importance of personal relationships, not only between teacher and student,37 but also teacher and parent, and ultimately, teacher and family. The boundaries between family and school were visible and apparently decisive by the 1920s, yet many feature films blurred or transgressed these boundaries in the way their plotlines were propelled by the exchange of love between teachers and families, both parental love and romantic love.

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Many of these visions of decidedly unsystematized schooling were conveyed through the cinema. Notably, some were feature-length adaptations of stories by the well-known authors Washington Irving, Edward Eggleston, and Irvin S. Cobb.38 As rendered filmically in the 1920s and 1930s, these adaptations centered on the influence that newly arrived teachers could exert on the small towns that received them. Ichabod Crane in The Headless Horseman (1922) is unsuccessful in his attempt to woo the daughter of a prominent family (he also incurs the wrath of some school parents), and he is driven out of town. Professor Timmons in the New School Teacher (1924) saves the life of one of his young pupils and wins the heart of the boy’s grown sister. Ralph Hartsook in The Hoosier Schoolmaster (1935) pits himself against Bud Larkin, one of his older male students, in a bid to win the affections of Hannah, the servant girl who works in the house where he has a room; he accomplishes this while fighting off the romantic overtures of Martha, the household’s daughter (another student of his), and unraveling a murder plot perpetrated in part by his landlord, Martha’s father. Although diverging considerably in terms of plot, each of these three films involved a male teacher trying to assimilate into his new community. Despite the importance of the charge to educate young people, despite the automatic social standing conferred upon a local schoolmaster, and despite a schoolmaster’s putative erudition and therefore cultural capital, these films suggested that a teacher would only succeed in becoming part of the community if able to succeed in becoming part of a local family. This discourse of teacher/family connectedness can be understood as a mass-cultural translation and extension of the practice of “boarding round,” which had long seen local families in rural communities remunerate a schoolteacher on a rotating basis by providing her/ him with room and board. This practice allowed for the equitable distribution of the burden of paying for a teacher’s services; but it also, just as importantly, subjected a teacher to the close watch of the families that the teacher was serving, giving them the opportunity to monitor and attest to the teacher’s moral character, and thereby accept (or reject) that teacher as a member of the community. Boarding round was becoming less common by the 1920s— schools in urban areas, fast becoming the majority in the United States, were reframing teaching as a salary-based career.39 And yet moviemakers of the 1920s and 1930s saw it fit to evoke the boarding-round custom in many of their constructions of school life. Even when not depicting the practice directly, they tended to cast teachers as relatively young, new, and/or itinerant, and reliant in various ways on the community for shelter and acceptance. The Our Gang short Love Business (1931) depicted a young female primary schoolteacher renting a room in the home of two of her students. In The Hoosier Schoolboy (1937), a new schoolmistress takes a room in a hotel but, nonetheless, soon finds herself serving as a quasi-mother/wife in the home of one of her students, cleaning the house and attempting to rescue the student’s father from alcoholism.

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The mass-cultural trope of the teacher as a domestic figure and, indeed, a member of the family arguably reached its apogee with two tremendously popular mid-century works—the Sound of Music and Fiddler on the Roof. Both originated as stage musicals adapted from the writings of European refugees.40 Both were in turn adapted into major motion pictures:41 in the former, Maria takes a position in the von Trapp home as governess to Georg’s children; in the latter, Perchik accepts Tevye’s offer of a roof over his head in exchange for tutoring Tevye’s daughters. Maria and Perchik begin as versions of traditional household help, but they become more, taking on roles unfilled in the families themselves. In marrying Georg, Maria becomes wife and mother; in marrying Hodel, Perchik becomes not only husband but also brother and son. These teachers love and they are loved, and as a result, they are accepted—they belong. Such stage-and-screen outcomes lionized the relationship between teacher, family, and student, celebrating love, desire, and aspiration through the depiction of educational relationships that were personal and emotional rather than technical, rational, or bureaucratic. In a different register and genre, the cultural representation and production of affective dimensions of education can be tracked through other kinds of mass-market product, such as the paperback advice book. As the experience of schooling—and of parenting for schooling—became a shared cultural touchstone, it opened up a field for the mass publication of advice of all kinds, marketed especially to mothers. The commercial parenting advice genre has a longer history, but the publication of Benjamin Spock’s Commonsense Book of Baby and Child Care in 1946 in the United States marks a major milestone.42 The book came to outsell everything except the Bible for some years and its author became a household name as the guru of child-centered, affectionate parenting and for his famous opening line “Trust yourself. You know more than you think you do.”43 In the twenty-first century, publishers’ lists of parenting advice books are long, and both online and bricks-and-mortar bookshops offer many choices for the consumer-parent. The explosion of digital media has expanded the arena of both commercialized advice and public discussion exponentially in the twenty-first century.44 Another influential cultural agent of education was the mass-market women’s magazine, especially in the middle of the twentieth century, and in its pages the family was treated as an ancillary educational institution, supporting the work of the school by creating an “educational home.”45 In Australia, the Australian Women’s Weekly was the best known and highest selling of any mass magazine, and nearly every issue incorporated school-related advertising and commercialized parenting advice. It was an educational publication in itself— in the way that mass media can be theorized as public pedagogy—and was didactic and normative, offering its readership definitive information across a number of “lifestyle” domains such as fashion, cookery, romance, and family relationships—connected with the national identity: “Australian.” Collectively,

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this material offered an image of both the ideal and normal “Australian” family as white, heterosexual, and broadly middle class in disposition, and of the family’s mother as conscientious in her labor for her children at school, while respectful of the superior expert knowledge of others, notably schoolteachers. Images of busy, competent, pretty, and well-groomed mothers, and smiling white, able-bodied children saturate the magazine, in advertisements and articles. Shopping and choosing were critical tasks of mothers’ cultural orientation to their children’s schooling: the best washing detergent for the whitest school shirts, the educational books endorsed by this or that expert, the school shoes that would support healthy activity, the most energy-filled after-school snacks.46

SOCIABILITY: FRIENDS AND TEENAGERS Schools have historically mixed and separated people along various axes of attributed identity including race, gender, religion, and dis/ability, thereby building—and rupturing—certain kinds of social communities and social boundaries. That such community making and breaking extends beyond the school gates can be seen, for example, in the energetic construction of ex-student cultures in the elite schooling sector and, in a different way, in the popularity of some contemporary fictional productions that center on the social interactions between school mothers. Popular novelist Liane Moriarty’s Big Little Lies was not only an international bestseller but was also translated into a successful HBO miniseries featuring Nicole Kidman and Meryl Streep.47 The dominant relationship of sociability in twentieth-century schooling is, however, the peer group. Schools increasingly through the twentieth century organized people by age group, in a way that was distinct from other social and cultural institutions. Schools—both real and imaginary—are vividly known as being made up of larger and smaller groups of young people of roughly the same age, separated from the world of adults, and this is how they appear in two significant genres of school story: the early to mid-twentieth-century British school story and the postwar US teen movie. British school stories have origins dating back to the nineteenth and even eighteenth centuries, with novels such as Sarah Fielding’s Governess, or Little Female Academy (1749) and Thomas Hughes’s Tom Brown’s School Days (1857) providing the basis for common plot points and themes, and establishing the setting of interest as the boarding school where children spent not only their days together but also their nights. In narratives such as these, the boarding school functioned as an intrinsically closed world. School stories rendered education as a process reliant upon esoteric institutional structures, rules, and traditions, from which there was no escaping. More to the point, they rendered education as an exclusive experience undertaken primarily by children of the ruling classes. This genre of “school stories” did not reflect the experience of the vast majority of students.

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By the 1920s, the school story was in the midst of its cultural zenith. Traditionally populated with stories about boys’ institutions, the genre had by this time been bolstered by the rise of tales about girls’ schools. Many of these were written by a triad of prolific “greats”—Elsie J. Oxenham, Dorita Fairlie Bruce, and Elinor Brent-Dyer—together with the equally productive Angela Brazil, who arguably contributed most significantly to the genre, writing irreverently from the students’ point of view. The schools that dominated the cultural landscape in Britain during the interwar period were not only the great public schools (for example, Rugby and Eton) but also and more importantly similarly elite imaginary institutions such as St. Clare’s and Greyfriars.48 The implied reader of the school story was a student at the given school, and the genre highlighted the importance of relationships not only with teachers and other authority figures, but also and especially with fellow students.49 Rosemary Auchmuty observed that school stories, beyond being about the subject of growing up, are “essentially tales about […] learning to live in a community.”50 This focus on the community of the school was reinforced by the way that school stories pointed to the importance of the school as an institution in the greater community. Greyfriars, for example, was a “public” boarding school invented by Charles Hamilton (writing under the pseudonym of Frank Richards). Stories about the school were featured in the periodical Magnet in serial form for much of the first half of the twentieth century and went on to be rereleased in print and appear on the BBC in the following decades. Hamilton situated the fictional Greyfriars School next to a fictional town called Friardale Village, conjoining the town and the school with twin names, and positioning them as geographical satellites of each other. J.K. Rowling would go on to do the same thing in her revival of the school story: Hogwarts School is located next to Hogsmeade Village in the Harry Potter novels.51 If schools such as these stood as icons of sociability, they also served as stand-ins for family. School was not meant to take the place of home, for home was usually somewhat elusive or absent in these stories.52 This was the case for students sent away from home but could also be the case for teachers. In Goodbye Mr. Chips, the nostalgic 1939 British-American film based on a story by the English novelist James Hilton,53 the eponymous boarding schoolteacher suffers through the death of his young wife; but decades later when he is close to his own death, he responds to the opinion that it was a shame he never had his own children by saying that all of his students were in effect his children: “thousands of ’em […] all boys.” Brookfield School had provided him with his family. As Natasha Periyan points out, the film was enormously popular at the box office, despite stringent criticisms of the English public school tradition by leading literary writers of the period, including Virginia Woolf, Louis MacNeice, and George Orwell.54

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The US teen movie, less cosy as a genre, arguably aimed to unsettle rather than comfort its audience. In the classic 1950s movie Rebel Without a Cause (1955), the characters played by the three leads, James Dean, Natalie Wood, and Sal Mineo, are brought together by the school they attend, and the movie combines several features that would become common in depictions of the US high school, including a romance plot between a male and female lead. The movie is self-consciously issues-based, made in the context of postwar anxiety about adolescence, delinquency, and social anomie. Early in the film, Dean’s character encounters Wood’s during their school commute. Conservatively dressed in a collared shirt, brown sports jacket, and slacks, he offers her a lift in his father’s sedan. “I go with the kids,” she scornfully replies, as an opentop car screeches to a halt, overflowing with the cool kids in their colorful clothes, jeans, and leather jackets. The lives of these teens lack purpose and direction. They are existentially bored, and the school seems barely relevant to their lives. Their generation lacks for nothing in a material sense, but the cars which embody that prosperity provide the means for pointless and deadly games. The parents of these teenage, expressively modern, school students are unable to give them the love and support they need, which in the end they find from each other. In a more comedic vein, but still some distance from the gentility of Angela Brazil or Enid Blyton, is the 2004 film Mean Girls, written by the comedian Tina Fey, and set in a middle-class Illinois high school. In common with Rebel, the aesthetics are important, including the use of variations of pink, in contrast with Rebel’s bold colors. The plot is substantially (and satirically) propelled by the hair and clothing choices, as well as the snappy banter—a person’s character and state of mind can be straightforwardly read in their apparel. The film was inspired by a 2002 self-help book by Rosalind Wiseman, Queen Bees and Wannabes, about female teenage aggression. The student population in the film comprises a collection of hierarchical cliques; in one well-known scene, an ally of the protagonist locates each clique spatially on a hand-drawn diagram of lunchtime seating at each table in the school cafeteria. More than Rebel, which places its characters in jeopardy only outside the school walls, the landscape of Mean Girls is the school itself—the sex-segregated toilets, the locker-lined corridors, the classrooms, the gymnasium—all of which become so familiar in this and other US movies and television shows that viewers all over the world are left with the sense they could find their way around any US high school with ease.

COMMUNITY: EXCLUSIONS AND VIOLENCE In his 1993 debut collection of short stories, Tonto and the Lone Ranger Fistfight in Heaven, Sherman Alexie wrote about “second grade” in a chapter called “Indian Education”:

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Betty Towle, missionary teacher, redheaded and so ugly that no one ever had a puppy crush on her, made me stay in for recess for fourteen days straight. “Tell me you’re sorry,” she said. “Sorry for what?” I asked. “Everything,” she said. […] Once she gave the class a spelling test but set me aside and gave me a test designed for junior high students. When I spelled all the words right, she crumpled up the paper and made me eat it. “You’ll learn respect,” she said. She sent a letter home with me that told my parents to either cut my braids or keep me home from class. My parents came in the next day and dragged their braids across Betty Towle’s desk. “Indians, indians, indians.” She said it without capitalization.55

This depiction of mid-century schooling disrupts the trope outlined earlier in this chapter of the teacher as agent of connection and love. Here, a teacher subjects an Indigenous child to her malign whims. Although ostensibly on a church- and state-sanctioned mission to teach young students on the Spokane Indian Reservation, the only thing the teacher wants to teach is “respect”— humiliation as training for deference to whiteness. The child’s parents resist this. They come into the class and use their bodies, their traditional hair, to taunt the teacher. This only confirms the teacher’s convictions: just as Native students are not good students, Native parents are not good parents. Family and teacher are not allies in this classroom, but their mutual animus is about more than the classroom space, more than one child’s experience of second grade. Alexie’s version of “Indian education” holds a literary mirror up to the long history of the “mission” to school Indigenous children: a mission that originated in North America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries with the establishing of religiously affiliated boarding schools; and a mission that was expanded there in the latter part of the nineteenth century by the governments of the United States and Canada, who wished to handle the “Indian Problem” by extending and overseeing systems of assimilative institutions. In the United States, the “Indian residential schools” modeled themselves on military organizations; in Canada, they were more akin to religious orders. Despite this basic difference, both the American and the Canadian systems institutionally derived from a British model—not that of the elite boarding school discussed above but that of the poorhouse.56 These institutions lasted well into the twentieth century. In Canada, the last such school closed in 1996. By this time, multiple generations of Indigenous students had undergone the trauma of having been separated from their families and communities. Despite and because of this, it was only later in the twentieth century that portrayals of the residential school experience began to make their way into

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the mass culture. In 1989, for example, the CBC aired a film entitled Where the Spirit Lives, which starred Michelle St. John as a 1930s Kainai girl forced to attend a residential school. She ultimately escapes, conveying a message that this chapter of history had a conclusion. At the other end of the spectrum is the moment-in-time depiction by Kent Monkman, a Canadian artist of Cree ancestry, in his painting The Scream.57 Part of a nationally touring exhibition of Monkman’s work commissioned by the Canadian government as a reflection on 150 years of Canadian history and entitled “Shame and Prejudice: A Story of Resilience,” the acrylic-on-canvas work details an instance of children being forcibly taken from their families in order to attend residential school. The setting is a First Nation reserve where priests, nuns, and Mounties are grabbing young children from the arms of their mothers. The bodies of the children protest variously: some are stiff and some are flailing. The mothers reach out in states of anguish: they are outnumbered. Older children run away from the scene, but a Mountie has spotted them. His pointed finger calls for their capture. This work is large, over two meters by three meters, and it demands witness—an acknowledgment of what happened in the name of education well into the twentieth century. In 2018, the Wiradjuri writer Anita Heiss published an edited collection of memory pieces called Growing up Aboriginal in Australia, following an open call for contributions that drew responses from all over Australia or, as Heiss puts it, using some of the vocabulary of decolonization, “the stories cover country from Nukunu to Noongar, Wiradjuri to Western Arrernte, Ku Yalinji to Kunibídji, Gunditjamara to Gumbaynggirr.”58 Some of the contributors are well known. Others are not. Each has at the top of their story a photograph of themselves as a child, many in school uniform, perhaps taken on annual “photo day” at their local primary schools. Their engagements with schooling vary, but for the contributors who mention school—as most do—schools are, as outlined at the beginning of this chapter, sites of classification and attribution of identity, among other things, driving some kind of introspection about what it means to be Aboriginal in White Australia. One contributor born in the 1990s recalls the discovery by classmates that she was Aboriginal “‘always seemed to be followed by questions’, calculating ‘what fraction Aboriginal’ she was.”59 Another about the same age felt pressure to be a spokesperson for all Aboriginal issues at her city high school. A third remembers being warmly supported at her primary school: “I had another family gifted to me through Aboriginal education workers and officers—more suitably called my aunties.”60 Some have become schoolteachers themselves, a reminder of the complexity of schooling categories and the inadequacy of decisively separating categories of teacher, parent, student, and community. Animated by her own poor experiences at school, one teacher in the volume sees part of her role as supporting Aboriginal students to “walk in two worlds.”61 Many of the authors also write about their

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cultural education outside school hours and beyond the school gate, such as recovering family histories after the rupture of generational ties during the decades of twentieth-century forced child removals, or learning the land and language from aunties and uncles, or how to organize politically for Indigenous rights and recognitions.62

CONCLUSION At the start of the short Norwegian film Birthday Parents (2018), a newly arrived Kurdish immigrant family in the city of Bergen is introduced by their school-aged daughter to the Norwegian ritual of birthday celebrations. They are perplexed. What is the form and nature of this cultural practice? How will they afford it? Helîn’s father arranges extra hours with his boss while her mother consults the schoolteacher. The teacher alarms the couple further by explaining that in Norway birthdays are important community celebrations and that it is a school rule that the whole class must be invited. Meanwhile, Helîn’s best friend Anna’s father, Norwegian by birth, is shown bemoaning the annual birthday party “marathon” and also that the immigrant children cannot be relied upon to attend when they are invited. All these matters are resolved by holding a joint birthday party, using the big house of Anna’s parents and the cultural savvy of Helîn’s mother, who reaches out to some of her fellow immigrant parents. The film has a happy ending. The film is an output of a Norwegian government-funded research project, “Parenting cultures in plural Norway,” and, while fictional, it draws on ethnographic interviews conducted by the researchers Hilde Danielsen, Synnøve Bendixsen, and Astrid Ouahyb Sundsbø.63 The question of birthday parties was apparently frequently mentioned by the interviewees. “Children’s birthdays,” the researchers argue, “are not just a collection of children who play and eat cake with candles on. The birthday celebrations are also ways of expressing ideals and norms for what is considered to be a good parent, the child’s friendships, its neighborhood and cultural community.”64 The cultural place of the Norwegian neighborhood primary school is very specific—shaped by both Norway’s postwar history of universalist welfare and the relative novelty of non-European immigration. But there are themes in Birthday Parents that apply to many jurisdictions: the schoolchild bringing home new cultural practices that rattle her parents’ equilibrium, the schoolteacher acting as a cultural instructor of parents as well as of children, the importance of language—Helîn’s mother assiduously practices her Norwegian—the mixing of people who would otherwise remain separate from each other, the visibility of family ways, and—although this is quietly put in the film—the pressure to be judged a good parent. The cultural work of the school extends well beyond the instruction of children in the matters of the Norwegian school syllabuses, significant though that project is.

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The school and families in the film are rendered widely culturally intelligible by the employment of certain familiar images, objects, and narrative conventions. These include the physical arrangement of children and adults in a number of scenes. The children are seated at desks looking up at the teacher while the teacher stands at the front of a classroom. The children are seated on the floor, looking up while Helîn’s father plays music from a couch (Figure 4.1). The two girls hold themselves in similar ways, wear similar clothes, and carry backpacks. Narratively, each family expresses their separate doubts and worries; these are resolved by everyone coming together at a party, which might be analogous to everyone coming together in the neighborhood school. Schools are powerful institutions, and their power has predated their universality in their colonization of credentials and certificates that hold exchange values in the labor marketplace and of the vocabulary of education. To be educated without schooling is to be self-educated—it has to be spelled out. Arguably schools have had a greater transformative effect on the lives of women than of men in twentieth- and twenty-first-century families. Girls have done well at examinations but have also shouldered the bulk of school support work for children in families. The pressure of being a “good” school parent is disproportionately felt by women, and their lives have been disproportionately shaped as parents, compared with men, by the rhythms of the school day, week, and term. In a postindustrial, postmodern world it is perhaps surprising that the institution of the school has been so relatively unchanging in its practices

FIGURE 4.1  A still from the Norwegian short film Birthday Parents (2018), in which two school friends with twin smiles and coordinated party hats enjoy a joint birthday party surrounded by their parents, for whom the party is a social obligation on the one hand, and an exercise in cultural assimilation on the other.

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and material form. They have been affected but not turned inside-out by revolutions in information and communications technology, and they are still, more often than not, run by state bureaucracies or old organizations such as the Catholic Church, despite the catastrophic privatizations of other nineteenthand twentieth-century public institutions and services, and despite intimations of change.65 Schooling enrollment and achievement aggregates remain a key internationally recognized measure of national stability and advancement. It would be wrong to overstate or see schools as monolithic entities. They were and are complex and messy, and riven with contradictions across all of their parts. They work in intricate relationship with other institutions and forces and do not, notwithstanding the way the terminology suggests (at least in English), have anything like a monopoly on education, however broadly or narrowly conceived. Yet their influence does have historical traction, on the lives of individuals, families, and communities—in many ways. The Monkman painting described above offers a moving example of this. It combines historical specificity—referencing the European genre of history painting to depict the violent kidnapping of children—with a timeless, stylized look. The events may have occurred in the past in a literal sense but are almost palpably apparent in the present, as if always happening before the viewer’s eyes. The painting’s production in the 2010s, and the striking figures of two priests in the foreground in long black robes, also evoke the history of the sexual predation of Catholic priests in educational institutions, eventually acknowledged by church authorities in the United States, Ireland, and elsewhere. Monkman’s painting thus constitutes part of the cultural history of schooling in the century of the school due to the historical events that inspired it, the current events it references, and in the way it is visited and read by viewers whether in a museum, book, or on a screen. And its cultural meaning will continue to change in some ways and remain constant in others, just like the cultural meanings, representations, and impacts of schooling.

CHAPTER FIVE

Learners and Learning GARY MCCULLOCH

INTRODUCTION This chapter examines the historical experience and process of learners and learning. The overall purpose is to shed light on the social and, ultimately, cultural nature and importance of learning in the modern era. Learning is not merely cognitive or intellectual, but is based on a wide range of senses.1 It embodies many experiences through which learners come to understand themselves and the world around them. This can be approached from the perspectives of theorists, policy-makers, and teachers but also from the point of view of the learners themselves.2 Learners experienced learning in different situations throughout their lives. We will review first of all the novel understandings of learning that developed during this period, and then the different ways in which learners experienced schooling. Representations of learners and learning in the fiction and memoirs that were produced over this time provide a further focus of attention. Finally, we will examine the new opportunities throughout life offered by organizations and societies of informal learning, technological advances, and a globalized world.

A NEW WORLD OF LEARNING From the First World War onwards, new ideals of learning, often labeled as progressive and child-centered, were developed in different centers around the world to shape new understandings of the world of the learner and the social process of learning. These built on Enlightenment and nineteenthcentury ideas about education, engaging with contemporary currents of

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thinking in psychology and philosophy, and the relationship between individual development and the wider society. They also sought ways of enhancing the benefits of the new systems of schooling for different groups of learners and improving their capacity to learn. The metropolitan United States produced the greatest educational philosopher of the modern age, John Dewey (1859–1952), whose writings generated fresh ideas and practices of learning around the world. Dewey argued that students should be encouraged to interact with their environment in order to adapt and learn. It was in perhaps his finest work, Democracy and Education, that he demonstrated the highest ideals for education in democratic societies, that education was itself a social process that nurtured the growth of individuals and through this the renewal and regeneration of society as a whole.3 This was a notion of experiential education, as Richard Pring notes, in terms of educational experiences that were involved, a constant interpretation and transformation of the sensations one receives.4 It was a proclamation of Western liberal democratic values that at the same time accommodated both academic and vocational demands in advanced industrial societies.5 Yet, while Dewey’s writings were a clarion call on behalf of Western liberal democracy, there was a rival challenge emanating from the Soviet Union following the Russian Revolution of 1917. This nurtured ideas about social learning that were intended to differ markedly from the capitalist West, with the task as one enthusiastic visitor described it of “so altering the environment that there shall arise the new type of man, social and co-operative instead of predatory and individualistic.”6 A notable expression of social learning in this context, although widely unappreciated in his own time, was that of the psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934), who began to formulate a sociocultural theory of human cognition and learning as social and cultural rather than individual phenomena.7 In interwar Europe, the New Education Fellowship (NEF), founded in 1921, inculcated and disseminated novel theories of learning. The NEF’s international conferences featured a diverse array of educators,8 but it was formally united under a set of principles agreed at its initial conference in Calais, France. These were that all education should aim to maintain and increase the spiritual energy of the child; respect the child’s individuality; give free play to the child’s innate interests; be organized by the children themselves in collaboration with their teachers; put the child at the service of the community; provide coeducation as a collaboration that allowed each sex to exercise a salutary influence on the other; and fit the child to become not only a citizen capable of doing their duties for their neighbors, nation, and humanity at large but also a human being conscious of their personal dignity.9 New practices and approaches often begun at a local level through schools and projects could also find international appeal. Educators including Maria Montessori, Helen Parkhurst, and Susan Isaacs introduced new methods for

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enhancing the learning process. Montessori (1870–1952) established the first of her Casa dei Bambini (Children’s House), for children between two and seven years old, in Rome in 1907, with the avowed aim of encouraging freedom for children within an awareness of the rights of others and the collective interests of all. Three further “Children’s Houses” were established in Rome and Milan within two years, marking the beginning of what would become a worldwide Montessori movement.10 Parkhurst (1886–1973), from the United States, trained with Montessori in Rome but returned to found her own school, the Children’s University School, in 1919, renamed the Dalton School the following year. This developed the Dalton plan, based on cooperation and project work between children, which quickly became prominent in Europe and around the world.11 Isaacs (1885–1948), from England, promoted the nursery school movement, championing the independence of children’s learning through play, and becoming the first head of the Child Development Department at the University of London’s Institute of Education from 1933.12 A range of views were put forward on how children might develop a capacity to learn. The educator who became most widely celebrated, while also widely denounced, for his philosophy of child-centered learning was Alexander Neill

FIGURE 5.1  Lecturing with the gramophone, c. 1929. © The British Library Board.

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(1883–1971), the headmaster of Summerhill School in England, based on ideas of pupil freedom and democracy. Neill argued that children’s learning was a matter of self-regulation and self-government, through which they would judge for themselves the pace and direction in which they wished to learn, to become capable of expressing themselves.13 At the same time, it was the limits of learning and innate differences between individual learners that underlay notions of “intelligence” supported by the psychologist Cyril Burt (1883–1971), including a belief in the inherited, genetic nature of intellectual ability and the development of mental testing as a basis for selection for advanced education.14 The experience of the Second World War and a postwar growth in expectations of equal opportunity and social mobility through education helped to sustain ideas of enhancing and extending learning for all. Discovery learning theory, in which pupils were held to discover knowledge for themselves with the guidance of their teachers, drew on the ideas of the Greek philosopher Archimedes as well as the heurism of the nineteenth-century educator Henry Edward Armstrong. The constructivism preached by the American educator Jerome Bruner (1915–2016) and the developmental ideas of the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980) provided the basis for new thinking about the nature of children’s learning and were the inspiration behind many of the ambitious curriculum projects of the 1960s.15 Intelligence, previously held to be fixed and immutable, increasingly came to be regarded as capable of being acquired or changed over a lifetime in such a way that a majority of people might benefit from further and higher education, rather than the small minority that had previously been assumed to be able to learn at an advanced level. Distinct types of intelligence were also identified, in particular, the multiple intelligences proposed by the American psychologist Howard Gardner (1943–) in his book Frames of Mind (1983) and Daniel Goleman’s popularization of emotional intelligence. Collaborative learning in adulthood was understood by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger through the ideas of situated learning and communities of practice.16 According to Lave and Wenger, indeed, learning should be considered as “an integral part of generative social practice in the lived-in world.”17 Indeed, learning was increasingly regarded as a lifelong activity rather than one confined to childhood or schooling. Notions of a “learning society,” outlined by Robert Hutchings and Torsten Husen, were developed in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) report Learning To Be in 1972 and given greater force in UNESCO’s 1996 report Learning: The Treasure Within.18 The latter report emphasized one of four pillars of learning— learning to live together—but also maintained the importance of the remaining three: learning to know, learning to do, and learning to be.19 In these tracts, learning would support a knowledge economy in a globalized world. Such was the vision, for example, in Britain’s Green Paper of 1998, The Learning Age,

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FIGURE 5.2  “The world forgetting”: a woman lying down on a sofa reading. © The British Library Board.

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which called for learning throughout life to build human capital by encouraging creativity, skills, and imagination.20 At the same time, radical critics of modern schooling also proposed alternative models of learning that might be more suitable for communities in different parts of the world. The Brazilian educator Paulo Freire (1921–97) with Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970) set out an ideal of critical literacy through praxis to gain critical distance from one’s own reality and to perceive it in a more critical light. The Austrian philosopher Ivan Illich (1926–2002) also expressed protest against the structures of modern schooling in his Deschooling Society (1971), demanding new institutions or channels to which the learner would have access without credentials or pedigree.21 In the final decades of the century, too, alternative postcolonial and Indigenous models of learning were proposed in opposition to the cultural assumptions of Western schooling that had often been imposed on Indigenous peoples. In Aotearoa New Zealand, for example, schemes of bicultural education for the Maori (Indigenous) and pakeha (Europeans or outsiders, descended from colonists) became established, while kura kohanga reo for Maori children also became widespread.22 Across the modern borders of Canada and the United States, the Coast Salish people have resisted cultural assimilation and reclaimed their own understandings of their place and identity. According to Michael Marker, “Resistance to the hegemony of school based knowledge often took the form of participation in those aspects of Coast Salish cultural life that had been kept in private ceremony and away from state surveillance.”23 Overall, the period since the First World War has been characterized by an upsurge of thinking, from Dewey to Lave and Wenger, that has emphasized the nature and importance of learning, understood fundamentally as a social process and integral to cultural formations and institutions. The idea of “learning” has been ubiquitous over these decades in educational theory and policy and also in contributing to broader economic and political discourses. In an increasingly globalized world, learning has become a preoccupation not only in education but also in relation to health, crime, community, and economic competitiveness. Yet this intellectual climate was often at odds with the experience of learning on the part of learners, and it is to this experience that we now turn.

THE WORLD OF THE LEARNER The preeminent educational institution of the modern age through which children were intended to learn has been the school, itself most commonly a part of a state apparatus of compulsory schooling.24 For many learners over this time, the experience of learning has been curtailed or restricted due to limitations imposed by inequalities between social groups. The historian of education Ruth Watts, reviewing the historical experiences of pupils and

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students in England, has argued that these have been framed by differences and inequalities based mainly on social class, gender, and ethnicity.25 This has also been a common experience in other schooling systems around the world. It is also evident in many cases that what was learned was not necessarily what was intended or imagined on the part of the schools and teachers involved. Many works of fiction produced over this time have also helped to illuminate the world of the learner.

FIGURE 5.3  The lesson, A. Temba doing his homework. © The British Library Board.

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There are indeed many personal instances of the restrictions and limitations that were placed on the possibilities of learning due to the factors of gender, ethnicity, and class, which often linked together in particular cases. The experiences of individual learners do also highlight wide variations in personal and social development through learning. For example, Radeen Ajeng Kartini, from an aristocratic Javanese background, began her education toward the end of the nineteenth century with a European governess, followed by some time at a European elementary school, which she left at the age of twelve. Following this, she appears to have had a Javanese and Muslim education at home, while maintaining a link with Western education through her brother’s notebooks, and then learned about Western social and feminist debates through the wife of a Dutch colonial official, before pursuing further education in the Netherlands like her brother. Only a few Indonesian children in the early twentieth century had the opportunity to be sent to the Netherlands for university or higher vocational education. In England, Winifred Egan enrolled in the junior department of Altrincham County High School for Girls in 1923 as a fee-paying pupil after her family moved from Ireland, and then went on to the senior school. She took the School Certificate examination in 1930 and then mathematics, French, zoology, and chemistry in the sixth form. Opportunities for girls were beginning to widen in the early years of the twentieth century, especially for girls from middle-class families.26 In South Africa, women writers recalled an intertwining of race and gender in the process of identity formation at school, often noting imposed ideas of femininity, with some remembering girls who were expelled for pregnancy. Some also recalled how the imposition of femininity could be subverted and resisted, with fellow pupils drawn together as friends in opposition.27 A common experience was of a differentiated school curriculum. Home science, or domestic science, was frequently provided for girls as a means of preparing them to be future wives and mothers in the home, while boys had an academic curriculum that would give them qualifications for higher education. In Aotearoa New Zealand, for example, a gendered curriculum was introduced in which home science became compulsory for all girls during their first two years at secondary school, and largely replaced all other teaching of science, except botany, below the sixth form.28 In England, domestic courses were provided in most secondary schools for girls. For example, at Manchester High School for Girls in the 1920s this included, for girls who did not intend to follow a profession, instruction in cookery, laundry, hygiene, household management, needlework, and household arithmetic as well as lessons in French, English, and History.29 On the other hand, Victorian reticence around sexual issues meant that only a minority of schools provided formal sex education in the interwar years, except in biology classes, and even by the 1950s and 1960s it was rare for girls to learn about pregnancy and childbirth while in school.30

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This period witnessed significant growth in learning facilities for disabled children with special education needs.31 In the UK, the 1921 Education Act provided education for disabled pupils only in special schools or separate classes, but the 1944 Education Act encouraged the growth of special educational facilities more broadly, and the Warnock Report of 1978 further promoted the view that in most cases children identified as having special educational needs should attend their local school.32 On the other hand, the influence of eugenics tended to stigmatize learners who were viewed as “backward” or “educationally sub-normal.”33 In the United States, for example, segregated classes and schools continued to exclude disabled students from mainstream schooling.34 The sensory dimension is also significant in understanding the world of the learner because it foregrounds the noncognitive dimensions of sensation. In the United States, Mark M. Smith has suggested that there is scope for a great deal of new historical research on the sensory worlds of children, and how they have understood the senses in the process of learning the social protocols and cultural expectations of their society.35 Peter Hoffer points out that this process has applied historically to adults as well as to children as they “enter the sensate environment to conform to learned priorities of sensation.”36 For example, according to Hoffer, the receptivity of the senses, or the ability to describe what we have sensed, can be expanded with experience, so establishing a “sensuous etiquette” in which the senses tell us where we belong in society and how we should behave in different circumstances and contexts.37 As Smith points out, too, it was smell, perhaps more than any other sense that served to create and mark out social territory, to identify the “other,” to justify various forms of subjugation, and to serve as a barrier against meaningful integration into host or dominant societies.38 Smith’s own research on “race” and segregation in the American South vividly highlights the importance of “sensory stereotypes.” Smith relates this sensory dimension to the resilience of school segregation until the Brown decision of the 1950s, and concludes strikingly that henceforward, “Not only would whites now have to see blacks; they would also have to hear, smell, taste, and touch them, no longer on their terms but on terms set by federal authority and exacted daily by black people.”39 Cowan and Steward, in exploring the sensory dimensions of the history of urban life, suggest that histories of noise, vision, manners, tactility, sexuality, gestation, and olfaction “show that sensuous encounters between individuals and environments are produced and structured, not just by their material features, but also by the particular social and cultural contexts in which encounters take place.”40 In the English context, such sensory stereotypes were conditioned by social class, as in George Orwell’s well-known acknowledgment in the 1930s that the upper classes believed that “The lower classes smell.” According to Orwell, he himself was brought up to believe that working-class people were dirty as well as ignorant, lazy, and dishonest: “The smell of their sweat, the

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very texture of their skins, were mysteriously different from yours. Everyone who has grown up pronouncing his aitches and in a room with a bathroom and one servant is likely to have grown up with these feelings; hence the chasmic, impassable quality of class-distinctions in the West.”41 Social class relationships were a particular basis for educational experiences among school pupils. In England, Stephen Humphries’s oral history of workingclass childhood and youth, Hooligans or Rebels? (1981) argued that workingclass pupils systematically subverted and resisted the imposition of middle-class systems of discipline, although more recently Jonathan Rose has challenged this view and concluded that most working-class children were satisfied with or largely enjoyed their time in school.42 There were also cases in which, within state elementary education and a wider environment of industrial poverty, working-class pupils could benefit from unusual learning opportunities. At Prestolee School near Bolton in Lancashire, England, the head teacher, Edward O’Neill, introduced a radical curriculum with the ability to facilitate visits to the opera, cinema, museums, galleries, and other places further away. Daily newspapers and periodicals donated by local shops were arranged around the walls of the central hall as a lending library. The school was also open each evening for games, dancing, and continuing with school tasks.43 The memoirs of individuals who were successful in different fields in their later lives often demonstrate that informal social learning was no less significant than formal learning at school, while these different kinds of learning experience could also combine to lead them into particular directions. The future Oxford professor John Carey learned mainly from a range of books and comic magazines discovered at home or elsewhere—“the King James Bible, Hymns Ancient and Modern, Dandy, Beano, Hotspur, Champion, Biggles, Chums for 1892, Gunby Hadath, The 1933 Hobbies Annual and Figaro Illustre for 1890– 1900”44—rather than from the primary school curriculum. Thus, he recalled, “Being a choirboy, I heard the King James version of the Bible read in church every Sunday. I generally listened with half an ear, and just let the sounds drift over me, but that was, I suppose, when its exotic language and strange stories started to settle into my head and seem natural.”45 Keith Waterhouse, later a distinguished author, preferred to learn by avoiding school as much as possible and discovering the streets of his home city of Leeds, in the north of England.46 Bobby Charlton, the future England and Manchester United footballer, could remember small rites of passage that came so regularly out on the football field when stride by stride, I grasped that what I wanted most was within my power whenever I had the ball at my feet, knowing instinctively it was not so hard to run it by an opponent or hit it low into the wind that seemed always to be blowing.47

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In Charlton’s case it was football rather than school that offered an escape from a life spent in the local coal mine, although he also acknowledged the support of his headmaster. The future historian Kenneth Morgan, growing up in the 1940s first in rural Wales and then London with parents who were both themselves teachers, “learned how to write and how to think in a secure and loving family setting,” but it was a female teacher at his primary school who “inspired in me a love of learning—not only in her school subjects but in everything—in a way that I have not experienced elsewhere.”48 As another example, the future Labour Cabinet minister and education secretary Shirley Williams, from an upper-middle-class social background in England, recalls in her memoirs receiving more Christmas presents than her classmates at school and learning the appropriate lesson about a class society: I didn’t understand why I had done so much better than my friends. But I did understand that social divisions were abysses it was dangerous to cross. Fearful of having my head banged on the tarmac of the school playground, I quickly learned to speak in a cockney accent and to leave and enter any house by the basement. I never said anything about it.49 Indeed, she notes: “I had been inculcated with the law of silence, omertu, first at Christ Church Elementary and then at Oldfield School where bullying was a way of life among the pupils, but either unknown to or sedulously ignored by their well-meaning teachers.”50 She was evacuated at the start of the Second World War to Minnesota in the United States, and found this to be relatively classless. On returning to England at the end of the war, she reflects: “I had learned to be independent, in charge of myself. I didn’t want to be fussed over or protected. I revelled in my freedom. So I was wary of my mother’s love for me.” “It was,” she concluded, “to take several years for me to learn to love her, and then it was to love her as an adult, a beloved friend, rather than as a child loves its mother.”51 By contrast with such instances of social learning outside school, it might be argued that the modern history of mass schooling has been fundamentally about the suppression of the senses and of the emotions, in favor of the cognitive and the rational, as part of acquiring control of the unpredictable external environment and the wilder inner domains of the human temperament. Taming the senses involved keeping the noise down, avoiding touch, achieving decorum, limiting odor if one could not eliminate it altogether, maintaining it all within bounds, and punishing transgressions. Hiding the emotions was a struggle, most graphically perhaps in England, for schooling to take over where the upperclass family left off, as a device to systematically suppress the emotions. From an elevated position in society, the learning experiences of the Simon family in Manchester, England, are instructive in this regard. Ernest Simon was a wealthy Manchester industrialist and former Lord Mayor of Manchester,

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as well as a leading intellectual thinker in the interwar years, while Shena Simon was an influential local activist and educator. They were committed to preparing their children for public life by educating them in liberal values and active citizenship. Their two sons, Roger and Brian, were brought up in a large family estate, Broom Croft, a privileged setting, according to prevailing ideas about child development to estimate mental faculties and character. Governesses provided the main early childcare, supporting the children’s access to their parents partly through writing letters, and so encouraging a form of communication that would become familiar and necessary. These letters often expressed affection and love although, as the children grew, such personal feelings were articulated less, especially as the father preferred to emphasize self-control and rationality rather than displays of emotion.52 Formal education complemented the Simons’ informal social learning. For Brian this included a child-centered progressive kindergarten and a preparatory boarding school where he was apparently often bullied by other children. Subsequent to this, the main experience of schooling for both Roger and Brian was at Gresham’s School in Holt, Norfolk. This school had a reputation as a progressive independent school for boys from the liberal intelligentsia. This helped to encourage an emerging social conscience and a sense of justice on the part of the boys, together with a nascent political and class awareness. Gresham’s also nurtured a sense of self-control through its self-styled “honor” system. Pupils were expected to promise the headmaster and their housemaster to avoid indecency, bad language, and smoking; to confess when they broke any of these rules; and to inform on other pupils who failed to confess. On some accounts, all pupils had their trouser pockets sewn up.53 The headmaster, J.R. Eccles, saw this as an innovative means of promoting self-discipline and inculcating trust among the pupils. Some pupils who became well known as adults would remember this experience with much less sympathy. The poets W.H. Auden and Stephen Spender, both educated at Gresham’s, were fiercely critical of the suppression of emotion and the betrayal that this system fostered, and compared it to living in a fascist state.54 In the 1930s both Brian and Roger, like many other liberal intellectuals of their generation, joined the Communist Party. Brian’s own verdict on his early learning experiences and schooling were finally expressed in a letter baring his soul to his then fiancée, Joan Peel, who he married a few months later. First, he outlined his own ambitions, which were akin to the Soviet ideal of “changing man”: “I would like to plan new Universities for new needs, and discuss it with all sorts of people in all kinds of jobs with different experiences. I would like to play a part in developing new men with new qualities—which will be possible.”55 This prospect, he continued, contrasted with his own learning experiences:

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The waste of people is appalling […]. When I was at Greshams I was a very simple lad not particularly intelligent. But like most people most of the really creative instincts and emotions had been driven out of me, or deep underground. [I] had been repressed perhaps by the constant care of my father and mother who kept me tightly in hand, partly by the bullying and hectoring and intellectual hammering of a horrible bourgeois prep school.56 Moreover, he lamented: I had always lived at home with servants and not known many people, or been immersed in great schools in the middle of the country. Absolutely cut off and isolated from anything. There was nothing for me to write about, nothing for me to put my energies to which would satisfy that feeling. And if that happened to me it happens to scores and scores of other people in various forms. And when we can find a way of giving scope to that latent energy—what people there will be!57 Simon himself found ways of satisfying these aims after the Second World War, first as a teacher and then as a lecturer and later professor with a distinguished career as a historian of education.58 Simon’s experiences as a learner, and his aspirations for the possibilities of learning in the future, were echoed in even more dramatic form in the fictional representations of learning through the new types of media and communications that were created from the 1920s onwards. The development of “moving pictures” in the cinema, in the early decades of the twentieth century, allowed large groups of people, whether children or adults, to experience education and entertainment in a new way.59 By the 1930s, the new Walt Disney Animation Studios in the United States was able to produce full-length animated films that depicted the experience of learning in a form that was suitable for children. These built on the tradition of the bildungsroman, or coming-of-age stories, charting personal development from childhood to adulthood, which were characteristic of many earlier written novels. One of its early productions was the animated film Pinocchio in 1940, based loosely on the children’s book The Adventures of Pinocchio originally published in 1883 by the Italian writer Carlo Collodi. The film follows the experiences of Pinocchio, a wooden puppet who wishes to become a real boy but who tends to misbehave and tell untruths that make his nose extend to embarrassing proportions. Pinocchio’s problems worsen when he is persuaded not to go to school and then sets off on a series of adventures that almost destroy him, until he returns home having learned his lesson and achieves his goal. An even more successful animated film, even though it was distributed in 1942 during the Second World War, was Bambi, the story of a young deer, experiencing personal loss but finding friendship and love as he grows to be the king of the forest.

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Similar themes were explored in later Disney films such as The Jungle Book, originally a collection of stories produced in 1894 by Rudyard Kipling but translated into a film featuring the man-cub Mowgli in 1967. The Lion King, produced in 1994, tells the story of the young lion Simba, who through tragedy and misadventures echoing both Bambi and Pinocchio eventually takes his rightful place as the king of the jungle. Such animated films could create such depictions more inventively and evocatively than live-action films, although there were successful examples of these including The Wizard of Oz, drawn from the children’s book The Wonderful Wizard of Oz published in 1900 by L. Frank Baum. The film The Wizard of Oz, released in August 1939, tells the sympathetic story of Dorothy Gale and her adventures over the rainbow and on the yellow brick road before she discovers that there is no place like home. Such stories had a clear moral, not lost on audiences during the Second World War, that learning as a social process could lead children astray but would finally culminate in maturity and happiness in a peaceful world. Fictional accounts in book form continued to be produced, now in formats that were increasingly inexpensive and available for a mass readership. One of many examples of this genre during the twentieth century was A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, the first novel of the Irish author James Joyce in 1916. This follows the learning experiences of the young Stephen Dedalus from infancy through rebellion and adolescence contending with the repression of his Catholic education. This evokes the earliest learning of Stephen as a baby: Once upon a time and a very good time it was there was a moocow coming down along the road and this moocow that was coming down along the road met a nice little boy named baby tucko. His father told him that story: his father looked at him through a glass: he had a hairy face. He was baby tucko. When you wet the bed, first it is warm then it gets cold. His mother put on the oilsheet. That had the queer smell. His mother had a nicer smell than his father. She played on the piano the sailor’s hornpipe for him to dance.60 This is a powerful depiction of the sensations and images of early learning, developed further during the book, as Stephen learns about the death of the Irish political leader Charles Stewart Parnell at his first Christmas dinner with the grownups, and in his turbulent years at school. Such fictional writings later in the century were in many cases based on the author’s own life and could also be converted into film format or produced on the media of radio and television. These included for example J.G. Ballard’s Empire of the Sun, set in Japanese-occupied wartime Shanghai and published in 1984, a dramatic account of the young Jim finding his way at a prisoner of war camp in the “University of Life.” J.D. Salinger’s The Catcher in the Rye (1951) narrates the experiences of Holden Caulfield and his teenage rebellion redolent of the angst and alienation of middle-class American youth in the

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1950s. A Kestrel for a Knave by Barry Hines (1968) is a British working-class example, with Billy Casper, bullied and lonely at school, finding fulfillment with a kestrel. Perhaps the most outstanding example, however, was at the end of the century with the publication of the first Harry Potter novel, Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone, by J.K. Rowling, in 1997. Eventually consisting of seven novels mainly located at Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry, this became the bestselling series of novels ever produced with over 500 million copies sold around the world and translated into eighty languages.

THE LEARNING AGE The modern period has witnessed a rapid expansion in the opportunities for learning throughout life in a wide range of areas. Higher education and advanced qualifications have become widespread. Societies and associations for informal learning have proliferated with the aim of supporting personal and social development in particular fields. Technological advances have enabled new methods for experiencing learning to be developed, in the process diminishing the constraints of spatial distance and time. As the historian J.F.C. Harrison observed in relation to English adult education, adult learning has been at the heart of a social movement, largely voluntary, not simply a series of organizations, generally seeking greater freedom or liberation both personal and social, for much of the world extending from an elite minority to the populace at large.61 The scope for adult learning was transformed to such an extent that this period could be characterized as the learning age. In the interwar years of the 1920s and 1930s, international travel was mainly by ferry or ships that might take weeks, or by the hazards of early air flights. Airmail letters were at their historical peak volume but took several days or longer to reach their intended recipient. The telephone remained unreliable and difficult to coordinate. By the 1960s and 1970s, the telex and telegram were more effective means of written communication within a much shorter period, while the telephone and air travel had become standard and effective international links. Email communication and personal computer technology remained unknown for another generation, but the changes by the mid to late twentieth century were already immense and helped to reshape the nature of transnational connections within the span of a professional lifetime. Adult learning could thus assume transnational dimensions during this time, no less significantly than making use of the local and national dynamics that were already widely familiar. As well as the family and church, which continued to be key social institutions supporting adult learners and learning, there were many other agencies that either expanded or originated during this modern period with similar effects. Institutions of higher education grew and diversified significantly to reach the

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FIGURE 5.4  The cover of the Hertford & St. Albans tourist map, 1931. © The British Library Board.

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mass of the population in many countries rather than a small elite group as they had previously. Agencies such as museums and libraries, as well as others that were specifically designed to promote learning, also spread widely. Other institutions with a range of purposes, from prisons to the armed services, were expected to provide facilities for learning. Moreover, throughout the period rapid technological changes made it possible for learning to take place across extended distances and in an ever-increasing range of formats. Higher education institutions underwent massification together with institutional differentiation and stratification during this period. Student enrollments multiplied many times around the world, especially for women.62 In the interwar years it was very difficult for students from a working-class background to gain access to higher education except through grants, scholarships, and exceptional parental sacrifice, for example, in England, and higher education learners continued to have the elite aristocratic image of Sebastian Flyte in Evelyn Waugh’s novel Brideshead Revisited, published in 1945.63 Later in the century, there were many students who became the first in their family, or in their community, to gain access to higher education and also many who became mature students rather than coming straight from school.64 Both of these features were further encouraged through the development of self-styled “open” universities, designed for distance learning giving a second chance of higher education for students at different stages of life.65 Student teachers also were expected to receive extended training during this period, whether in specialist institutions of teacher education or continuing as postgraduate students. In Western Australia between the wars, for example, women graduates of the state teachers’ college learned to develop their rational and critical capacities in this situation, although there remained strong social expectations that they would not challenge masculine authority and would eventually become wives and mothers.66 There emerged significant tensions between the theoretical and practical aspects in the learning that student teachers received, and in many cases training courses came increasingly to emphasize classroom method as opposed to theory in the preparation of future teachers.67 Beyond the academy, facilities for adult learning also spread widely. The Workers’ Educational Association (WEA) was founded in England in 1903, initially under the title of the Association to Promote the Higher Education of Working Men, and spread in the following few decades to new branches being opened in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada.68 In New Zealand, as Roy Shuker’s history of the New Zealand WEA notes, tutorial classes in a wide range of subjects were well received, and many students took full advantage of this novel opportunity to advance their learning.69 This was promoted further by James Shelley, who pioneered WEA summer schools with a largely female clientele in rural Canterbury and also supported the establishment of a rural library, organized WEA lectures for prisoners, planned WEA Education Weeks,

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FIGURE 5.5  Picture Palace, Dudley Hall, Bradford. © The British Library Board.

and held drama courses in small rural settlements.70 Another adult education association, the Federation of Worker Writers and Community Publishers, or the Fed, was set up in England in 1976, comprising a diverse range of autonomous groups to develop writing and to publish books of oral history, autobiography, poetry, and prose. Fed groups provided a basis for building a culture by allowing members to articulate a voice, construct their own history, and represent themselves.71 Meanwhile, the public libraries and museums that had been established in the previous century continued to flourish as social and community institutions in many cases, often supported by funding from charities such as the Carnegie Corporation of New York. The Carnegie Corporation was established in 1911, chartered “to promote the advancement and diffusion of knowledge and understanding among the people of the United States.” In the interwar years, it set out to disseminate traditionally elite culture to a wider number of people.72 Such support had significant effects as far afield as Australia, where US models of librarianship became widely dominant.73 In New Zealand, also, the Dominion and Colonies Fund initiated by the Carnegie Corporation in 1926 led to an expanded program of funding, including a Home Science

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Extension Bureau led by Ann Gilchrist Strong at the University of Otago, and an Adult Rural Travelling Library supporting Shelley at Canterbury. These were taken over by the Labour government elected in 1935, forming the basis for a country library service in 1937 and the National Library Service in 1947.74 One Maori scholarship funded by Carnegie allowed a Maori nurse, Emily Kaa, to take a special course in home science, housing, health, and sanitation at Otago University, after which she undertook a three-month tour visiting sixteen native schools, meeting parents and giving adult lectures, many in remote and impoverished rural communities.75 Not all targets for informal education received such generosity and support during this period. In most countries, for example, prisoners had very little access even to basic literacy courses, much less advanced education. One notable exception to this in unpromising circumstances was the future South African leader Nelson Mandela, who studied for the bachelor of laws degree as a University of London distance student when imprisoned on Robben Island in the 1960s.76 By contrast, close attention was given to facilities for learning for serving soldiers in the army. In the UK, “war libraries” were set up during the First World War, providing a supply of books for ordinary soldiers on the front line of war. By 1919, 16 million books had been sent from Britain to the trenches, to war hospitals, and to prisoners of war, helping to boost morale while also fostering restraint in soldiers’ attitudes and behavior through an emphasis on high culture.77 The Army Educational Corps was established in 1920, establishing Army Education Centres. During the Second World War, the army again came under scrutiny, with the Army Bureau of Current Affairs, or ABCA, providing a program of current affairs and citizenship education across the army.78 In other countries, including South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand, army education schemes were also established during the Second World War to avoid boredom, improve morale, and prepare for an eventual return to civilian life.79 Overall, it is clear that rapid advances in communications and technology were highly significant in the growth of opportunities for adult learners and learning during this period. In the early decades of the century, the radio, the telephone, and the cinema were all devices that supported adult learning and changed its nature. In the second half of the century, aeroplanes and television allowed learning to be conducted at a distance from the university and teacher. The rise of computerization and mobile phone technology again provided new opportunities, further reducing not only the distance but also the time required to receive information from around the world. Mandela’s learning experience in a South African prison was but one notable example of this; by the early years of the twenty-first century transnational learning experiences were commonplace. One instance of this was the case of Qin Yuefei. According to the China Daily newspaper, Qin was born in Chongqing to two factory workers and was sent by

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his mother to study English when he was two years old. He graduated with high scores and gained full marks on his English language exam, enabling him to receive a full scholarship from Yale, where he studied economics and political science, including practices of crowdfunding, e-commerce, and public relations. He also learned from Yale, as he recalled, “how to determine problems and how to use the scientific method to solve them.” He found out about the scheme Teach for America, which recruited top college graduates to teach in poor areas in the United States, and set up Serve for China in 2014 to do similar work in rural China.80

CONCLUSION This chapter has reviewed the immense changes that took place during this period in the philosophy, organization, and experience of learners and learning during the modern period as a whole. Ideas about learners and learning, taking their cue from John Dewey’s work, increasingly emphasized the social nature of learning and its relationship to the social context and environment. They also tended to highlight the educability of the mass of the population rather than of an elite minority. Schools now provided for an increasing range of the child population to an advanced stage and new opportunities for learning, although still conditioned and restricted by expectations that remained uneven and in many cases discriminatory. Adult learning also grew in scale to become national and increasingly transnational in nature, and again including a wider range of learners within its scope. Learning opportunities were provided for economic and national purposes, but learners could also take advantage of them for their own development and to enhance their understanding of a rapidly changing society and world.

CHAPTER SIX

Teachers and Teaching PHILIP GARDNER

The initial growth in systems of public educational provision that marked the industrializing nations of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries went on to spread across the world in the twentieth century, most spectacularly in its later decades. As William Reese observes, the “extraordinary expansion in access to schooling during the twentieth century was a global phenomenon.”1 In prefiguring the nature and some of the implications, if not the scale, of such growth, in a speech reported in the House of Commons in 1828 Henry Brougham, the nineteenth-century British radical parliamentarian, compared the relative potential of the military and the educational arms of the state to secure and safeguard political, social, and economic advancement: Let the soldier be ever so much abroad, in the present age he could do nothing. There was another person abroad,—a less important person,—in the eyes of some an insignificant person […]. The schoolmaster was abroad (cheers!) and he trusted more to the schoolmaster, armed with his primer, than he did to the soldier in full military array, for upholding and extending the liberties of his country.2 The global growth in education and concomitant rise in the world’s teaching force has since been on a scale that Brougham could not have envisaged: currently there are in excess of 31 million individuals teaching in primary or elementary schools around the world, and 33 million in secondary or high schools.3 In Brougham’s day, teachers could be conceived of as little more than the straightforward operatives of mechanical or industrial systems of mass recitation and moral regulation. However, as systems of schooling grew, the teacher would incrementally become a key presence in the modern world, a direct influence on

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almost all young people. Yet, along with growing importance came increasing complexity in both the expectations societies placed upon their teachers and the reciprocal regard that teachers sought from the societies they served. A term illuminating this complexity and applicable to many aspects of the business of schoolteaching over the 100 years is paradox. The paradoxical nature of both teachers’ work in the modern period and the effort to make sense of that work historically are the central themes of this chapter.4 Following some initial observations concerning these themes, the discussion then moves to look at two broad subthemes; one will focus on currents of continuity with a persistent presence in the professional lives and work of teachers down the years, and the other will look at patterns or points of change that have served to differentiate them. Some thematic overlaps occur in the discussion because, just as sameness and selfhood are always entwined in the course of an individual life, continuity and change are always entangled in history.5

CENTRAL THEMES During the last century, following calls to do so, teachers have increasingly been key agents in achieving social advances but seldom been its greatest beneficiaries. Their efforts have been expansive in conception yet constrained by public policy, confined in practice, and uncertain in popular perception. Teachers have therefore often felt misunderstood or undervalued, serving their local communities but also somehow standing apart from them—a perception inherited, in part, from the earliest days of public educational provision.6 Being a teacher, acting like a teacher, bearing the identity of a teacher,7 has always carried, to a greater or lesser degree, this awareness. To be a teacher has involved constant struggles, both personal and collective, to steer difficult crosscurrents of uniformity and diversity, tradition and transformation, ambition and service, impartiality and engagement, personality and professionalism, into navigable channels also capable of satisfying the prescriptions of policy-makers, the conventions of cultural sensibility, and the expectations of the wider public interest. Across successive generations of teachers, the adoption and nurturing of a teacherly identity has constituted a process of growth and development for both individual practitioners and the related profession. The effort to maintain this identity—perhaps best thought of in terms of a narrative identity that has combined elements of permanence with elements of growth, constituting the “telling and retelling to ourselves and others, the story of what we are about and what we are”8—has been a lifetime’s task for many teachers. But if the central finding of Meg Maguire’s study of recently retired teachers in Britain is correct, then this task, this lifelong personal investment in a collective occupational identity, rarely survives the moment of retirement: “Once they leave, they

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gradually lay down this powerful part of what they have been.”9 This tells us that to understand the manifestations of teacher identity across the generations, whether in terms of change or continuity, we need to concern ourselves with the lives of those who have actually been at work in the classroom at any given point. That is where the contours—whether enduring or evanescent—of a functioning occupational identity are to be found. But Maguire’s findings hint at something else important and tantalizing, pointing to a clue for understanding some of the temporal intricacies of pedagogical cultures. The juncture at which a teacher’s occupational identity reaches its fullest expression of accumulated experience and practical wisdom is at the moment of leaving the profession, at retirement. Such moments are celebrated in many cultures at intimate but highly symbolic and ritualized events at which teachers gather to bid farewell to a long-serving colleague. On these occasions, the teacher of the past has traditionally been connected with the teacher of the future by way of the figure, at once real and symbolic, who in departing has been able to bestow a personal memoir of a single life in the profession, a recollection of practice in the past, and a guide for the profession for the future. These episodes of reflective celebration are typically intensely private and inward-looking and therefore unrecorded affairs in which valedictory remembrances of lives spent in teaching are related with the liberated frankness that only a final departure permits. In these moments, memorable individuals and incidents are recalled, special achievements celebrated, pedagogical wisdom shared, and judgments—generally unflattering—on the efforts of educational decision-makers pronounced. In this informal process of professional transmission, currents of nostalgia combine with springs of renewal.10 The sharing of such insights, accrued throughout a working life, may be seen as a very particular form of generational “gift” to the teaching profession from one of its own, in much the same way that Marcel Mauss accounted for the seemingly paradoxical form of property transfers in “archaic societies”: “although the exchanges and contracts take the form of gifts given freely […] they are actually made and given from a sense of obligation.”11 This is just the way that these “teacherly” gifts have been offered; their complex mixture of wisdom and good humor, affection and regret, stoicism and pride, represent one of the purest, if least known, distillations of the pedagogical career experiences of individual teachers, and an important element in the nurturing and sustaining of their collective professional cultures over the last century.12 There is another sense in which retirement rituals have something important to say about the modern teaching profession. Just as, within a digital future, the centrality of the classroom space may increasingly surrender its traditional dominance, so too may the notion of teaching as an archetypically lifelong commitment during much of the twentieth century fade, returning more to an earlier occupational pattern whereby the borders between teaching and other forms of labor were permeable.13 That permeability was founded upon

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a perception of teaching as a generalized activity, essentially the informal product of a combination of desirable knowledge and usable skills, matched with dispositions of personality and temperament that were seen as particularly suited to working with young people. By the early twentieth century, when systematic programs of teacher training and certification were seeking, amongst other objectives, to establish teaching as a professionalized activity, there was no longer any place for the untrained teachers of earlier times. The professionalization of teaching assuredly brought with it commensurate advances in both teacher effectiveness and status, but in some ways the shadow of the untrained teacher lingered on, most obviously in successive challenges to teaching as not a “true” profession, in part by virtue of its reliance on the essentialized importance of social or personal capacities as against esoteric knowledge and specialized skills.14 “Teaching,” as Morwenna Griffiths stated, has always been “intensely personal and corporeal.”15 The continuing paradox between profession and personality in teaching means that for generations of twentieth-century practitioners effectiveness has seldom been perceived solely as a product of professional training and practice;16 good teaching has always also been understood in more expansive terms, as an artifact of life.17 In this respect, like the act of learning something from someone, the act of teaching something to someone constitutes a universal feature of human interaction. In this view, we are all teachers of others, and informal teaching in this loose sense may be seen as a cultural activity that is ubiquitous.18 That is perhaps why the powerful image of the “born teacher” retains a popular discursive force and also why in the past the teaching of young people was sometimes seen to be—and sometimes still is—an expressive activity compatible with other simultaneous occupational and domestic activities.19 Notwithstanding this, the last century has been ever more dominated across the globe by images of the teacher that stress specialization and differentiation, emphasizing technical rather than expressive qualities. This process has been accompanied everywhere by the model figure of the schoolteacher as a trained professional deploying specialist knowledge and demarcated skills to educate, develop, and care for young people. The result is that upon mention of the word “teacher” most people today—especially younger cohorts—will be able to bring to mind a focused image of just this kind, whether based on current experience, personal memory, or conventional expectation. In this respect, most will have a ready idea of what a teacher “looks like.”20 And this, of course, includes the teachers themselves. How teachers have seen themselves and how they have been seen by others have always been intimately entwined. The question then arises: how have teachers appeared during the last 100 years or so? How have they been represented? A good place to start is the view held by students. In a recent study, Iveta Kestere and Baiba Kalke gathered more than 1,000 responses from school students across ten countries to the

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question: “what does a typical teacher look like?” They present an image (Figure 6.1) of what they claim to be quite a familiar response: the teacher is female, youthful, smartly attired; she is surrounded by the habitual tools of her craft; she is positioned at the point of optimum visibility, front and center; she is awaiting her class; she is ready to teach. This image is valuable because it bears the authenticity of personal experience and is devoid of artifice; it can be read in its own terms.21 Still, not all classroom images are of this kind. Two examples are shown in Figures 6.2 and 6.3; these are more complex visual representations of teachers, once again in their customary workplace—the classroom.

FIGURE 6.1  “Young female teacher sitting at her desk.”

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FIGURE 6.2  An early twentieth-century classroom scene. Source: DES/HMI 1990.

FIGURE 6.3  A late twentieth-century classroom scene. Source: DES/HMI 1990.

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These images tell us a great deal. They immediately remind us that across the arc of time the teacher’s work in this intimate space has been subject to enormous changes, yet also profound continuities. The teacher protagonist in each case would recognize in the other a shared enterprise defined by fundamental and enduring commonalities of purpose, but one that has also been susceptible to radically different approaches and practices for its realization. The first photograph comes from the early twentieth century, the second from its closing years. The pair were reproduced as endpapers for a booklet published in 1989 by the British Department of Education and Science (DES) (as then named). The publication marked the 150th anniversary of governmental responsibility for the inspection of elementary schools, having been established with the appointment in 1839 of the first Her Majesty’s Inspectors (HMIs).22 Enclosing the substantive text, the two images might only catch the eye momentarily, but this should not detract from their compositional and discursive significance. Together, they constitute the principal element of the booklet’s paratextual features, those devices that present the reader of a text with what Gérard Genette referred to as “a threshold, or […] a ‘vestibule’ that offers the world at large the possibility of either stepping inside or turning back.”23 Genette references Philippe Lejeune’s striking allusion that paratextual material can be seen as that “fringe of the printed text which in reality controls one’s whole reading of the text.”24 Such material is therefore very powerful. It is these fringe elements that initiate recognition, that draw the reader toward or away from the text, and that fuel expectations of what a full reading might reveal. They are the inaugural parts from which the reader can begin to construct an embryonic whole in the back-and-forth hermeneutic process of understanding, which ultimately animates the historical imagination. In this case, the two paratextual images that are brought into relation here do much more than help us to prefigure a single text about HMI. At a more general level, they jointly extend an invitation, indicate a threshold, for entering into the history of teachers and teaching in the modern period. Together, they ask us to reflect historically upon what teaching has sought to be, how it has been perceived to be, and how it has come to be seen as such. But it is worth noting that these two images are helpful in another very significant way, this time by drawing attention to a methodological rather than a substantive dimension of the historian’s task, namely, that just like the work of the schoolteacher in the past, the work of the historian in the present is always open to interpretation by its audience. The two photographs dramatize the paradox of engaging with a past that is fixed by virtue of its absence from the present, but which is also always in a dynamic interpretive flux; first, due to the constant desire of the present to find a meaningful relationship with that past and, second, due to the evidential complexities inhering in that past.25 In this instance, we are concerned with the changing questions that the present successively asks

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about teachers and teaching in the educational past, and the conditions in which these may be rendered both significant and meaningfully answerable. In recent years, the nature of such questions has most spectacularly been influenced by the theoretical accents of the periodic “turns” seen across the human sciences— among others, cultural, linguistic, discursive, narrative, biographical, material, visual, spatial, transnational—and by the associated forms of source selection and analysis that each turn has commended to the historian.26 In the case of the DES booklet, the use of the two classroom images speaks of the visual turn, although in the form of paratext they are not intended to be subjected to explicit or detailed visual analysis but are offered, using the words of Gasparini and Vick, “on the basis that their meaning will be taken for granted and self evident, as if inherent in the image itself.”27 This lack of analytical depth indeed constitutes their evidential power; the fact of their inclusion alone, without specific commentary, is sufficient to conjure a particular narrative sketch of educational and pedagogical history across a century. The principal story indicated here is an unsurprising one, a story of change, a celebration of progressive advance from regimentation to freedom, from the industrial to the domestic, from restrictiveness to openness, from separation to cooperation, from distance to intimacy, from gendered authority to shared authority. A second story speaks of professional continuity, of a commonality of shared pedagogical commitment that unites the act of teaching in the enduring space of the classroom, across the variations of time and place. There is truth in both stories. But they are not the only ones that could be told, and the selected images are not the only ones that could have been chosen. The implication of these observations can be scaled up to apply more generally to the challenges posed by the successive turns of scholarship in the history of education, with each turn achieving its impact by celebrating distinctive strengths over and against others. In this respect, “turning toward” implies a corresponding degree of “turning away.” It cannot be doubted that each turn has a particular capacity to open the present to truths about the educational past—exactly why each was able to achieve scholarly traction in the first place. However, we might do well to consider that each turn engages different facets of a complex yet temporally unified past—in the same sense that the present carries a temporal unity—and that it is scarcely possible, practically as well as theoretically, to keep all of these facets maximally in play simultaneously. In consequence, both the shape and meaning that the present serially discerns in the past will shift with successive turns, each one endeavoring to apprehend that past as authentically as it can. Such transformations can present troubling aporias for historical scholarship. But perhaps one useful response to this is by way of the metaphor of gazing upon a multifaceted object, a device that philosophers from phenomenological and hermeneutic traditions have sometimes put forward. In the words of Gerard Jacobitz, for example:

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The most essential distinction […] is between an identity and its manifold ways of appearing, the paradigmatic example being the perception of a cube over the manifold of its present and absent profiles […]. The identity does not reside on the same level as its appearances; it hovers over them, or as we might say, it is the rule that allows the many appearances to be taken as the manifold appearances of one discrete thing. When the identity of the cube is grasped, the imagination or memory is free not only to register any of its present profiles but any of its absent profiles as well.28 In reflecting on the history of teachers and teaching, the metaphor of a multifaceted singularity reminds us that such a history must hover, as it were, over manifold dimensions, some of which may be obscured by virtue of privileging others. But despite this, the larger identity comprised by the manifold, whether we are working with documentary, visual, oral, material, or spatial data, always remains the guiding objective of the historical imagination. And in thinking specifically about the classroom teacher, we might further consider that, beneath the turns that educational history has made and will continue to make, the daily realities and routines of classroom life that schoolteachers have enacted have always been a powerful and persistent presence in the modern world.29 Generation on generation, the figure of the teacher has been normatively constructed and reconstructed as the agent of perceived or projected educational advancement, in pursuit of a succession of pedagogic goals, sometimes emanating from outside the teaching profession, sometimes from within it.30 Yet throughout, the longserving teacher together with the space—the small stage31— defined by her or his classroom can also be seen to have constituted a kind of longue durée for the trajectory of public education in the modern era, a “paradox of changelessness over time.”32

CURRENTS OF CONTINUITY Looking more closely now at the currents of continuity that have linked the professional lives of classroom teachers over the last century, it should be said that classroom relations and pedagogical practices have naturally largely depended on the wider normative conventions in place in the different kinds of societies that schools have served. This means, for example, that in some national settings, relations between students and teachers remain formal and distanced, whilst in others there are notable instances of relaxation, such as in teachers’ dress standards and modes of address, along with styles of classroom interaction that depend as much on the expression of individual teacher personality as on the observance of ascribed pedagogical status. The greater approachability and informality of this kind stand in sharp contrast to the more authoritarian and inflexible classroom regimes widespread in the first half of the twentieth century that not infrequently ultimately relied on the sanction of

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corporal punishment, whether formally or casually administered.33 But while there have been dramatic changes in the ways many teachers have endeavored in recent decades to encourage a more relaxed, open and cooperative working atmosphere in their classrooms, across the greater part of the twentieth century it was less clear that successive reform agendas in pursuit of structural changes in classroom practice and student learning—whether enacted by governments or urged by educational theorists—had achieved a similar impact. As the cumulative work of scholars such as Larry Cuban indicates, customary patterns of classroom practice for a majority of teachers, particularly at the secondary school level, have proven resistant to fundamental changes in the long term.34 Rather than hold exclusively to the traditional methods of teacher-centered pedagogy or to wholly embrace the child-centered progressivist teaching and learning theories of the early twentieth century, most teachers have sought practically to amalgamate elements of the two to establish a workable hybridized pedagogical form: “Between the 1920s and 1980s […] teachers combined two pedagogical traditions in their classroom in imaginative ways to create hybrids of teacher-centered progressivism.”35 If teachers have succeeded in hybridizing their pedagogy and reforming patterns of face-to-face teacherstudent interaction in many classrooms, they have proven more conservative in maintaining forms of institutional organization within schools that would have been quite recognizable to their forebears earlier in the twentieth century. Cuban and David Tyack argued the reason for such deep currents of structural continuity has lain in an enduring “grammar of schooling” that, once established, became sedimented into the organizational conventions of public schools. The basic grammar of schooling, like the shape of classrooms, has remained remarkably stable over the decades. Little has changed in the ways that schools divide time and space, classify students and allocate them to classrooms, splinter knowledge into “subjects,” and award “credits” as evidence of learning.36 Cuban and Tyack also note that “much of the grammar of schooling has become taken for granted as just the way schools are. It is the departure from customary school practice that attracts attention.”37 This important recognition is likely to strike a chord with many oral historians who have conducted interviews with former classroom teachers. For such interviewees, it is the detailed recollection and description of the everyday routines of classroom teaching and management in the past—responses to questions such as “What was a typical classroom day like?”—that prove very difficult to elaborate. What tends to come more readily to the mind of interviewees are memories of occasions when the mundane rhythms of classroom life were disrupted, when there was an unexpected departure from the conventions of its governing grammar; “disruptions,” in the words of Frank Trentmann, “[are] moments that reveal the nature of things.”38

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As Arianne Baggerman points out, this also applies to autobiographical writing about classroom experience, whether by teachers or students; the analysis of such writing characteristically “implies the analysis of silences.” Authors [tend] to remain silent about things they regard as self-evident. If something is permanent there is no need to record it for posterity. Autobiographers generally only reach for their pens when they see change, when elements of their everyday lives have ceased to be a matter of course.39 If teachers’ recollections of life in the classroom most readily gravitate to memories that capture the unusual or the remarkable, the dominant currents of that life were, as the grammar of schooling indicates, characteristically regular, repetitive, and reliable.40 The context within which they were generated and organized was principally defined by the material space of the classroom, the space within which teachers and their students routinely came together to perform their work. Attention to the material space in and around the classroom—its architectural contexts, thresholds, and illumination; its furniture and furnishings, books, bells, wall boards, technological aids, posters, and displays—all serve to restore the quotidian realities of teachers’ classroom lives in the past that the space of memory can often overlook. In doing so, as David Livingstone suggests, this draws attention more generally to the fundamental importance of “what could be called materialities” in organizing consciousness itself, as well as for “earthing knowledge claims and enterprises.”41 In the same vein, Paul Connerton has indicated that the tendency of historical research, until relatively recently, has been to underestimate the importance of materiality, particularly within specific cultural traditions: It is only in the Western post-Cartesian world that we frequently speak of the life of matter as the life of what is “merely” matter; it is as if consciousness, and therefore memory, were about minds rather than about material things, as if the real can reside only in the purity of ideas rather than in the impurity of what is material.42 An instructive example of how recent work in the history of education is restoring the importance of the materiality of classroom life in the past, showing that consciousness of that life was about matter as well as mind, is Lisa Rosén Rasmussen’s study of everyday classroom objects as experienced and handled by former students. She challenges the assertion that reality is ultimately linguistically constituted, consequentially arguing that there can be forms of memory that are non-verbalized, that are not in the first instance recalled through language. For Rasmussen, citing Daniel Miller, “objects are important ‘because we often do not “see” them in the first place’ […] easily overlooked objects from school life may act as valuable catalysts for the analysis of the material and sensuous dimensions of school life.”43 Objects can restore the memory of everyday classroom routines

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alongside the moments of drama, disruption, or diversion to which teachers’ oral history recollections most readily gravitate. Teachers of course shared the same material classroom environment as their students, but some classroom objects were theirs alone, whether as administrative necessities—such as a class register—or as putative badges of office, the most notable of which was the cane, the symbol of a teacher’s physical authority over the body of a child.44 For many teachers in the earlier decades of the twentieth century, an instrument of physical punishment of this sort could be one of the most significant material objects in the classroom. Even when never wielded, the cane—or some similar instrument—was often prominently displayed on the teacher’s desk, a symbolic demonstration of formal authority and a supposed visible deterrent.45 In combination and over time, the grammar of schooling and the familiar materialities of the classroom elicited patterns of everyday school life that sedimented into habitual practices of kinds that were “woven into people’s bodies, identities, and actions.”46 In this sense, the routines and habits of classroom life were viable ones with which many teachers could feel comfortable and could conceive as part of a settled professional identity. Quoting the words of John Dewey, Trentmann observes that, understood in this way, “Habits […] were not just ‘means, waiting like tools in a box, to be used by conscious resolve.’ They ‘constitute the self’, forming ‘our effective desires’ and furnishing us with ‘our working capacities’.”47 The “grammar of schooling” dramatizes the extent and significance of classroom continuity over time by assuming a metaphorical rather than a literal form, thereby opening complex or contradictory phenomena to clarification through redescription; as Thomas Ross puts this, “when we really look at our metaphors, we confront […] contradictions and we experience paradox.”48 In the Chinese educational context, drawing upon Confucian traditions rather than those of the post-Cartesian West, a powerful and distinctive expression of continuity in cultures of teaching has threaded its way through the dramatic social and political upheavals of the twentieth century. Here, the deeply rooted linguistic tradition of metaphor as a vehicle for the refined expression of tenacious cultural values has been the foundation for a habitual valorization of the work of teachers and the importance of teaching.49 Although the formal organization of educational provision in China has seen elemental changes across the last century, informal attitudes to education and learning—what Jin and Cortazzi have called the “inner landscape held in the ‘heads’ and ‘hearts’ of students and teachers”50—has cleaved to a more constant path. In the Chinese educational tradition, the language of metaphor has served to associate ambitious future desires within the purview of familiar everyday experiences in the present. And, as in the case of the grammar of schooling or the materiality of the classroom, “such expressions about learning and the curriculum are so commonplace in both ordinary and professional talk that they are easily overlooked.”51

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Favored metaphors have changed in configuration with the passage of successive periods in the development of the nation in modern times: teachers as “gardeners” or “brain-power labourers” during the reconstruction of the 1950s; “people’s heroes” or “engineers of the soul” under the first Five-Year Plan; “common laborers” during the Great Leap Forward; “freaks” or “monsters” during the Cultural Revolution; “machinists” or “red and expert” in the 1980s; “candles” or “engineers of the soul” in the market-economy drive of the 1990s; and as “conductors” or “directors” in the rapid economic development around the millennium. While the force of such metaphors relates to particular time periods, underpinning them all has been a continuous, unifying emphasis on a larger, comprehensive metaphor of learning as a journey, a long and difficult journey through hell to heaven, expressed in one example among many as “a road with thorns, but at the end there’s a paradise filled with flowers.”52 Because the metaphorical journey has always been conceived as an arduous and testing one, it has demanded the wisdom and expertise of a trusted and respected metaphorical guide, and that figure is the teacher: Teachers are fundamentally sources of knowledge and guidance, energy, warmth, hope and love; they show profound care and a sense of cultivation of humility and morality. Learners strive constantly for knowledge, knowing that this is a long process which requires constant effort; learning may be a bitter-sweet experience but there is guidance and cultivation from teachers and a strong belief in success and the value of learning now for the future.53 Structural, material, habitual, and metaphorical factors have all played a part in projecting continuity as a salient feature of many teachers’ work across successive twentieth-century generations. But within this tendency there also remained an intimate pattern of personal circularity that particularly marked the careers of teachers who, whether from choice or absence of opportunities for promotion, remained throughout their working lives as classroom teachers. Such teachers have deployed the greatest part of their daily labor and interaction within an occupational space shared not with coworkers in a conventional sense but chiefly with youthful others with whom they have been brought together in a common educational endeavor.54 In the pursuit of that endeavor, teachers were effectively lone individuals alongside others with whom they were united in spatial proximity and most often in mutual regard, but from whom they were formally separated in terms of age, role, authority, and responsibility; “men among boys,” according to a British commentator in the 1940s, who “whether openly or subconsciously, tend to regard themselves and to act as a group apart.”55 This distinction of formal categorical separation often bestowed upon teachers’ labor something more than popular perceptions of an anomalous, childlike kind of profession—namely, a particular pattern of cyclical repetition. For long-serving teachers, the classroom—sometimes the self-same classroom—

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was the primary site of a life’s work over the years, whilst their coworkers— successive generations of students—came and went in their turn, each passing through the small world of the classroom and moving out into the “real” world, into new spaces, new experiences, new lives, from which they could look back on the school and their teachers as a childhood memory, whether fondly or otherwise. As Baggerman suggests, while they looked back it was always likely to be recollections of individual teachers that dominated student memory rather than images of their classrooms: “It is after all these people, not desks, pictures on the walls, abacuses, text books, or readers, that left their mark on schooldays.”56 By contrast, when the teacher looked back, what he or she saw was a classroom in which he or she had enjoyed their own early scholarly success, a classroom much like the one to which, a few years later, they had returned as a teacher; memories of a life spent in classrooms. At each year’s end, as students departed and moved on, the teacher was left behind on that small stage, preparing for the next group of students, ready to repeat the familiar “teacherly” cycle again and again.

PATTERNS OF CHANGE Continuities in history are discernible only with the passage of time, across generations. But within the routines of habituated practices, the classrooms of the twentieth century have also been places of change and of transformation. Above all, this has been the case for that majority of school students for whom classrooms have been places where dedicated teaching has daily transcended spatial and local horizons, opening student imaginations to people and places, ideas and opportunities, from around the globe.57 And—for more than a few—the classroom has also always been the setting for a different kind of opening up, for a precocious and thoroughly informal process of incipient teacher preparation, in which the example shown by the teacher at the front of a class—whether positive or negative—could become the inspiration for students to follow a burgeoning ambition to themselves become teachers, in order either to emulate or improve the models they had experienced.58 In this way, for much of the twentieth century the influence of traditional cultures of teaching, developed over generations and drawing upon combinations of charismatic classroom performance and internalized craft skills, could retain a residual influence alongside the predominating impact of programs of formal teacher training. If the classroom, however configured, has remained the principal locus, both real and symbolic, for the work of teachers over the last century, the profession has also witnessed profound changes, both within the classroom and without. Most visibly, along with the quality and scope of professional training, the numerical strength of the global teaching force has dramatically

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increased—and will continue to do so—with nations around the world, at whatever level of development, under pressure variously to invigorate strategies for achieving universal literacy, individual opportunity, gender equity, social justice, economic growth, and social solidarity.59 Yet, when it comes to their own solidarity, teachers have often had problems. The profession has not been a homogeneous one; teaching—like education itself— has been shaped both by the contours of the different national contexts in which teachers have operated and increasingly by the global impact of those transnational organizations and flows—described by Eckhardt Fuchs as “the most important mediators between the global grammar of education and national education systems”60—that have so strikingly marked the closing decades of the twentieth century and the early years of the twentyfirst century. The increasing numbers of teachers latterly moving between different national educational cultures—and quite unlike those who, in the earlier part of the twentieth century, experienced a form of transnational teaching within a context either of colonial exchange or imperial domination61—have often found that in new national settings, “their ‘out of place’ experiences have to do not so much with their qualifications but rather with other aspects that are standing out, namely their ethnicity, culture and language.”62 Other long-standing divisions throughout the modern period have been structural—separating teachers in small rural schools from those in larger urban institutions, those in private as against public schools, and those in junior as against senior schools—and a consequence of differential training regimes—the generalists and the specialists. To these divisions can be added a relational fissure that has exerted a tenacious hold both upon teachers’ professional identities and their day-to-day working lives, namely the distinction between the main body of classroom teachers and the school principals and head teachers—a group for whom the classroom had largely ceased to be a practical focus—who managed teachers’ work. In the American context, Kate Rousmaniere discusses the character of this separation under the heading of “The Great Divide,” invoking the metaphor of the “long hallway” that has formally linked teachers and principals but has also kept them apart; Rousmaniere adduces the contemporary assessment of a midtwentieth-century Chicago teacher: I would say in general that the principal doesn’t make too much of a difference. They don’t really add anything to the actual teaching. They have no pedagogical value. They’re just administrators. They see the school runs smoothly. But as far as teaching, they don’t add a thing.63 Rousmaniere’s account also alludes to a related and persistent current of change in teaching across the twentieth century, and arguably one of its most profound and paradoxical: “Early twentieth century school administrators

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saw women teachers as a real problem.”64 The supposed weaknesses of female teachers in terms of classroom control, discipline, and example, and their perceived special suitability to working with young children, implied that the management of schools needed to be in masculine hands. This concern spoke more widely to the growth in the numbers of women in the teaching force, a process that has been in train in some northern countries since the late nineteenth century and that has continued to spread around the globe in the twentieth century, if with considerable temporal and regional variations in pattern and pace; nonetheless, “women now represent the majority of primary and secondary school teachers in most regions of the world except South and West Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa.”65 This has not been a story of unchallenged incremental advance because the extent and pace of the feminization of teaching have often been viewed with concern—not least on the part of those male teachers who have associated the process not only with the institutionalization of an inappropriate femininity across school culture, but also with a symbolic threat to their professional status and a material threat to their levels of remuneration.66 Morwenna Griffiths traces such antipathy to the nature of entrenched historical differences in the conception and operation of masculinities and femininities within teaching.67 Gender does not constitute a simple binary opposition and masculinity, like femininity, can be associated with a varied range of pedagogical practices within the context of schooling—there is no unitary masculine or feminine practice. The problem arises—has always arisen—when one of the range of practices available to teachers has claimed dominance over the others; in Griffiths’s words, “there is one, clearly dominant masculinity […]: hegemonic masculinity. There is no equivalent hegemonic femininity. It is hegemonic masculinity that is a problem.”68 Across the greater part of the twentieth century, hegemonic masculinity dominated elite education and much of the secondary sector, but it also prevailed in a different way in the elementary sector, expressing itself in a managerialist form in which mainly female teaching staffs were managed by mainly male head teachers. Deborah Olsen gives an example—in this instance relating to women’s colleges rather than elementary schools—of how, in the postwar “defeminization” backlash following the Second World War, prestigious American women’s colleges faced an upsurge in “public disapproval of women working, and especially of ‘careerism’.” The solution to this perceived difficulty on the part of college authorities lay, in the first place, in the redesign of promotional and fundraising literatures, explicitly reorienting them toward wealthy male benefactors and consequently depicting more traditional female gender roles and norms, and in the second place, in “the replacing of older, single women faculty members with married, ‘family-oriented’ men […] devised to ‘normalize’ the faculty of women’s colleges.”69 In the twenty-first century, anxieties

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over a highly feminized teaching profession have particularly centered on the education of boys and the perceived consequences of the dearth of male role models—“the endangered male teacher”70—in the contemporary classroom. Adducing empirical findings showing such anxieties to be without significant foundation, Griffiths argues that schools are not at risk through the feminization of teaching but through a new and aggressive transnational form of hegemonic masculinization: Teaching is becoming masculinized as government policy around the world increasingly imposes managerialism on schools […] the globalization of managerialism has the effect of intensifying gender issues, for example, by encouraging hegemonic masculinity and by reinforcing a rigid male/female binary.71 Globalized managerialism in schooling—a twenty-first-century intensification of Rousmaniere’s “Great Divide” and a key manifestation of a globalized grammar of education—has been, in this analysis, also a stimulant for resistant feminized pedagogical practices raised in mitigation against the effects of standardized managerialism and positively in favor of increased diversity in teaching, and therefore of more open patterns of teacher recruitment into the future. Resistant practices of this kind in the face of hegemonic masculinity have borne a striking family resemblance to the classroom practices by which the minority of women teachers—about one-quarter of the teaching strength of such institutions—who taught in English boys’ elementary schools in the 1920s and 1930s sought to defend their students from the worst excesses of corporal punishment at the hands of their male colleagues.72 In the course of their working lives, teachers across the generations have developed and practiced their personal and professional narrative identities in the classroom. What has been much harder is developing a larger, unifying narrative identity for the profession itself. In part, this has been due to divisions among teachers themselves and in part because the combination of heavy workload and professional commitment has always tended to pull the attention of teachers inwards, to the classroom, rather than outwards, to the world beyond it. Beyond the school, teachers have commonly attracted respect and trust, but only relatively modest occupational status and levels of remuneration that rendered them, in C. Wright Mills’s phrase, “the economic proletarians of the professions.”73 Above all, it has been because teachers have always been troubled by the paradox posed in their aspirations to autonomy of practice as trained professional educators in the face of the constraints of the increasing political controls placed upon their work across the last century.74 Ultimately this resolves into a question of whom the teachers have sought to serve. As Harry Smaller has remarked, “Teachers, everywhere, have often struggled with this dilemma. When there are

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FIGURE 6.4  Striking Chicago teachers, 2012. Shutter Stutter DSC00588.

contradictions, do they work to serve the interests of the state, or those of their students, their parents and/or the local community?”75 On occasions during the twentieth century, this dilemma, and the paradox of autonomy or control that underpins it, has been all but obliterated in circumstances where occupying military powers or authoritarian regimes have sought to dominate teachers’ lives and work through the operation either of repressive or ideological state apparatuses.76 But where they have been able to organize freely, teachers have sought to defend or incrementally advance their interests and those of their students through their trade unions and associations, though these have often also reflected the profession’s internal divisions and its enduring anxieties about its professional status (Figure 6.4).77 At the international level too, teachers’ organizations have been historically divided, but in 1993, upon inauguration of the worldwide teachers’ union, Education International, teaching attained a unified global presence.78 What makes this so important is the rising threat to teachers’ professional practices—“a denationalization of teachers’ work”79—represented, from the 1980s onwards, by the advance—the “thickening”80—of forms of globalized educational governance that emphasized outcomes over process and accountability over professional judgment.81 “By the early 1990s,” as Robertson indicates, “it was possible to see deep and far-reaching changes to teachers’ work and workplaces.” This global process of change and its impact on the lives, work, and careers of the world’s teachers continues to unfold, leading Robertson to

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reflect on “the degree of interpretation—or control—given to teachers over this process […]? The evidence suggests very little.”82 It is in this light that we might once again invoke metaphors to ponder the movement of a stubborn residual “grammar of schooling” from the twentieth century toward a new globalized “grammar of education” for the twenty-first century; and we might then also think of Brougham’s words from the nineteenth—“he trusted more to the schoolmaster.”83

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CHAPTER SEVEN

Literacies JEFFERY D. NOKES, RONI JO DRAPER, AND AMY PETERSEN JENSEN

INTRODUCTION On October 9, 2012, fifteen-year-old Malala Yousafzai was shot in the head by a Taliban gunman in a northwestern region of Pakistan. Although young, Yousafzai had become a proponent for the right of girls to receive an education and gain access to literacy. The gunman stepped onto a bus, demanded to know who Malala was, then attempted to snuff out her life. He failed. Instead, he threw Yousafzai into the international spotlight. She moved to the United Kingdom to receive medical treatment and continued with her struggle for the right of all children to have access to literacy. In 2014, at the age of seventeen, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. On October 6, 2006, half a world away from Pakistan, thirteen-year-old Megan Taylor ended her own life at her home in the central United States. Taylor was a fairly typical American teenager living a relatively carefree life, but she suffered from depression. When she made a new acquaintance online, her spirits were lifted. Yet, eventually the cyber-messages exchanged with her contact became more hostile. Shortly before she commited suicide, the individual wrote her a message, “You are a bad person.” He continued, “The world would be a better place without you.” It was later discovered that her online friend was not the sixteen-year-old boy she thought she had been communicating with but a fictional character invented by a woman in the neighborhood whose daughter had once been offended by Taylor.

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The stories of Malala Yousafzai and Megan Taylor encapsulate many of the trends in literacy that developed during the twentieth century—increasing access of girls and women to literacy; political upheaval in former colonies, with literacy seen as a threat and used as a commodity; the impact of local and global calamities on literacies; new uses of reading and writing; and new ways of publishing diverse text formats. Both stories dramatically illustrate the lifeand-death power of literacy in the modern age. Major developments of the twentieth century shaped literacy. Literacy influenced and was influenced by changes and conditions such as industrialization, urbanization, immigration, imperialism, racism, sexism, war, the spread of social democratic governments, independence movements, education reform, human rights movements, genocide, terrorism, and technological innovation. A full description of trends in literacies in each nation over the course of a century lies beyond the scope of this chapter. Instead, we focus on two themes that capture the most profound changes in literacy: who was literate, and what and how were people reading and writing. In the first section of this chapter, we consider who was literate. We start by using a definition of literacy offered by the United Nations in its research on literacy rates—as functional literacy. Functional literacy is seen as the ability to read (decode inscriptions) and write (encode) at a very basic level that allows one to participate in one’s society. Most of the data described in this chapter come from United Nations’ agencies that use as their standard of functional literacy the ability to read or write a short simple statement about one’s everyday life.1 Meanwhile, we acknowledge that the very definition of literacy one uses serves to privilege some ways of being in the world over others, a matter we discuss later. In the second section of this chapter, we examine what and how people read and wrote. We explore the way the concept of literacy took on increasingly complex meanings during the twentieth century.

WHO WAS READING AND WRITING? Between 1920 and 2018, namely the time period considered in this chapter, explosive growth was seen in the numbers of literate and, in some world regions, illiterate people. It is difficult to describe the impact of all global events on literacies and literacy rates, although an understanding of eight global trends gives a good sense of the biggest changes occurring with respect to who was literate. Trend 1: Individuals in industrialized nations became literate in public schools In the first few millennia after the development of writing, literacy was reserved for a handful of upper-class men. Illiteracy characterized the vast majority of the population of every society. Gradually, particularly following the development

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of the printing press, increasing numbers of men and women learned to read and write. These trends reached their peak in the twentieth century when some nations achieved almost full functional literacy for both men and women. However, literacy was not spread evenly around the globe, with nations that had advanced economies (namely, had experienced industrial and market revolutions) being quicker to enjoy higher rates. Historians claim the Industrial Revolution had a short-term negative impact on literacy rates in industrializing nations such as the United Kingdom and the United States.2 Prior to this, children who labored on family farms were often taught basic literacies within a family setting. With industrialization, and the resulting urbanization, children’s employment shifted from family farms to factories where they spent many hours outside of the home, with ever fewer opportunities to develop literacy by the side of their mothers and fathers. The long hours and dangerous working conditions in factories, mines, and other workplaces attracted the attention of reformers who began to view school attendance as an attractive alternative to wage labor for children. As reformers succeeded in convincing policy-makers of the evils of child labor, the promotion of public education and, eventually, compulsory education gradually removed children from factories and placed them in schools. Industrialized nations began investing in better and more structured public schools. In the United States, where immigrants joined, then replaced, child laborers, schools and literacies (in English) were seen as the key to the Americanization of immigrants and to preparing the next generation of productive factory workers. The effects of the proliferation of public schools were gradual, yet remarkable. For example, in the United States a bigger share of children completed eighth grade in 1980 than completed third grade in 1930.3 By the second half of the century, the percentage of functionally illiterate adults was negligible in the world’s leading industrial regions. For example, in 1970 United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) estimated that just 1.5 percent of adults in North America and 3.6 percent in Europe were functionally illiterate.4 These figures were significantly lower than Latin America, Asia, and Africa, that is, world regions with less advanced economies by the middle of the twentieth century, with adult illiteracy rates of 23.6 percent, 46.8 percent, and 73.7 percent, respectively.5 Conditions in Japan further demonstrate the connection between industrialization and literacy rates. Unlike much of Asia, Japan industrialized itself rapidly in the late 1800s and was also exceptional in its literacy. By 1960, literacy rates in Japan, which had promoted widespread literacy even before the twentieth century, were comparable—even higher—than those in Europe and North America at almost 98 percent.6 Questions about causation remain: did economic advancement lead to the higher literacy rates or did the higher literacy rates lead to economic advancement? The most likely scenario is that the higher literacy rates led to advancement, which led to even higher literacy rates.

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Trend 2: Nearly all individuals in social democracies and many communist nations became literate Economic progress to some extent explains the rapid rise of literacy rates in some nations, yet it only partially explains the twentieth-century trends. While some historians attribute the rising literacy rates to progressive reforms and conditions associated with economic advancement, others recognize the role of government structures in promoting literacy. Social institutions, such as free and compulsory school systems, government-sponsored health care and other welfare support allowed individuals to focus more attention on developing literacy, with powerful effects.7 Individuals were more likely to excel at school when they were free of hunger, illness, and other insecurities. For instance, as Scandinavian nations adopted socialist political agendas, literacy rates approached 100 percent in Sweden, Finland, Iceland, and Denmark, with Norway only slightly behind.8 By the end of the twentieth century, the school systems of Finland and Sweden had become models for other nations. While clearly important, schools were only one factor in the development of literacy in socialist states. The welfare policies of Sweden and other socialist nations reduced income inequality and poverty rates, factors that contributed to illiteracy. Communist nations also devoted considerable resources to developing literacy, with greater equality in access to education for girls and boys. In 1919, Lenin began a campaign to eradicate illiteracy within the Soviet Union within eight years, an ambitious goal given the USSR’s multinational and multilingual nature.9 While this objective proved unachievable, by 1959 nearly all individuals in the USSR aged nine to forty-nine were functionally literate. By 1960, communist Poland and Hungary had literacy rates of 95.3 percent and 96.8 percent, respectively. Some communist nations of Eastern Europe started the second half of the twentieth century well behind their European neighbors but made remarkable improvements. For example, in Bulgaria, illiteracy rates dropped from 24.2 percent in 1946, at the dawn of communist rule, to reach 9.8 percent in 1965. Other nations within the Soviet communist sphere similarly tackled illiteracy. In Albania, more than half the population was illiterate in 1950, but by 1955 the figure had fallen to 28.5 percent. Communist Yugoslavia, which remained outside the Soviet sphere, experienced less drastic improvements in literacy rates, with nearly a quarter of its population still illiterate in 1961.10 After the break-up of the Soviet Union, the former states continued to enjoy high literacy levels. In the twenty-first century, many former Soviet Union states enjoy nearly full functional literacy. These include Albania, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Ukraine, and others.11 While fighting the French reoccupation after the Second World War, the Vietnamese began a massive literacy campaign. By 1958, illiteracy had been nearly eradicated in the communist north of the divided nation. Though the

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objectives were political as much as they were humanitarian, with literacy explicitly connected to resistance to imperialism, the outcomes were impressive. Following the withdrawal of US armed forces and Vietnam’s reunification, the literacy campaign was renewed in the south. By the dawn of the twentyfirst century, illiteracy was confined to certain remote mountainous regions of Vietnam.12 A similar commitment to doing away with illiteracy was made by North Korea, China, and Cuba, with similarly impressive results.13 Trend 3: Individuals in urban areas experience higher literacy rates than those in rural areas Urbanization around the world, an effect of increasing industrialization, has impacted literacy. In a cyclical manner, factories were built near population centers, which attracted more workers and more factories, resulting in the urban sprawl characterizing the twenty-first century. In 2014, slightly more than half the world’s population lived in urban areas.14 Throughout the twentieth century, cities had higher literacy rates than rural regions. Several factors gave urban dwellers an advantage in learning to read and write. For example, cities had more abundant resources for schools, printing, publishing, and libraries. Cities provided jobs that required literacy. And literacy led to greater literacy, as the need to be literate in city life became expected.15 Literacy was not equally high across all urban areas. For example, some US cities attracted large shares of illiterate immigrants who immediately became factory workers and remained illiterate. In contrast, certain agricultural regions that employed seasonal labor allowed time for some schooling, resulting in higher literacy rates.16 However, it was more common to see higher literacy in cities than among rural farmers. For example, a 1947 survey conducted in Argentina found that 8.8 percent of the urban population was illiterate compared with 23.2 percent of the rural population. An even greater disparity was found in Chile in 1952, with 10 percent of the urban population being illiterate compared with 36 percent in the rural regions. Everywhere that surveys distinguished between urban and rural populations, a similar trend was found, such as in Honduras, Puerto Rico, and Panama in 1950, and in Mexico in 1960.17 Despite efforts by Adventist missionaries to establish Quechua-speaking schools in the highlands of Peru, literacy among the native highlanders stayed only slightly over half the rate of coastal (urban) Peruvians in 1961.18 Even within the United States, with its low rates of illiteracy, the share of illiterate rural farmers was about three times that for urbanites in 1960. A very significant global demographic trend in the twentieth century was increasing urbanization, with literacy being promoted to a greater extent in cities. It is therefore not surprising that nations with little urban development found it more difficult to foster literacy.

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Trend 4: Fewer individuals in colonies were literate, although rates increased after decolonization The twentieth century commenced with the British, French, American, and other industrial nations controlling vast overseas empires. Policies within the colonies were based on racist notions that were perpetuated by unequal opportunities being provided for education and literacy. Most Europeans residing in the colonies, as well as some favored locals, enjoyed educational privileges that set them apart from the vast majority of Indigenous peoples. Nowhere were such inequalities more extreme than in the French colony of Algeria, where Muslim literacy rates hovered at 8 percent in 1954, while 93 percent of European-Algerians could read and write.19 Literacy rates among the Indigenous people in France’s sub-Saharan West African nations were similarly low. For instance, in 1960, native Africans in Niger and Senegal experienced literacy rates of 1.5 percent and 5.6 percent, respectively. On average, only 3 in 1,000 African women in Niger could read or write in 1960. A 1950 survey of literacy in Mozambique distinguished between European and Indigenous respondents using the terms “advanced” or “non-advanced.” Almost 90 percent of the advanced population could read and write. In contrast, just 1.5 percent of the non-advanced population was literate. Although not technically a colony, Israel experienced inequalities in literacy between its Jewish and Muslim residents, revealing a two-tier education system. Among Jewish citizens, 87.9 percent were functionally literate in 1961. In contrast, less than half (48.3 percent) of the Muslim population of Israel could read or write.20 In some colonies, humanitarian groups, often religious-based, established schools to foster literacy among Indigenous peoples. For instance, in 1889, in Malawi in Southeast Africa, the Dutch Reformed Church established mission schools to increase literacy, promote conversion to Protestant Christianity, and bolster the position of the Dutch in relation to the British in southern Africa. The leaders of the Indigenous communities saw the missionaries as potential allies in their continued fight against the ongoing slave trade. By 1927, 727 village schools had been established by missionaries. While well-intentioned, racism was central to the curriculum at these schools, with Africans viewed as second-class citizens who, nonetheless, needed basic literacy in order to read the Bible. Malawian girls were invited to attend schools and outnumbered boys in 1926, although the curriculum was as sexist as it was racist. For girls, the instructional objectives were merely rudimentary literacy.21 Education programs for colonized peoples in some nations might be seen as ethnic cleansing. For example, the aboriginal peoples of Canada, often referred to as First Nations, were targeted for assimilation into mainstream Canadian culture. Though historians disagree about the degree of malicious intent, starting in the nineteenth century and continuing into the twentieth century, children of First Nations were relocated into boarding schools where they were taught to

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read and write in the language of the colonizers—English or French. The effect of such instruction was the decimation of Indigenous cultures. For example, eightyear-old Thomas Moore Keesick, a member of the Muscowpetung Saulteaux First Nation, posed in native clothing and with props for a photograph before entering the Regina Indian Industrial School. His photograph was taken again approximately four years later (see Figure 7.1). The pictures were published in 1896 to demonstrate the success of such schools. Today, the photographs demonstrate the tragic loss of culture that accompanied the education and expanding literacy of aboriginal peoples.22 With the Dawes Act of 1877, similar schools were established for the Native Americans living within the United States. A decade later, Japan passed the Hokkaido Former Aborigine Protection Act, modeled after the Dawes Act, to assimilate Japan’s Indigenous Ainu peoples. Literacy increased among aboriginal people, yet it did so in the language of the colonizer and at the cost of the loss of Indigenous cultures. At the end of the Second World War, a great wave of independence movements liberated many European and American colonies. The Philippines gained independence from the United States in 1946. After years of decolonization efforts, India gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1947, and was partitioned into India and East and West Pakistan. During the 1950s, African colonies began to achieve independence, with a flood of new African nations being established in the 1960s. New challenges came with independence,

FIGURE 7.1  Photographs taken of Thomas Moore Keesick before and after his education at the Regina Indian Industrial School in the 1890s. Photograph courtesy of the Provincial Archives of Saskatchewan.

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including renewed hostilities between former local rivals, experimentation in self-governance, feelings of inferiority, partitioning of land between ethnic groups, poverty, finding a role within the Cold War rivalries, and illiteracy. But along with independence the newly developed national governments also found opportunities to establish more equitable education systems, although many lacked the resources to create quality schools. Under self-government, literacy rates in Vietnam climbed from 64.5 percent in 1960 to 94 percent in 2009. After the short-lived French control of Syria, literacy climbed from 29.5 percent in 1960 to 86 percent in 2013. After Philippine independence, literacy rates improved from 60 percent in 1948 to 71.9 percent in 1960 and 95 percent in 2008.23 This pattern of gradually improving literacy rates following independence was common, except within sub-Saharan Africa, where a lack of resources and social and political unrest prevented adequate funding for schools. In the twenty-first century, the majority in many African nations remain illiterate. In 2012, only 41 percent of the adults in Côte d’Ivoire were literate, 27 percent in South Sudan, 29 percent in Benin and Burkino Faso, and 39 percent in Ethiopia. The economic devastation caused during colonization and perpetuated by government instability continues to impact literacy in these nations.24 Trend 5: Individuals living in poverty and racial minorities became literate at increasing rates As privileged classes began to reach near full literacy, and as those in poverty gained greater access to education, differences shrank between the functional literacy rates of the rich and poor. These trends extended beyond class to racial distinctions in those nations that had racial majorities and minorities. For example, in the latter half of the nineteenth century, African Americans held in slavery in the United States were rarely allowed to learn to read or write. Due to these policies, when the USA abolished slavery in 1865, the vast majority of African Americans were illiterate. In the 1880 census, 95.6 percent of white Americans claimed to be functionally literate, compared with 30 percent of racial minorities. Throughout the twentieth century, African Americans and their friends struggled to end discrimination and to gain for African Americans the civil rights enjoyed by whites, including improved educational opportunities. In the landmark case of Brown vs. Board of Education, in 1954 the US Supreme Court ruled that segregated schools were unconstitutional. In spite of continued resistance in certain regions of the United States, by 1979 only 1.6 percent of African Americans lacked functional literacy compared with 0.4 percent of whites.25 Such a trend was a remarkable accomplishment for a group that continued to suffer discrimination and higher rates of poverty throughout the twentieth century.

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South Africa experienced a complex racial topography, with blacks (descendants of aboriginal peoples) and coloreds (persons with black and white ancestry) representing a majority of the population, and whites (descendants of European colonizers), Indians, and others holding minority status. Still, up until the anti-apartheid revolution of the 1980s and 1990s, blacks and coloreds faced severe discrimination, including less access to literacy. In 1960, 31.5 percent of the blacks and coloreds in South Africa were functionally literate.26 When apartheid was dealt its death blow in an election in 1994, education was one of the main platforms of the African National Congress that came to power. In less than twenty years, by 2010, 93 percent of South African adults, including the majority blacks, were functionally literate, with 99 percent of South African youth possessing basic reading and writing skills.27 The cases of the United States and South Africa represent trends occurring around the world of the increasing access to literacies for minorities (or majorities that suffered from discrimination) and the underprivileged. Literacy once reserved for just a handful of elite, upper-class men was increasingly available to individuals of all classes. Still, illiteracy remained highly correlated with poverty both within and between nations. Trend 6: Women and girls became literate at increasing rates Malala Yousafzai, described in the opening paragraph of this chapter, was working to close the gap between the literacies of men and women when she was assaulted by a Taliban gunman. In 2010, 62 percent of Pakistani women were functionally literate compared to 80 percent of Pakistani men.28 Reformers in other nations encountered less opposition than Yousafzai and achieved success quicker. In the twenty-first century, similar shares of men and women possess literacies in most countries, with women even exceeding their male counterparts in some states.29 During twentieth-century colonial occupation, women generally had fewer educational opportunities than men, with colonizing nations feeling apathetic about the need to educate girls. This included British Rhodesia where the education of boys and men was seen as a means for reducing resistance to European rule and for building an effective labor force, but the education of girls and women assumed a lower priority. Some schoolmasters viewed girls’ enrollment in schools as merely their excuse to escape from the drudgeries of domestic life and to instead have fun. Further, there was a fear that literate women might spurn their traditional domestic roles. Still, girls and women made up the majority of students in some Anglican-sponsored schools in Rhodesia during the 1920s, although the education of women was not a high priority until decolonization.30

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Growth in literacy rates for women were slow prior to decolonization but gradually gained momentum after independence. For example, in Libya in 1964, thirteen years after declaring independence, women’s literacy rates were significantly lower than men’s, 4.2 percent to 37.5 percent.31 In contrast, in 2013 only 12 percent separated the literacy rates of women and men, 84 percent to 96 percent, respectively.32 Still, within some nations large gaps continued between the literacy rates of men and women—primarily in nations where poverty was high and families had fewer resources to devote to education. In Algeria, for example, 15.5 percent of women were literate in 1954 compared with 22.6 percent of men. In 1966, four years after gaining independence, the literacy rate for men had increased to 29.9 percent while the literacy rate for women had dropped to 8 percent (partly due to the expulsion of literate French colonists). Forty years later, in 2006 the literacy rates for men and women were 81 percent and 64 percent, respectively. In Uganda, Zaire (Congo), and Zambia differences between men’s and women’s literacy rates were 22.9 percent, 26.4 percent, and 23.5 percent, respectively, when surveys were performed around 1960.33 Near 2010, these disparities had changed little with 18 percent, 25 percent, and 20 percent, respectively.34 To summarize, in most states women experienced increases in access to literacy, closing the gap that had existed since the dawn of writing. In certain states, they surpassed men’s literacy rates. However, in many nations, particularly those impoverished, women continued to have fewer opportunities to develop even functional literacy. Trend 7: Individuals’ opportunities for literacy have been impacted by catastrophes The twentieth century was marked by global wars unprecedented in the degree of death and destruction they brought; genocides, including the Holocaust where millions perished; environmental calamities; famine; refugee crises; natural disasters; and unspeakable human rights violations. Further, totalitarian regimes in many states have commandeered literacies and education systems in oppressive and repressive ways—even while sometimes promoting literacy. In each catastrophe, the people striving for survival have possessed fewer resources to devote to education, yet many have found creative ways to promote literacy— even risking their lives to do so. For instance, educators within combat zones during the Second World War adjusted literacy instruction to meet the changing conditions and ongoing risks. During the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, guerrilla teachers operated underground schools using supplies stolen from closed schools or making do with available materials. Students recalled learning to write using sharpened sticks and banana leaves. Others recalled that writing instruction was eliminated

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and replaced by oral drills in reading and mathematics.35 Even efforts to build basic literacy skills in adults continued through the war, with the modest objective of preparing soldiers to write their names and read. Within the Filipino underground, attendance at literacy classes became compulsory for illiterate soldiers. Civilians were also invited to attend. Risking the lives of teachers and students, the nurturing of literacy in underground schools continued in the Philippines throughout the war.36 In some regions of the world, brief catastrophes—even on a huge scale— had little long-term impact on school systems or literacy rates. However, in locations where a series of hardships had been faced, one after another, literacy has suffered. For example, Ethiopia suffered three decades of famine, brutal government oppression, violent civil unrest, and shocking human rights violations in the period 1961–91 when much of the rest of Africa’s decolonized regions were seeing an unprecedented expansion of literacy. The effects of Ethiopia’s conflicts have been staggering, with millions of deaths due to war or famine, environmental devastation, and continued political instability. It is little wonder that literacy has been a smaller concern, resulting in one of the lowest literacy rates in the world well into the twentyfirst century.37 Trend 8: Many individuals remained illiterate The first seven trends hitherto listed paint a glowing picture of literacies in the twentieth century. Yet, it should be remembered that the United Nations’ standard for determining functional literacy is low—requiring just the ability to read or write a simple sentence.38 In many societies, functional literacy was no longer allowing one to function effectively by the dawn of the twenty-first century. Further, although literacy rates were increasing, reading abilities were not. For example, within the United States reading scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, which included a nationwide assessment of reading aptitude, plateaued in the 1970s and began to decline.39 In addition, literacies continued to be highly discriminatory in terms of both access and content. In many places in the world, women continued to have less access to literacy than men. Around the world, people who lived in poverty read at much lower rates than those who experienced more prosperous conditions. And refugees and immigrants had less access to literacy. In spite of increasing basic literacies, reading and writing continued to reflect the distribution of power and wealth both within and across countries. Perhaps the most alarming trend in literacies of the twentieth century is the staggering number of people who remained illiterate. In 1985, it was estimated that 965 million adults were illiterate, 561 million of them women.40 In some locations, population increases outpaced the growth of literacy—although

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illiteracy rates decreased, the actual number of illiterate individuals rose. To conclude, the twentieth century was unprecedented in terms of the spread of literacy, yet illiteracy continued to be a problem in rural areas of economically underdeveloped regions, especially among women.

WHAT AND HOW PEOPLE READ AND WRITE These eight trends highlight changes in who was literate across the modern era. We now turn our attention to what and how people were reading. In order to comprehend significant changes that developed in literacy, it is important to review the traditional elements of reading and writing. Throughout history and during much of the modern era, reading and writing involved a language (e.g., Russian), a script (e.g., the Cyrillic Alphabet), a medium (e.g., pen and paper), a genre (e.g., poetry), an outlet (e.g., Oxford University Press), and an audience (e.g., middle-aged Russian women). Within this section, we highlight the way in which these traditional elements of literacy have been upended during the modern era. We contend that the majority of literate acts engaged in during the twenty-first century bear little resemblance with the literacies of a century ago. No longer are literacies confined to language, script, paper, or presses—think, for instance, of memes, a popular genre that blends images, pithy statements, and allusions to pop culture, which are created using digital tools and published through social media platforms to networks of friends (see Figure 7.2). In much of modern writing, computer and phone screens

FIGURE 7.2  “You Shall Not Pass.” Meme alluding to a line from the motion picture The Lord of the Rings. Produced by a meme generator found at https://www. memecreator.org/meme/you-shall-not-pass-without-hard-work-and-determination (December 18, 2019).

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have replaced paper, and keyboards are substitutes for pencils. New genres such as blog posts were published through new outlets, the most obvious being the internet. And writers had access to global and local audiences in unprecedented ways, as demonstrated by the tragic story of Megan Taylor told in the introduction to this chapter. We consider five trends in what and how people were reading and writing in order to summarize the major changes in literacies during the modern era. Trend 1: The proliferation of new technologies led to the notion of literacies (plural) and new literacies Writing, in its historical meaning, is the creation of a relatively permanent record of spoken language. Since the development of writing thousands of years ago, scripts, alphabets, and media have changed, but the notion that the reading and writing involved recorded spoken language remained relatively unaltered. Development of the printing press accelerated the spread of printed materials, yet did not fundamentally change the notion that reading and writing meant deciphering and using characters associated with spoken language. However, technological developments in the modern era have led to new ideas about the meaning of literacy and the increasing use of the plural term literacies to describe the ever more complex manner in which individuals negotiate and create meaning with an expanding range of language-based and nonlanguagebased symbols. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries brought advancements in photography, graphic design, audio recording, video recording, computing, and connectivity—particularly the internet—advancements that fundamentally altered the processes of reading and writing. Never before has such a vast repository of information been available, nor have writing genres integrated images, movement, sounds, and words as occur on webpages. In addition, online platforms such as email, chat rooms, Facebook, and Twitter allow writers and readers to interact in unprecedented ways. In 2009, Leu and his colleagues speculated that the internet may have “the most profound influence on life in the twenty-first century,” highlighting the importance of developing what they and others referred to as new literacies, skills essential for online reading and writing.41 Today, literacy scholars identify the ability to interact fluently with print and nonprint, language-based and nonlanguage-based texts (defined broadly) as multimodal literacies. Within the paradigm of multimodality, new literacies scholars, particularly the New London Group, described a conception of literacies in which individuals create and negotiate meaning through talk, gestures, texts, images, tools, and platforms associated with new technologies.42 New literacies, then, required reading, writing, and a myriad of

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other literacies necessary to negotiate and create contemporary texts. Although many scholars and educators have welcomed discussions of these multimodal literacies surrounding new technologies, questions have been raised about whether expanding literacies to include fluency with these new formats is useful or necessary. On the one hand, would focusing on multimodal literacies keep societies from seeking universal functional literacy? On the other, would remaining fixated on functional literacy serve to create a new illiterate populace—one unprepared to function fully in a society saturated with new technologies and multimodal communication? Capitalizing on this expanding notion of literacies, specialized communities, such as scientists, artists, and activists, with their idiosyncratic vocabularies and unique semiotic sign systems also challenged the idea that texts only include recorded language. Instead, they contended that reading and writing involve making sense of words, images, sounds, and movements in specialized ways and across unique platforms. Educators, too, sought to expand notions of literacy, arguing that because the texts negotiated and created by experts of each discipline differ, unique literacies are needed in each subject.43 For example, to be historically literate, individuals must know how to construct historical interpretations using primary sources and artifacts in a manner that reflects, to the degree possible, the work of historians.44 Depending on the topic of inquiry, historical texts might include music, song lyrics, fashions, architecture, movies, propaganda posters, or other artifacts as well as journal entries, letters, government documents, newspaper accounts, and other written texts. Historical literacies include the ability to construct and defend historical interpretations using such texts as evidence. In other contexts, literate individuals might rely more or less on traditional words, sentences, and paragraphs—both in negotiating and creating meaning.45 In the twenty-first century, literacies are more complex than ever before. In contrast to the United Nations’ simple definition of literate, we propose that every individual concurrently possesses both literacies and illiteracies in various contexts, cultures, and disciplines. Trend 2: Former inequalities in literacy rates continued as inequities in reading achievement Even as the definition of literacy was being questioned, standards increased regarding what it meant to be literate. At the start of the twentieth century, societies required relatively little formal schooling to produce functionally literate individuals who met UNESCO’s standards. By the dawn of the twentyfirst century, few viewed such a limited standard as sufficient for twenty-firstcentury reading and writing tasks—tasks that require the critical evaluation of increasingly sophisticated and multimodal texts. Changes in contexts,

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technologies, and societies led to higher standards for what it meant to be literate. Measurements of reading achievement distinguished more-proficient from lessproficient readers. Unfortunately, as gaps in the rates of functional literacy between women and men, poor and rich, rural and urban, the colonized and the colonizers shrank, gaps in the literacy achievement of these groups remained. Just as societies improved their literacy rates, literacy achievement gaps across populations (for example, class, race, gender, immigrant status, ability, and so forth) continued to reveal challenges with universal access to all literacies, especially those associated with the newest technologies and platforms. As the notion of literacy has broadened, inequities have continued. For instance, Resnick and Resnick noted in 1977 that while universal literacy rates had increased, elite classes, particularly in France, had the means to provide young people with access to texts and literacies more technically advanced than those available to their less-wealthy peers. In spite of social reforms, including the democratization of schooling, the reduction of school fees, and the increased number of primary schools, literacy inequities remained—they just looked different than in previous generations. Resnick and Resnick predicted that “literacy standards in the United States in the 1990s will be both more demanding and more widely applied than any previous standard,”46 meaning that what counts as literate will become a more complicated and complex form of literacy. Indeed, their prediction has proven true and continued well beyond the 1990s. Trend 3: Social and political power structures govern what counts as text and who has access to information Today and throughout the modern era, the nature of the definition of literacy has served to privilege some texts and activities within any given society, which ultimately privileged some people while disadvantaging others. Stated simply, those who define literacy possess great power. For example, when literacy was limited to recorded spoken language, only those languages for which a script existed possessed legitimacy. For instance, for much of the modern era, historians favored written evidence over oral histories, such as stories passed down from one generation to another by griots in West African societies.47 Although this bias has declined in recent decades, the grand historical narrative commonly taught in public schools in Europe and America has continued to marginalize non-Western societies with oral rather than written traditions. When literacy was defined as fluency with recorded language, one could not be literate in a language that was only spoken. And many languages of those who were colonized either lacked a script (namely, symbols to represent the spoken sounds) or possessed a script that was not valued by those in power.

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As described above, the spread of literacy among the First Nations of Canada, the American Indians of the United States, and the Ainu people of Japan had devastating effects on Indigenous cultures. At boarding schools, students gained literacy within the language of those in power, with the loss of their native culture. Indigenous students were often punished for using native languages or for participating in traditional rituals that were not recognized by school administrators and teachers. In what has been termed ethnic cleansing, native youths were assimilated into the culture of the colonizers, with literacy playing a central role in the assimilation process (see Figure 7.1). Around the world, literacy in the traditional sense was tied to a language, and that language was often, though not always, that of the colonizers. Only in recent decades has this trend been reversed, as people in power began to value traditional languages and cultures, and culturally relevant pedagogy was used to nurture literacies among diverse students.48 Further, when considering literacy in the traditional sense, certain genres were often associated with people of power while other genres were associated with resistance. Some educators espoused the use of a traditional canon of literature—texts that were produced by the privileged, for the privileged, using genres familiar to the privileged. Such texts were of little interest to students on the fringe of or outside the dominant culture. Moreover, students were often expected to write using formal conventions and established genres, structures that were foreign to the native discourse of many families. Such conventional instruction perpetuated power structures, as the children of privilege flourish within such settings, while those on the fringe experienced frustration and failure.49 As with language and culture, in recent decades a greater push has been made to recognize noncanonical texts as valuable contributions to the body of literature, to reach outside of the culture of power in selecting texts, and to allow young people to produce texts that are more culturally relevant.50 For instance, in the United States hip-hop music originated among urban African Americans in the 1970s as a form of resistance but gradually began to be seen by some academics as a legitimate form of literacy.51 On top of this, those who controlled the definition of literacy were often those who controlled access to the means by which members of the community gained literacies. Within a school setting, when literacy was connected solely with recorded spoken language, it privileged reading and writing courses over music, the arts, technology, and mathematics. The results were policies such as the “every teacher a literacy teacher” popular within the United States, which required teachers of all disciplines to dedicate time to teaching reading and writing in the traditional sense. Art teachers were required to give their students tasks such as book reports on famous artists rather than creating art, and mathematics teachers were expected to have their students keep written journals of their learning rather than more mathematics-focused literacies.52

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Gym teachers and music teachers were required to find ways to integrate reading and writing into their curriculum. In response and in resistance to such policies, some educators pushed back against administrators, suggesting that schools adopt an expanded notion of literacy, more in line with the thinking of the New London Group.53 Many researchers agreed, proposing an expanded notion of texts that included, for instance, the human body in dance class and theatre, music and musical notation in music class, artifacts and oral histories in history class, and diagrams and flow charts in the technology classroom. As researchers broadened the meaning of text, they shared the power over literacy across the curriculum and improved instruction across content areas. Teachers reimagined their roles as disciplinary literacy teachers rather than merely the deliverers of content knowledge.54 As the notion of literacy expanded, the legitimization of literate acts raised new questions. For instance, if teachers were to recognize the literacies central to students’ lives (for example, video games), would they be failing to prepare students to thrive in societies that favor literacies that are not central to their experiences? Was it proper for academics to embrace and provide instruction in nontraditional genres, dialects, or outlets, or was doing so an offensive appropriation of culture? Did students need instruction, and could teachers provide instruction in literacies that students often possessed to a greater degree than their teachers? Did instruction in nontraditional literacies divert resources and time from instruction in literacies that were more vital for success in a society that favored some literate acts and texts over others? Trend 4: New technologies upended public news and publishing structures and gave a voice to new authors Throughout most of the twentieth century, an individual’s news and information outlets, together with their awareness and comprehension of key public issues, were determined by the centralized news media and government organizations within their country. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, new technologies overturned these unchallenged outlets, changing the way information was created, shared, and consumed. The internet decentralized the publication of news and information texts. By 2009, print news was in a global decline, replaced to some degree by online news outlets.55 Print newspaper sales had plummeted and prominent news organizations had shut down or digitally reinvented how they presented the news. The affordances of new technologies allowed for the inclusion of embedded video, hyperlinks to other websites, real-time commentary from readers/viewers, and other text types and features impossible with print-based texts. These new texts required new literacies of readers and writers as they had to learn to manage the cacophony of messages, hypertext links (highlighted

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words that when selected take a reader to a different website), and voices offered in one space. Gone was the expectation that texts be read or written in a linear fashion, and the strict binary between the reader and the writer began to blur as readers could immediately add written comments. New technologies increased the democratization of information since authors did not need to rely on editors or publishing houses to make their ideas available to readers and as readers responded directly to authors and shared those responses with other readers. Using the new technologies, the readers of digital texts could now gather facts, information, and misinformation from friends, neighbors, and strangers. They formed or joined like-minded affinity groups through social media platforms and found themselves empowered to create and publish their own texts. Using social media, individuals wrested the power over information sources away from news conglomerates and became self-made arbiters of international news and information.56 One prominent example of this occurred in northern Africa and southwestern Asia during the period 2010–11. Using mobile devices with digital tools, young people in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen incited protest movements (see Figure 7.3). During the Arab Spring, as this uprising was later branded, activists propelled personal words and images across the borders of Arab nations for social and political purposes. Social media devices

FIGURE 7.3  Arab Spring Protest, February 1, 2011. Photograph by Essam Sharaf. Wikimedia Commons.

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and platforms allowed reformers to circumvent traditional news outlets. As a result, reformers controlled their own stories as they worked to affect change, effectively decentralizing control over media messages.57 The effective digital communications strategies, or literacies, used during the Arab Spring illustrate how readers and writers actively engaged with new technologies. Records of digital expressions from this historical moment also demonstrate the multiple modalities (images, text, video, SMS) that individuals used while negotiating and creating news and information messages. Meanwhile, these new texts required new literacies of readers and writers as they sought to manage the cacophony of messages and voices offered in a single space. Authors and readers co-constructed texts that were written, read, and responded to in a nonlinear fashion. In spite of the internet-driven democratization of literacy, the introduction, availability, and accessibility of new technologies and the accompanying new literacies were never uniform within or across communities. Instead, the introduction of new technologies unavoidably widened the divide between individuals who had full access to the new conversations, new information, and new power (because they had both the technologies and the literacies) and those who did not. Still, new technologies provided opportunities for individuals to share ideas in ways that skirted around the traditional gatekeepers of publishing. Trend 5: A greater burden was placed on readers to discern information from misinformation Ever since being invented, writing has been used as a tool to spread propaganda. However, the increasing ease with which online publishing occurs creates a stronger need for readers to think critically about the information they are reading. Even before the internet age, the twentieth century brought “photoshopping” through which images could be altered to substantially change their meaning. Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, as well as other government officials, had photographs edited in order to bolster their public image (see Figure 7.4).58 Awareness of such a tactic, and the accompanying skepticism, became a vital visual literacy strategy. Still, savvy politicians used their control of the media to manipulate stories and proliferate “fake news” long before it was given that name.59 For instance, in 1973 Augusto Pinochet planted exaggerated news reports of foreign infiltration, leftist plots, and shortages of basic goods in order to provoke and justify the military coup through which he came to power in Chile.60 In such contexts, literacy provided individuals with misinformation mingled with information—a position arguably more dangerous than illiteracy. Internet reading and the proliferation of social media platforms in the past few decades places new demands on the literate. Through these new outlets, information and misinformation are shared, leaving readers, rather than

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FIGURE 7.4  Benito Mussolini shown after his horse handler had been edited out (on left) and before editing (on right). Photograph from Hany Farid (2009), “Seeing Is Not Believing,” IEEE Spectrum, 46 (8): 44–51, with permission.

publishing houses, as the gatekeepers of information. For instance, in the days leading up to the 2017 Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom, voters were exposed to tens of thousands of messages from Russian Twitter accounts that promoted fears of Muslims and immigrants, caused confusion, and polarized voters with their divisive content.61 Tweets containing misinformation were shared, responded to favorably and unfavorably in comments, and proliferated in a manner that made it nearly impossible to identify a story’s origins or to verify its authenticity. And Russian meddling in Brexit was not unique because evidence exists that tweets from Kremlin agents were proliferated during twenty-seven elections since 1991 in France, Ukraine, the United States, Norway, the Czech Republic, Germany, and other nations.62 Nor was Russia alone in its production of “Fake News.” Currently, a plethora of online resources allow individuals to create and post online fraudulent images of tweets, T-shirt slogans, church marquees, and other scenes intended to generate distrust, provoke conflict, and further political polarization.63 Thus, literacies of the modern age have evolved to require not only comprehension but increasingly sophisticated skills in vetting information. Indeed, researchers began to investigate the literacies required for successful online reading. Some suggested that traditional literacies were inadequate for internet reading, proposing that readers needed greater discernment in choosing trusted information outlets,64 greater self-control in remaining focused on the topic,65 enhanced ability to sleuth out information about the creator of a webpage,66 mild skepticism regarding information found online, the ability to sift through myriads of information and disinformation (sometimes called data smog),67 and other online and digital literacies. Researchers comparing the online reading of professional “fact checkers” with that of novice readers and

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historians concluded that the simple act of leaving a webpage to investigate its author distinguished the most skilled online readers from young people, and even historians, a group noted for their critical reading.68 The story of Megan Taylor set out at the start of this chapter illustrates the caution that must be exercised while reading and writing in the modern era. This unthinkable tragedy illustrates the ease with which deceptions can be perpetrated online and the care needed to vet information. Her story raises issues about the role of states in legislating against deceptive writing that causes harm to others, as well as the role of schools in helping young people navigate the hazards and etiquette of reading and writing while using social media platforms. It demonstrates the bigger burden placed on readers to distinguish information from misinformation, which is a significant and growing trend in the modern era.

CONCLUSION Our contention in this chapter has been that the modern era has brought unprecedented changes to global literacy, in terms of both who was reading and in what and how they were reading. The increase of functional literacy rates around the world reflects the great investment that states, societies, and individuals have made in promoting literacy among formerly neglected groups such as racial minorities, women, those living in poverty, and victims of colonization. Trends of the past century show greater awareness of the importance of literacy, and the willingness of many to make the sacrifices needed to spread or to obtain literacy. Young Malala Yousafzai’s story illustrates the efforts and ongoing barriers as societies promote functional literacy. Despite these barriers, the modern era has been a period in world history unparalleled with respect to the spread of functional literacy. Notwithstanding these successes, we argue that because of changes in how and what people read, functional literacy is no longer adequate to survive or thrive as individuals or societies. Unequal access to the technologies that are basic to literacy is creating inequities that may not be as clearly delineated but are every bit as profound as the literacy/illiteracy divide of earlier generations. Such inequities are exasperated by wide gaps in reading achievement that largely mirror the former disparities between literate and illiterate groups. Further, access to the technologies associated with new literacies is not enough. Reading and writing in the modern age require new skills, not the least of which is the ability to vet the information that one is reading. Megan Taylor’s tragic story reveals the new challenges individuals, societies, and states face in preparing young people for online reading and for holding individuals accountable for the effects of their online literate acts.

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Moreover, we raise questions about traditional literacies and the power structures involved in promoting literacy in its conventional sense. For example, can literacy be promoted in a manner that acknowledges and values the language, culture, and activities of diverse peoples? Or must governmentsponsored literacy instruction promote the language, culture, and canonical literary works produced by those of privilege and power? It seems to us that the expanded view of literacy promoted by the proponents of new literacies opens the door for the recognition of a wide range of culturally relevant artifacts and acts to be honored and recognized as literate. Concerns remain about literacy education and whether teaching with an expanded view of literacy is doing enough to support students who will live in societies where literacy in a more traditional sense still remains the currency of power. We argue that societies must adapt to the changing conditions of literacy or suffer dramatic and tragic consequences. New standards for functional literacy must be established that include not only the ability to comprehend and compose simple sentences but also the ability to vet information that is encountered online. Further, societies must increase access to the technologies and skills associated with online reading. Such changes must be ongoing because it is difficult to predict how and what literate individuals will be reading and writing in the future.

CHAPTER EIGHT

Life Histories D.G. MULCAHY AND D.E. MULCAHY

INTRODUCTION In our discussion of life stories the key theme is the contribution to education of the ideas and initiatives of the individuals treated here. Identifying a group of those who may be considered especially important in the world of education over the past century or so is, of course, beset by problems of selection. Almost any group selection is open to the criticism that it overlooks some who ought to be included and includes several who ought not to be. Given this challenge, we think it helpful to lay out the general criteria we have in mind in making our selections. Aside from the obvious criterion that those included ought to be distinguished in the field of education (rather than cognitive science or human development, for example), we take the view that they should represent diversity of geographic and cultural background, race and gender, and philosophical perspective. We also consider it desirable that as a group they represent various dimensions of education, such as early childhood education, general education, and special education. So, rather than attempting to arrive at a selection of those who might be the “most important” in the abstract we identify educators who through their diversity have contributed in different and important ways to the theory and or the practice of education.

JOHN DEWEY (1859–1952) John Dewy (Figure 8.1) was born in the New England town of Burlington, Vermont. On graduating from the University of Vermont in 1879, he worked as a teacher for several years before attending graduate school at Johns

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FIGURE 8.1  John Dewey.

Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, where he studied philosophy and psychology. Upon obtaining his doctorate in 1884, he was appointed instructor in philosophy and psychology at the University of Michigan. During this time, Dewey developed a strong interest in educational issues. In 1894, he was appointed Professor of Philosophy and Chairman of the Department of Philosophy, Psychology and Pedagogy at the University of Chicago. While there, he was also deeply involved in the work of the University of Chicago Laboratory School, which he helped to establish and of which his wife, Alice, was appointed Principal. He also became immersed in the social work of Jane Addams at Hull House. In 1904, Dewey left Chicago to take up a position as Professor of Philosophy at Columbia University in New York with privileges to teach at Teachers College, Columbia. He retired from Columbia in 1930.

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At Columbia, Dewey continued his philosophical and educational writing and remained active in socially progressive affairs. In 1915 he was a founding member (and first president) of the American Association of University Professors and a cofounder of the New School for Social Research in New York City in 1919. Dewey traveled widely and lectured in China, Japan, Mexico, South Africa, Russia, and Turkey. In 1937, he traveled to Mexico City while serving as the chairman of the commission of inquiry into charges brought against Leon Trotsky. At an advanced age, and following the death of his first wife many years earlier, in 1946 he remarried and with his second wife adopted two young children. He died in his home in New York City aged ninety-two. Although Dewey established a first-rate scholarly reputation in philosophy and psychology and served as president of both the American Philosophical Association and the American Psychological Association, it is because of his educational thought and activities that we include him here. His impact on later educators and on the progressive education movement was pronounced. Although he was never an official spokesman for the movement, and felt compelled to point out the errors of its ways, notably in Experience and Education (1938), he was associated in the public’s mind with the weaknesses and excesses of the movement.1 We shall address two interwoven strands in Dewey’s educational thought. The first is a broad social, political, and philosophical dimension; the second his views on pedagogy or what he referred to in Democracy and Education (1916) as method.2 Both strands are evident in other well-known works of his, including My Pedagogic Creed (1897) and Experience and Education;3 similar strands recur in Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970).4 The contribution of Dewey’s social, political, and philosophical ideas to his educational thought is far-reaching. Deeply committed as he was to democracy as a form of self-governing, for him it was the role of the school to introduce the young to democracy as a way of life. In attempting to understand how this might best be accomplished by way of method, Dewey drew on his view of the nature of knowledge and of how we think;5 he drew too on his work in the Laboratory School, where ideas and theories from psychology and philosophy were tried out. Although Dewey is sometimes seen as advocating primarily for the interests of the individual student, he makes clear in My Pedagogic Creed that there are two sides to education: the sociological and the psychological, and both dimensions need to be fully recognized. This is evident in what Knight explains are essentially guiding principles of progressive education reflecting Dewey’s thought.6 There are six such guiding principles. First, education finds its genesis and purpose in the child; the educational process must begin with the interests of the child. If teaching is to be successful, for Dewey, moreover, direct communication between the teacher and individual students is essential.7 Second, as explained

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in My Pedagogic Creed, the active side precedes the passive in child growth. Young learners learn through active hands-on learning and exploration. Third, the teacher’s role is that of a guide and coworker: observing where students stand in terms of their experience and guiding them as needed. The fourth principle views the school as a microcosm of the larger society. One way of preserving Dewey’s view of community while also catering to the developmental needs of individual students is to promote community through schooling, thereby facilitating interaction among students and preparing them for living in a democratic society. The fifth principle of progressive education reflecting Dewey’s thought is that classroom activity should involve problem solving, that there should be activity or doing as well as thinking in the classroom experiences of the child. The sixth principle is akin to the fourth in requiring that the atmosphere of the school be cooperative and democratic. An overriding theme in Dewey, as Perkinson points out, is that a democratic society “required more than simply taking the traditional education previously given to the few and extending it to the many […]. A democratic social order stood in need of a new kind of education, a democratic education.”8 This was the kind of education that Dewey envisioned, one where children learned by living and working together. They learned not only subject matter but what it meant to share and to come together to form a community. Of the many constructive elements in his educational thought, this may be Dewey’s most profound contribution.

RABINDRANATH TAGORE (1861–1941) Born in Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) in what is now the Indian state of West Bengal, Rabindranath Tagore is probably best known as a poet and Nobel laureate in literature. Yet his contributions to educational thought and practice—albeit generally overlooked—are consequential. He is also well regarded as a composer and a painter. As understood by Tagore, education was about more than academic or intellectual formation as narrowly conceived. Not surprisingly, he was critical of colonial educational practices he encountered in the India of his day. Tagore’s far-reaching work in education did not begin until around 1900 when he was about forty years of age and just as he was to experience a decade or so of great personal sorrow, losing his wife, a daughter, a very close friend, his beloved father, and in 1907 one of his sons. Yet he persisted in his newfound interest in education. This was marked by a powerful belief in the value of freedom in learning, what it offered by contrast with restrictions of the kind he despised in existing schools, and the value of a homelike ethos in school.9 Tagore is critical of excessive organization of children’s activities that denies

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them opportunities to develop as individuals. Music and theatre were important for him as was respect for all people, including those from other countries and cultures and for nature itself. “We can ignore what is scattered in the blue sky,” he wrote in 1925 with a poet’s sensitivity in Talks in China, “in the seasonal flowers, in the delicate relationships of love and sympathy and mutual friendship, only if we have deadened the thrill of touching the reality which is everywhere—in man, in nature, in everything.”10 Unlike Dewey and others discussed here, Tagore did not write lengthy works on education but was active in creating a variety of educational institutions that reflect his core educational beliefs. These beliefs embrace the aims of education, the content of the curriculum, and teaching. As regards teaching, Tagore put great store in selecting good teachers who knew how to maintain student interest, and he advocated for what he labeled the “method of nature.” This, he believed, enables children to develop their creativity and to apply what they have learned. It is a method, he believed, that recognizes that unconscious learning is preferable to focused learning, and that discovery is preferable to book learning and didactic teaching.11 As regards the aims and content of education, Tagore was committed to a broad educational formation enabling the young to reach their full potential by engaging in practical undertakings along with academic formation and enrichment through the arts. Martha Nussbaum captures essential features of Tagore’s educational thought and practice. She sees in Tagore one who incorporates in his views and practices a commitment to Socratic inquiry and questioning as an alternative to memorization. Tagore also recognizes the importance of infusing the school curriculum with respect for women and their advancement, democratic forms of living, the promotion of peace and intercultural and global understanding, and the arts in their various forms including role-playing for the promotion of imagination and sympathy.12 The institutions Tagore created reflecting these beliefs include a school he opened in 1901 at Santiniketan and an institution at Sriniketan created around 1912, which became the Institute for Rural Reconstruction in 1925. Reflecting ideas he presented in an article of 1919, “The Centre of Indian Culture,” that included a plan for a university bringing together traditions of India and of the West, Tagore founded a university he named “Visva-Bharati,” whose motto was “Where the whole world meets in one place.”13 This was inaugurated officially in 1922,14 and is now a public, central-government-funded university located in Santiniketan, West Bengal. As described by Kupfer, in 1924, with support from the American Leonard Knight Elmhirst and the teacher Santosh Majumdar, Tagore created a school called Siksha-Satra (meaning: “where education is given free of cost”).15 Here classes were based on individual interests, direct relevance for life, and learning by doing. Aimed at poor village children in whom Tagore had a special interest and first located in Santiniketan, it later

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moved to Sriniketan. Writing of it himself, Kupfer reminds us, Tagore said this was an attempt to give an all-round education to village children, provide them with training to earn a decent livelihood, and equip them with the imagination to improve the rural life of Bengal.16 In summarizing Tagore’s legacy, Kupfer also wrote that while creativity, connection with nature, and tolerance for other cultures are better recognized today, they still take a back seat in comparison to employability and external achievements in education, and that reading of Tagore’s writings encourages us to rethink this.17 Bringing this forcefully to our attention is a lasting contribution of Tagore.

MARIA MONTESSORI (1870–1952) Maria Montessori (Figure 8.2) is one of the most recognizable names in education. Born in 1870 in Chiaravalle on the northeast coast of Italy, Montessori became Italy’s first female physician and developed a keen interest in the development and education of young children. Trained as a physician and tasked with caring for the rearing of wayward young children in a group setting in what was then the slum district of San Lorenzo in Rome, Montessori turned her attention to how young children in general could most successfully be educated. The eventual outcome was what we now know as the Montessori method. Montessori had one child, Mario, born out of wedlock, and some have speculated on the motivation this (and her separation from him as a child) may have provided her.18 Montessori’s educational ideas were in large part the outcome of her studies of child development, observation, and clinical studies. Lillard has identified the following eight principles that underlie Montessori’s work: movement and cognition are closely intertwined; learning and well-being are improved when people have a sense of control over their lives; people learn better when they are interested in what they are learning; tying extrinsic rewards to an activity negatively impacts motivation to engage in that activity when the reward is withdrawn; collaborative arrangements can be very conducive to learning; learning situated in meaningful contexts is often deeper and richer than learning in abstract contexts; particular forms of adult interaction are associated with more optimal child outcomes; and order in the environment is beneficial to children.19 As can be seen, the guiding principles Montessori adopted paid close attention to the study of the child and the learning environment. Particular attention was given to the role of the teacher of whom much was expected and to whom professional freedom was allowed in enabling the child to follow its natural inclinations and interests. Montessori was remarkable, too, for the invention and use of various apparatuses designed to aid children in learning, in performing basic movements and acquiring physical skills needed in carrying

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FIGURE 8.2  Maria Montessori.

out functions of everyday living. In addition to such skill development and the sense of achievement that Montessori believed it gave to the young, in Montessori there was emphasis on teaching respect for others. There was also an abhorrence of rigid and bureaucratic standardization. A compelling feature of Montessori’s position, as of Dewey’s and Tagore’s, one that poses strong challenges to formal or institutionalized schooling everywhere, is the importance given to following the interests and unique capacities of each child, the freedom needed to allow this, and acceptance that the acquisition of practical knowledge and skills is important in the life of the child. Although the rapid spread of Montessori’s approach to the teaching of young children may be taken as a recognition of its success, it did come under criticism from various quarters.

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Montessori’s method was criticized for leaving too little scope for the child’s imagination and for the neglect of play, while Montessori herself was criticized as being autocratic and exercising excessive control over the elaboration of her method, the training of teachers, the production and use of materials, and the establishment of schools. A prominent and initially successful critic of Montessori was the widely acclaimed American proponent of progressive education, William Heard Kilpatrick, once hailed as “the million dollar professor” at Teachers College, Columbia. Kilpatrick viewed Montessori as being outdated in her approach and having little of value to contribute. While Montessori’s contribution has continued to be implemented around the world, Kilpatrick has himself come in for criticism for his stance on Montessori. Jane Roland Martin, for example, has argued that not only did he fail to recognize the crucial importance of Montessori’s insight that school was to be as much a home as a place of formal learning but that he set back the study of Montessori’s approach in the United States by a generation.20 To sum up, Montessori’s contribution to how we educate the young has grown in estimation. It is noteworthy that, as an educational theorist, her theories were based on observation and clinical practice and not mere philosophical speculation. Her work has also come to be accepted as having much to contribute to the education of the young not only in Montessori schools but in mainstream approaches to early childhood education.21 And it may be in this that her greatest contribution will be found.

MARY MCLEOD BETHUNE (1875–1955) Mary McLeod Bethune (Figure 8.3) was one of several pioneering black women in America who contributed greatly to the advancement of black youths through their pioneering work in education from roughly the mid-1800s to the mid1900s. Along with Bethune were Lucy Craft Laney, founder of the Haines Normal and Industrial Institute in Augusta, Georgia; Nannie Helen Burroughs, founder of the National Training School for Women and Girls, Washington, DC; and Charlotte Hawkins Brown, founder of the Palmer Memorial Institute, Sedalia, North Carolina.22 A distinctive feature of the contributions of these women is a shared commitment to the advancement and uplift of black girls and women. While all of the individuals chosen for inclusion in this chapter have distinguished records in education, Bethune has an additional and sobering distinction: she was the daughter of two former slaves, and most of her siblings were themselves born into slavery. Yet from her birthplace in Mayesville, South Carolina on July 10, 1875, Bethune grew up to become a prominent educator, the founder and president of what is today Bethune-Cookman University in Daytona Beach, Florida, an advisor to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, a friend of Eleanor Roosevelt, and a tireless civil rights activist.

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Bethune’s work as an educator began as a teacher first at her own former elementary school in Sumter County, South Carolina. In 1896, she began teaching at Haines Institute, which was run by Laney. In 1904, Bethune moved to Daytona Beach, Florida, to start a school for girls. She rented a small house reportedly for $11.00 per month, and in October 1904, the Daytona Educational and Industrial Training School for Negro Girls in Daytona Beach, known locally as the Bethune School, was opened. Starting out with the most rudimentary of furnishings and teaching materials, Bethune had a handful of elementary-aged students—five young girls and her son. The aim of the school, she wrote in the Sixth Annual Catalogue of the school, “is to uplift Negro girls spiritually, morally, intellectually and industrially. The school stands for a broad, thorough practical training.”23 Within a short time, Bethune was attracting equipment, donations of money, and labor from local black churches. Thereafter, the numbers of students increased substantially. One of the secrets of Bethune’s success that emerged in these early years in Daytona Beach was her ability to attract donations from wealthy white donors and to build strong supportive relations, especially with other black women of similar interests. Her ability to get on with all— black and white, rich and poor—would also become a hallmark of her work and of her success. Over time, the program of the Bethune School expanded to include nursing education and a farm. Educational and other outreach activities engaged in by Bethune herself, including Sunday school work, ranged well beyond the original work of the school. She even established a hospital to serve local needs. The school itself became coeducational after merging with the Cookman Institute for Men, which had been located in Jacksonville, Florida. In 1931, it became the Bethune-Cookman College, a coeducational junior college, with Bethune as President. The activist orientation that led Bethune to create her own school also led her at a national level into other involvements of a civic and educational kind that combined a commitment to promoting democracy, equality for all, and racial harmony. Bethune’s work in the founding and early development of BethuneCookman University, today recognized as one of America’s historically black colleges, represents a period in her life during which she contributed primarily to the advancement of formal institutional education. As she was drawn into activities at a national level, her commitment to education became expressed more often through the advancement of education less directly. These activities included her becoming a member of President Roosevelt’s “Black Cabinet,” Director of the Negro Division of the National Youth Administration with responsibilities for providing vocational education and employment for young people, and the founding of the National Council of Negro Women. These activities led her to take up residence in Washington, DC, for several years. She

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FIGURE 8.3  Mary McLeod Bethune.

also became active in the National Association of Colored Women, becoming the association’s National President in 1924. In the course of her career, Bethune adopted many aspects of Laney’s educational ideas and beliefs. Like Booker T. Washington, she believed in providing girls with an education—initially in domestic science and vocational skills—that would enable them to gain employment and aid their families, yet she also recognized the importance of intellectual formation for empowerment advocated by W.E.B. DuBois. The following short extract from Bethune’s “My Last Will and Testament” summarizes well her guiding principles as an educator and the continuing relevance of her unique contribution:

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I leave you love […]. I leave you hope […]. I leave you the challenge of developing confidence in one another […]. I leave you a thirst for education […]. I leave you a respect for the uses of power […]. I leave you faith […]. I leave you racial dignity […]. I leave you a desire to live harmoniously with your fellow men […]. I leave you finally a responsibility to our young people.24

MORTIMER ADLER (1902–2001) If talking of the nineteenth century, two leading documents would vie for greatest prominence in advocating the traditional idea of a liberal education: The Yale Report of 1828 and John Henry Newman’s The Idea of a University. However, it is quite a different matter when we come to the twentieth century, which saw a much greater number of such works. The authors in this case would include from the earlier decades of the century Mark Van Doren, Scott Buchannan, and Jacques Maritain, and from later on Harry S. Broudy, Philip H. Phenix, and Martha Nussbaum. To these must be added two prominent and like-minded English philosophers of education, Paul Hirst and R.S. Peters. Beyond these, there is Mortimer Adler, one of two authors that we have chosen as representing the traditional idea of a general or liberal education in the time period covered here. This is partly due to the appeal of Adler’s concise statement of the idea in The Paideia Proposal (1982), an application in the late twentieth century of its age-old principles at the level of schooling. It is a fundamental premise of Adler’s educational and political philosophy that all citizens are equal, that democracy is dependent upon an educated citizenry, and that it calls for the same quality of education for all. It followed, for Adler, that schooling must have the same educational objectives for all. Believing that “educational institutions cannot be primarily responsible for moral education,” according to Adler, the primary role of the school is intellectual, not moral.25 Based on his analysis of what he considered to be the vocations or callings in life for all people, for him there are three main objectives of schooling: education for work, education for citizenship, and education for personal development. To these he added three main conditions for implementation: first, programs should adhere to the dictum that “the best education for the best is the best education for all”; second, there should be the same course of studies for all students, namely, “All sidetracks, specialized courses, or elective choices must be eliminated”;26 and third, the program should be “general and liberal” and “nonspecialized and non-vocational.”27 As envisaged in The Paideia Proposal, Adler had a clear view of the content of the curriculum and teaching, one largely consistent with the traditional notion of a liberal or general education and made very explicit by him. Curriculum content or subject matter should be drawn from three broad areas: language, literature, and the arts; mathematics and science; and history, geography, and social studies. To this would be added

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the skills associated with these areas: reading, writing, speaking, and listening; calculating, problem-solving, observing, measuring, and estimating; and lastly, there would be discussion of great books and ideas along with involvement in artistic activities. For Adler, the quality of learning that takes place in school depends greatly on the quality of teaching. And different kinds of teaching are needed in each of the three broad areas of content just identified. As regards the first, the acquisition of organized knowledge, didactic teaching involving lecture and response is considered the most effective. As regards the development of intellectual skills—the skills of learning—coaching, exercises, and supervised practice is essential. When it comes to dealing with ideas and values, maieutic or Socratic questioning by the teacher and participation in discussion by the learner are necessary. This last form of teaching was especially important to Adler, and in Reforming Education (1988) he elaborated on what he understood by Socratic teaching. While recognizing that declarative speech by the teacher has an important place in teaching, he writes: “One might say that the ideal Socratic seminar occurs when the teacher is able to resort only to interrogative speech—that there is no declarative, but only interrogative teacher-talk, only the asking of questions.”28 Choosing Adler for inclusion here also recognizes his many other contributions to advocating general education in higher education and in informal education. Having been appointed a professor at the University of Chicago in 1930, Adler worked closely with the president and later chancellor of the University of Chicago, Robert Hutchins, in advancing general education at the university as well as through other channels. He served in a number of editorial capacities for the highly successful Encyclopaedia Britannica and for the Great Books of the Western World. The ideas underlying these works are central to Adler’s educational thought, and the promotional ventures associated with them were aimed at making liberal or general education accessible to the general public. This presumably in a manner never sought after—or even envisaged—by his predecessors: Plato and Aristotle in antiquity, Thomas Aquinas in the Middle Ages, and John Henry Newman in the nineteenth century.

PAULO FREIRE (1921–97) Paulo Freire was born in Recife, Brazil. Drawing on his own experience of poverty while growing up and on his literacy work with the poor, Freire fashioned a distinct educational point of view at the center of which lies his notions of pedagogy and praxis. Arising from his work in literacy education, following a military coup in Brazil in 1964, Freire was imprisoned for a short time and was later exiled. He subsequently lived and worked for periods of time in Chile, the United States, and Switzerland. While in Switzerland, Freire worked for the World Council of Churches and during this time he provided educational

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services in several African countries, including Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, and Sáo Tomé and Príncipe. His work has met with some criticism on a range of issues over the years, including insensitivity to environmental issues and to cultures of Indigenous peoples.29 Having traveled widely in the course of his work, Freire returned to Brazil in 1980, and in 1988 was appointed Secretary of Education for São Paulo. It is for his contribution to educational thought, which found early expression in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, that Freire is best remembered today. Although the success and prominence he achieved may be attributed to the methods or pedagogy which Freire advocated, it is the philosophical and political underpinnings of his pedagogy that made this possible and shaped its revolutionary democratic character. Central to this thinking is the idea of praxis, which lies behind Freire’s compelling belief, expressed in 1970, that “To exist, humanly, is to name the world, to change it.”30 In describing praxis as “reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it,”31 Freire conveys that it is by engaging in reflective action that we respond to our vocation to become more fully human. It is through a pedagogy relying on dialogue and problem-posing that Freire believed the values he espoused could be realized. This is a pedagogy that aims to reject forms of education and domination by the powerful that overlook the experience of the learner; it also supports student participation or engagement in the world. In his writings and in his work in various countries, Freire was concerned first with those who experience poverty and deprivation. He sought to enable the oppressed to liberate themselves by democratic revolution and reliance on a kind of education that rejected what he called “banking education.” Freire maintained that teaching in formal educational settings suffers from narration sickness, that is, an overemphasis on teacher talk. It paves the way for banking education, whose purpose is continued oppression. As understood by the oppressor, the student is an onlooker, not a “re-creator” of the world.32 Banking education is an act of deposition. What is deposited, such as the myth that “the oppressive order is a ‘free society,’” serves the interests of the powerful who determine its content.33 In this, students are depositories and the teacher a depositor. Providing neither personal development nor knowledge and understanding, banking education is not actually education, according to Freire. Freire believes the starting point for the content of education must be “the present, existential, concrete situation, reflecting the aspirations of the people.”34 As Dewey had elaborated in Experience and Education, Freire also believed that the prior experience of the learner must be taken into account and that knowledge should develop from the life needs of students in concert with critically aware teachers. Seeing two-way communication as essential in the teaching-learning situation, Freire maintained that education as the practice of freedom was carried on by a “teacher-student with students-teachers.”35 This

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was not viewed by Freire as saying that teachers make no contribution or, as Aronowitz put it, that the student need not “eventually master the basic concepts of science and the traditions of philosophy, social theory, and literature.”36 The role of the problem-posing educator, as Freire sees it then, is to create together with the student, “the conditions under which knowledge at the level of the doxa [or mere belief] is superseded by true knowledge, at the level of the logos [or truth].”37 In this, problem-posing education “stimulates true reflection and action upon reality, thereby responding to the vocation of persons as beings who are authentic only when engaged in inquiry and creative transformation.”38 Viewing education and persons in this way led Freire to embrace educational goals that extend well beyond traditional goals of teaching for knowledge and understanding. These are goals that involve critically examining the “structure of domination” that produce prescribed knowledge and understandings that justify the ruling class.39 In viewing problem-posing education in this way, Freire poses an enduring challenge to how we conceive of the purpose and pedagogy of education.

MARY WARNOCK (1924–95) Mary Warnock was a person of exceptional accomplishment in education and public service in England. She is remembered today for her work as Chair of the Warnock Report on special education (1978), Chair of the Warnock Report on Human Fertilisation and Embryology (1984), Headmistress (1966–72) of Oxford High School, a private school for girls, and Mistress (1984–91) of Girton College, Cambridge. She was, in addition, the author of several books in philosophy and education and a sometimes controversial contributor to ethics debates in England. Although Warnock is best known in education for the Warnock Report on special education, it is also fitting to recognize features of her more general views on education for they contributed an important dimension to the “great debate” on education in Great Britain in the 1970s.40 Of particular importance is Warnock’s view that in addition to education for moral and intellectual formation and for the development of the imagination, she believed that education for work ought to be well regarded. This is a view that was not widely expressed by many influential British philosophers of education at the time. Yet, education for work she saw as an important dimension of how the young are to be prepared to achieve “the good life” for themselves. “The purist view of education,” she once put it, “though frequently voiced today, is in fact an out-dated and ultimately divisive doctrine, suitable for those days when education was something which only a minority could hope for. Let us, therefore, dismiss the purists.”41 The forthright, down-to-earth attitude reflected here, Warnock also brought to her work in special education. This is seen in the Warnock Report on special

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education and in her reflections upon it some thirty years later. As was true of the evolution of thinking regarding the education of students of special needs in the United States in the 1970s, the thrust of the Warnock Report on special education was to assert that there ought to be an end to the segregation of those students exhibiting disabilities of one kind or another from “the nonhandicapped child.”42 Of special importance in the Report was the position it took on several educational and moral issues. Having stated that education has certain long-term goals, it continued, “They are, first, to enlarge a child’s knowledge, experience and imaginative understanding, and thus his awareness of moral values and capacity for enjoyment; and secondly, to enable him to enter the world after formal education is over as an active participant in society and a responsible contributor to it, capable of achieving as much independence as possible.” Consistent with the words of Adler, it continued further: The educational needs of every child are determined in relation to these goals. We are fully aware that for some children the first of these goals can be approached only by minute, though for them highly significant steps, while the second may never be achieved. But this does not entail that for these children the goals are different. The purpose of education for all children is the same; the goals are the same. But the help that individual children need in progressing towards them will be different.43 The enunciation of these educational and philosophical principles in the report and in subsequent legislation, namely, the Education Act of 1981 that attempted to implement them, was momentous. Yet, judging by a 2010 Ofsted report,44 they were not well served in the thirty or so intervening years. This prompted then Baroness Warnock to issue the following blunt assessment in 2010: “It is high time that a Committee of Inquiry, or even a Royal Commission, were set up to recommend a fresh start on Special Educational Needs.” Not yet done, she continued, she was horrified that “children’s supposed special needs would be exaggerated and exploited in order to attract more money for schools; still less in order to allow schools to slither out of their responsibility to ensure that as many children as possible achieved a respectable standard of literacy and numeracy, and a reliable understanding of how they ought to behave.”45 Warnock’s acceptance of education for working life introduced an important element to the great debate on education in England and her support for special education is of historic proportions.

PAUL HIRST (1927–) Paul Hirst’s commanding theory of a liberal education, which he first presented in 1965,46 dominated the philosophical discussion of the school curriculum for over a quarter of a century. Hirst enjoyed a close working relationship with

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R.S. Peters, with whom he coauthored The Logic of Education (1970) and with whom he worked on advancing the study of philosophy of education and the growth of the Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain from its early days.47 Having served from 1965 to 1971 as Professor of Education at King’s College London, Hirst was Professor of Education at the University of Cambridge from 1971 to 1988. He also served for a while as Chairman of the University Council for the Education of Teachers. Although he would later alter his stance,48 Hirst’s articulation of the idea of a liberal education held important implications for curriculum theorizing and for the conduct of schooling. It had a particular resonance in the United Kingdom where religious education was once the sole required subject in state-supported schools. If only indirectly, Hirst’s position on liberal education challenged this practice, one that would be altered following the passage of the Education Reform Act of 1988 in accordance with which the new national curriculum mandated that the school curriculum should contain three core subjects and several foundation subjects. As understood in his theory of a liberal education, for Hirst, as for Peters, the essence of being an educated person was possessing knowledge and understanding in depth and breadth.49 Yet if the emphasis on education for citizenship widely seen as an essential feature of liberal or general education by American writers (such as Adler) was absent here, so too was the acceptance of knowledge as representing absolute truth. That is to say, Hirst distanced himself from earlier views that shaped the tradition of a liberal education by making it independent of an Aristotelian or correspondence theory of truth, where knowledge was viewed as an account of reality, a position that both Newman and Adler left unquestioned. By contrast, according to Hirst’s original theory of a liberal education, over time the human race constructed seven logically distinct forms of knowledge as a way of making sense of the world we live in. In this, truth is characterized by reference to agreed public truth criteria. The seven forms are mathematics; physical science; interpersonal experience as found in history, for example; moral judgment; aesthetic experience; religion; and philosophy.50 Even if these are not a true account of reality in the Aristotelian sense, by employing them we sustain an objectively grounded public discourse relying upon public criteria for the knowledge or truth claims they do make. In addition, the forms express how humans think and come to know. By studying the forms, moreover, the young can be initiated into such thinking and to the range of knowledge that exists. Since each of the forms corresponds to just one of the ways in which people have attempted to understand the world, liberal education must, of necessity, be centered on the study of all of them. Just as Newman had insisted on students being exposed to what he termed the full circle of the sciences, so too did Hirst believe that omitting the study of any one form leaves an education less than complete.

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Although Hirst explicitly rejected what he referred to as “the doctrines of metaphysical and epistemological realism,” with which liberal education has been historically associated, this did not lead him to devalue knowledge as it exists in the academic disciplines and the intellectual development of students to which it could lead.51 He merely valued such knowledge for different reasons. This was knowledge considered worthwhile in itself, or in Hirst’s words, “knowledge that is logically basic.”52 It was following a period of lengthy reflection on the matter, during which time he came to recognize that the good life is “grounded above all in the development and exercise of practical reason rather than theoretical reason,” that Hirst retracted his original position.53 Writing in 1993, he now considered “the notion of Liberal Education for which I argued in the 1960s and 1970s to be misconceived in certain important respects,” and later that “the most fundamental aims of education can no longer be conceived as in my earlier notion of liberal education.”54 This change of position has considerable consequences both for Hirst’s original theory and, importantly, for the traditional theory of a liberal education. It is a point upon which Martin had already elaborated in 1981 in her sharp critique of Hirst’s position.55 Still, Hirst’s original theory of a liberal education remains an important twentieth-century contribution to the age-old debate. Even if, as McLaughlin suggested, the precise character and defensibility of Hirst’s final position has yet to come into focus,56 the revision of his original position might in the long run hold more consequential implications for the traditional theory and the institutions that rely upon it to promote and justify their programs.

JANE ROLAND MARTIN (1929–) Like others treated here, Martin is included in Joy Palmer’s book, Fifty Modern Thinkers on Education (2001).57 In her Presidential Address to the Philosophy of Education Society in 1981, in a critical analysis of the idea of “the educated man” as propounded by R.S. Peters,58 Martin struck a note that has become a key feature of her writings ever since by highlighting the need to take greater account of the gender dimension in education.59 As seen most recently in Education Reconfigured (2011),60 alongside her emphasis on the contribution of the experience of women to educational thought and practice, other distinguishing features of Martin’s educational thought are her emphasis on education for engaging in action, that is, education for participation and not mere observation, her insistence that education ought to educate the young to be caring toward others and, related to all of this, her consistent critique of the traditional idea of a liberal education as concerned only with the education of intelligence narrowly conceived and neglectful of educating the young in caring and in participation in social and civic life.61

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Martin’s thought also embraces additional elements, including her notion of agencies of education and her respect for nonhuman creatures. As she details in her latest book, School Was Our Life: Remembering Progressive Education (2018), Martin attended the Little Red School House in New York as a child (Figure 8.4). In this book, she provides a positive account of her schooldays at Little Red and the kind of progressive education she experienced there. The strong support for progressive education that Martin provides in School Was Our Life is not explicit throughout much of her earlier work, although many of its central features are evident there.

FIGURE 8.4  The Little Red School House, 1947.

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The overall character of Martin’s educational thought can be seen by looking closely at her critique of liberal education, especially as expressed by Hirst and Peters, and her alternative conception to the traditional idea. Even though the focus is upon liberal education, in discussing it Martin brings into play elements of her thinking that would find fuller expression in later works of hers, such as “Excluding Women from the Educational Realm.”62 Martin’s critique of Peters’s idea of the educated man is largely a gender critique that argues his ideal of the educated man is focused on the needs of the public world of work dominated by men. It omits education for those aspects of living of which women have historically been the guardians and the largely unacknowledged providers. The critique of Hirst centers on what she argues is his failure to consider the purposes of education, preoccupied as he is with advocating essentially disciplinary knowledge that, according to Martin, is aimed at preparing individuals for the public world of work and neglecting the private domain, historically the domain of women. Rejecting the positions of Hirst and Peters, Martin called for a wider concept of liberal education, one that educates males and females alike for both the world of work outside the home and for the work of the private world of home. The traditional curriculum of a liberal education, she argues, fails to accomplish this. It needs to treat humans as persons and not just as minds, and it needs to reflect the historical experience of women as much as men. One way of setting about this is dealt with in The Schoolhome, where Martin argues for a concept of school that shares many of the qualities of Montessori’s school. It would be both a home and a place of formal learning, and it would attend to all the needs of school-goers: intellectual and emotional formation, and active participation in the social life of the school. It would also teach respect and caring for others. Henry Giroux could have been characterizing Martin’s work and its contribution to the creation of alternative cultural as well as educational ideals when stating that critical pedagogy needed to regain a sense of alternatives by “combining a language of critique and possibility.”63 As we have seen, Martin’s writings extend beyond a critique of the epistemology and gendered character of conventional thinking in education. They present an alternative vision broadly in line with societal expectations regarding personal and social goals of schooling. Displaying a feminist sensibility, Martin enriches this vision by creating spaces for greater emphasis on education for caring and respect for others, not least girls and women, and for participation in social life and not mere observation of it.

DIANE RAVITCH (1938–) Once the darling of the conservative right in American educational circles, Diane Ravitch is now seen by some as a turncoat betraying core conservative educational principles and courting the favor of “leftists” and teachers.64 It is

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an alteration of stance that has vaulted her into unexpected prominence in the contemporary debate on education reform, where she exerts considerable influence and has been spoken of as the most influential educator in America.65 In addition to her high-profile blog,66 Ravitch’s alteration of her view is best seen in two of her most recent books, The Death and Life of the Great American School System (2016 and 2010), and Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America’s Public Schools (2013). What makes Ravitch’s newfound prominence and influence especially noteworthy is that she has long served conservative causes in both her writings and positions she held in government and in the private sphere. She was Assistant Secretary of Education in the George H.W. Bush Administration where she had responsibility for developing voluntary national standards. She was a board member of the conservative-leaning Thomas B. Fordham Foundation from 1996 to 2009 and a cofounder with Chester Finn of the Educational Excellence Network. She is also founder and President of the Network for Public Education (NPE). Ravitch remains a strong supporter of standards and a traditional liberal arts curriculum, key features of conservative thinking in education. A historian by training and the author of a number of scholarly books on the history of education, Ravitch’s support for standards is also found in A Consumer’s Guide to High School History Textbooks (2004), intended to provide guidance in the selection of high school history textbooks.67 The core conservative or traditional elements of Ravitch’s position, notably her staunch commitment to the liberal arts and standards, were evident as far back as the 1980s in What Do Our 17-year-olds Know?68 She restated this commitment by more recently writing the following: It is time, I think, for those who want to improve our schools to focus on the essentials of education. We must make sure that our schools have a strong, coherent, explicit curriculum that is grounded in the liberal arts and sciences, with plenty of opportunity for children to engage in activities and projects that make learning lively.69 In addition, in the third edition of The Death and Life of the Great American School System (2016), addressing the specifics of the curriculum and recognizing the importance of allowing discretion and judgment to the teacher, she says that “every state should have a curriculum that is rich in knowledge, issues, and ideas, while leaving teachers free to use their own methods, with enough time to introduce topics and activities of their choosing.”70 Continuing, she adds: “Every student should regularly engage in the study and practice of the liberal arts and sciences: history, literature, geography, the sciences, civics, mathematics, the arts, and foreign languages, as well as health and physical education.”71 This, remarkably, is largely the position that Sol Stern and others criticize her for having abandoned.72

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Given this, how does one explain Ravitch’s altered position and her generally high “approval ratings”? The answer, it would appear, lies not in rejecting her traditional and conservative views on the curriculum but in her withdrawal of support from positions such as vouchers, excessive testing, and teacher accountability so beloved by the “education right.” This withdrawal was combined with newfound distrust of powerful elements in the corporate establishment.73 As Ravitch explains, nowadays she views the privatization movement in schooling as likely undermining cherished values of the public school. Invoking the language of school choice to conceal their actual motives, she sees its advocates attempting to accomplish this by reframing the purposes of schooling and by controlling the content of the curriculum, the evaluation of teachers, and the way teaching is conducted. This does not serve the interests of students or those of the public, she argues, but the interests of the profiteers. And it is supported to the tune of millions of dollars, she adds, by favorably disposed funding foundations and organizations, including the Gates Foundation. As if restating the social and economic critique presented by George S. Counts in 1932 in Reign of Error, Ravitch forcefully summarizes her position as follows: Now there was bipartisan consensus around the new definition of education reform. Those who held the levers of power in the U.S. Department of Education, in the big foundations, on Wall Street, and in the major corporations agreed on how to reform American education. The debates about the role of schooling in a democratic society, the lives of children and families, and the relationship between schools and society were relegated to the margins as no longer relevant to the business plan to reinvent American education.74 It is with these sentiments that Ravitch has now departed the traditional conservative educational fold. It entails no departure from her ideal of a traditional liberal arts school program. And it is these sentiments that have made her the preeminent critic of the prevailing establishment orthodoxy, at least in the United States.

NOTES

Preface   1.   2.   3.   4.   5.   6.

Burke 2019. Geertz 1973: 42. Williams 1961: 145. See, for examle, Boyd 1947; Bowen 1972. McCulloch 2011. See, for example, Goodman, McCulloch, and Richardson 2009; McCulloch, Goodson, and Gonzalez-Delgado 2020.   7. Giorgetti, Campbell, and Arslan 2017: 1.   8. See also McCulloch 2019.   9. Bailyn 1960: 53. 10. Ibid.: 14. 11. For example, Butts 1947, 1953. 12. Cremin 1976: 27. 13. Ibid.: 29. 14. Cremin 1970, 1980, 1988. 15. Church, Katz, and Silver 1989: 419–20; Veysey 1990: 285; see also Cohen 1998. 16. Silver 1983: xxiv. 17. See, for example, Burke 1997, 2019. 18. For example, Cohen 1999; Popkewitz, Peyrera, and Franklin 2001; Fendler 2019. 19. Fendler 2019: 15. 20. Graff 1995. 21. Burke 2000, 2011. 22. For example, O’Neill 2014. 23. Ariès 1962; see, for example, Foyster and Marten 2010. 24. See, for example, in relation to learners and learning, McCulloch and Woodin 2010d; on teachers and teaching, Tyack and Cuban 1995. 25. For example, Godfrey et al. 2017. 26. See, for example, Said 1993; Davidann and Gilbert 2019.

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Introduction   1. O’Donoghue 2017.   2. Connell 1980.   3. On North America, see Reece 2005; on Western Europe, see Green 2013; on Australia, see Campbell and Proctor 2015; on New Zealand, see McGuinness Institute 2016.   4. Miedema 2007.   5. Pearce 1988.   6. Stephens 1998.   7. On European countries, see Green 2013; on Latin American countries, see Zuniga, O’Donoghue, and Clarke 2015.   8. Reece 2005.   9. Horne and Sherrington 2012. 10. Gardiner, O’Donoghue, and O’Neill 2011. 11. Harford 2007, 2017. 12. Harford 2008. 13. Harford 2020. 14. Alexander 2001. 15. Alexander 2010. 16. Selleck 1968. 17. Selleck 1968. 18. On the Slojd system, see Salomon 1892. 19. On the Ling or Swedish system, see Van Dalen and Bennett 1971. 20. Blyth 1981. 21. Charters 1923; Bobbitt 1924; Tyler 1950. 22. Leslie 2011. 23. Kripalani 2005. 24. Connell 1980. 25. Connell 1980. 26. Connell 1980: 5. 27. Cunningham and Leslie 2011. 28. Clarke and O’Donoghue 2013. 29. On the “science of management,” see Lee 2003. 30. Alderson and Martin 2007. 31. Morris 2011. 32. Brennan 2011. 33. On challenging societal trends, see Frank and Gabler 2006. 34. Bailyn 1960. 35. Rude 1959; Thompson 1963; Abrams 1982; Burke 1992. 36. Cremin 1961, 1965; Katz 1968, 1975; Johnson 1970; Tyack 1974; Silver 1983. 37. Breisach 1994. 38. Samier 2017: 267. 39. Breisach 1994: 324. 40. Samier 2017: 267. 41. Samier 2017: 268. 42. Iggers and Wang 2013. 43. O’Donoghue and Chapman 2011; Chapman and O’Donoghue 2013. 44. Potts 2001; Welsh 2003; Trotman 2008; May and Proctor 2013.

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NOTES

45. On photographs, see Vick 2009; on visual analysis methods, see Whitehouse 2009; on film analysis, see May 2006. 46. On history of the emotions, sensations, and feelings, see McCulloch and Woodin 2010c.

Chapter 1   1.   2.   3.   4.   5.   6.   7.   8.   9.

Hobsbawm 1989: 6. Berger 2014: 2. Hobsbawm 1989: 57; Berger 2014: 2. Hobsbawm 1989. Robert 2008. Eisenstadt 2000. Singh 2012. Boli, Ramirez, and Meyer 1985: 28, 30; Maynes 1985; Green 1990. World Missionary Conference 1910a, b; Stanley 2009. A thoughtful analysis of the educational component of the conference can be found in Jensz 2018. 10. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, founded in 1810 at the outset of the second great awakening, established missions and schools very early on in the Middle East (1820), Sri Lanka (1816), China (1830), Indonesia (1831), Singapore (1831), Thailand (1831), and Africa (1833). By 1961, the board had sent 5,000 missionaries to thirty-four different missions around the world. See Putney and Burlin 2012. 11. Braudel 1993: 295. 12. On Islam as a threat at the conference, see World Missionary Conference 1910a. 13. Fortna 2002. 14. Keller and Keller 2012. 15. Vanderstraeten 2014. 16. Chico-González 2000 quoted in Balsera 2011. 17. Misner 2000. 18. McCool 1989; Stafford 2018. 19. Taylor 2007: 171–2. 20. For a definition of imaginary community, see Taylor 2007: 171–2. 21. Thompson 2013. 22. Curtis 1992: 16. 23. Sabourin 1925. 24. Fraser 2007. 25. Fuchs 2004. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid.: 770. 28. Hobsbawm 1996: 7. 29. Cicchini 2004. 30. Brehony 2004. 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid.: 734. 33. Braudel 1993: 94. 34. Brehony 2004: 743–4. 35. Depaepe 2002. 36. Brehony 2004: 749n107.

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37. International Missionary Council 1928, 1939. 38. Inman 2017: 19. 39. Ibid. 40. Missionary Education Movement 1917; Bruno-Jofré 2010. 41. Bruno-Jofré 2010. 42. Bastian 1986; Bastian and Bruno-Jofré 1994; Bruno-Jofré 2010. 43. Rossinow 2005. 44. Montevideo Congress 1925. 45. George A. Coe (1862–1951), a graduate of the University of Rochester, also did studies at the University of Berlin. He changed his interest from philosophy to experimental psychology early in his career, and by the beginning of the twentieth century he was very much involved in religious education. He taught at various major universities in the United States, concluding his career at the Teachers College of Columbia University (1911–27). He was one of the founders of the Religious Education Association of America. His papers are kept at the Northwestern University Archives, Evanston, Illinois. He was the “translator” of John Dewey’s educational theory into the Social Gospel. 46. Coe 1927. 47. Bruno-Jofré 2019a. 48. Camargo 1930: 54. 49. Popkewitz 2005; Bruno-Jofré and Schriewer 2012. 50. Bilgi and Özsoy 2005; Cole 2014. 51. Arat 2010. 52. Cole 2014. 53. Arat 2010: 871. Arat explained how Turkey moved from a single-party to a multiparty regime, which involved new religious freedoms and the emergence of Islamist parties. Arat argues that one threatening development was the propagation of patriarchal religious values used within education and civil society organizations to place women in secondary roles. 54. Bruno-Jofré and Martínez Valle 2012. 55. Dewey 1984; Bruno-Jofré and Martínez Valle 2012. 56. Petit historique 1926: 138. 57. Bruno-Jofré 2013. 58. Bruno-Jofré 2016. 59. Ibid. 60. Bruno-Jofré 2019b. In 1927, Our Lady of the Missions opened Sacred Heart College and offered the first and second years of higher education, and then became affiliated with the University of Ottawa, making the third and fourth years available to western Canadian girls in a Catholic environment. The Sisters of the Congregation de Notre Dame had opened a classical college for girls in Montreal very early on. 61. Catholic and Protestant colonial education in Africa are not examined here. Of particular relevance for history of education is the work of Marc Depaepe. See Depaepe 1998b, 2017. 62. D’Epinay 1968; Bastian 1986: 129. 63. Elias 1999. 64. An interesting case is the doctoral thesis by the Jesuit priest Alberto Hurtado, which he defended at the Catholic University of Louvain (Belgium) in 1935, entitled “Dewey’s Pedagogical System in the Face of the Demands of the Catholic Doctrine.” See Bruno-Jofré 2019a.

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65. Ford 1969. 66. Chappel 2018. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid.: 67. 69. Alvarez Bolado 1976. 70. Hobsbawm 1996: 37. 71. Ottavi, Ohayion, and Savoye 2004. 72. Burma, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Palestine (Israel), and the Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) in 1948. In 1946, the United States granted formal independence to the Philippines, occupied since 1898; the Japanese Empire had disappeared; Islamic North Africa was shaking; and in parts of Southeast Asia, political decolonization was resisted, particularly in French Indochina (Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos). The Dutch were too weak to maintain military power (Hobsbawm 1996: 217). 73. Hobsbawm 1996: 220–1. 74. Braudel 1993: 111. 75. Haschim 1996: 44–7; Tan 2014. 76. Braudel 1987: 205–14. 77. Depaepe 2009: 709. 78. Russell 2004. 79. O’Malley 2014. 80. Baum 2011. 81. Ebaugh 1993; MacDonald 2017. 82. Berger 2014: 28. 83. Ibid.: ch. 2. 84. Cox and Imbarack 2017. 85. Fahrni and Rutherdale 2008: 1–20. 86. Schneiders 1992; Fiorenza 2016; Bruno-Jofré 2019c. 87. Urban 2010. 88. Rohstocck and Tröhler 2014. 89. Brown 2003: 29–46; McLeod 2003: 1–28; Christie and Gauvreau 2013. 90. Bruno-Jofré 2019c. 91. Bruno-Jofré 2019b. 92. Miller 1997; Cairns 2000. 93. Freire 1970. 94. Chappel 2018. 95. Berger 2014. 96. Bruno-Jofré and Igelmo Zaldívar 2012.

Chapter 2   1.   2.   3.   4.   5.   6.   7.   8.   9.

On educationalization, see Tröhler 2016. Bosche 2008. Rein 1899, 1911. Rein 1890, 1893. Gardiner and O’Donoghue 2003: 1. Saari 2016. Tinker 1932. Anderson 1978. Tröhler 2011a.

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10. Gautherin 2002. 11. On Italy, see Arcomano 1986. 12. Lagemann 2000. 13. Hofstetter and Schneuwly 2011. 14. Harney and Kürger 2017. 15. Brezinka 2014. 16. Popkewitz 2005. 17. Tröhler 2005. 18. Sabourin and Cooper 2014. 19. Elsenhans 1909. 20. Le Clair 1966: 202. 21. Fuchs 2007. 22. Bovet 1927. 23. Magnin 2002. 24. Dittrich 2010: 4. 25. On international exchange processes, see Cowen 2009; on fostering nationalism see Thiesse 1999; Fleck 1935/79. 26. Hacking 1984. 27. Kuhn 1962. 28. On “heroes,” see Horlacher 2018; on “predecessors,” see Tröhler 2006a. 29. Tröhler 2014. 30. Englund has described the situation regarding Sweden. On Lutheran countries, see Tröhler 2003; on Bildung and the national community, see Tröhler 2012; Horlacher 2016; on Sweden, see Englund 1996. 31. On Calvinist countries, see Tröhler 2010; on France, see Gaultherine 2002. 32. On Chile, see Jakšić 1989; on Argentina, see Dabat 1992; on Mexico, see Ducoing 1990. 33. Nardowski 1999. 34. On medically oriented experimental research on childhood, see Depaepe and de Vroede 1998; Depaepe 2001; Depaepe, Simon, and van Gorp 2011; on Ovide Decroly, see Van Gorp 2005. 35. Haenggeli-Jenni 2011. 36. Gonçalves Vidal and Silva Rabelo 2019. 37. On the Brazilian Instituto de Investigaciones Educacionales, see Gonçalves Vidal 1996. 38. Marhuenda and Bolívar 2012. 39. Bruno-Jofré and Jover 2012. 40. Kuhn 1962. 41. Urban 2010. 42. On calls for more physics in schools, see Rudolph 2002. 43. On pragmatism and Congregationalism, see Tröhler 2006b. 44. Thorndike 1898. 45. Thorndike 1906: 5. 46. Tyack 1974: 126–9. 47. Time 1957: 15. 48. Coombs 1968: 8. 49. Ibid. 50. Tröhler 2015. 51. Tröhler 2011b. 52. OECD 1993: 12.

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53. On trust in numbers, see Porter 1996; on taming of chance, see Hacking 1997; on objectivity in research and results, see Daston and Galison 2007. 54. Heyneman 1993. 55. Ibid.: 375. 56. Ibid. 57. For Norway, see Utdanningsdirektoratet 2019; for Scotland, see Scottish Government 2017. 58. European Commission 2018. 59. Lyons 1962. 60. Ibid.: 245. 61. Ibid.: 245–6f. 62. Ibid.: 246–8. 63. Ibid.: 247. 64. Scimago Institutions Ranking 2019.

Chapter 3   1. Stearns 2010.   2. Fass 2007.   3. Weller 2017.   4. Hindman 2002.   5. Cunningham 2005.   6. Ortiz-Ospina and Roser 2013.   7. Kraus 2012.   8. Stearns 2003.   9. Roser 2015. 10. Stearns 2007. 11. Coale and Cotts Watkins 1986; Traphagan and Knight 2003. 12. Mintz 2004. 13. Huston 1979. 14. Druckerman 2014. 15. Heywood 2001. 16. Kirschenbaum 2000. 17. Chan 1985. 18. Stern and Markel 2002. 19. Richardson 1993. 20. Lasch 1978. 21. Druckerman 2014. 22. Kirschenbaum 2000; Kelly 2007. 23. Chan 1985; Lau 1996. 24. Pattnaik 2004. 25. Rafalovich 2004. 26. Wiesner 2011. 27. Guggenheim 2005. 28. Stearns 2016. 29. Gruenbaum 2001. 30. Mason 1999. 31. Cross 1997, 2000. 32. White 1994.

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33. Bennett 2000; Watson 2006. 34. Guttmann 2004. 35. Nguyen 2015. 36. Oddy 2009. 37. World Health Organization 2017. 38. Shefer 2012. 39. Farr 2005; Territo and Kirkham 2010. 40. Young et al. 2017. 41. Garbino et al. 1991; Singer 2006; Goodenough and Immel 2008. 42. Hecht 1998; Schlemmer 2000. 43. Machel 2001; Marten 2002. 44. Garbino et al. 1991; St. John 2008. 45. Vincent and Sorenson 2001. 46. Rosen 2005. 47. Stearns 2017.

Chapter 4   1. Dekker 2011; Hällström, Jansson, and Pironi 2016.   2. Jackson 1968; Baker 2009; Popkewitz 2015.   3. Tyack and Tobin 1994: 454; Depaepe 1998a; Van Ruyskensvelde, Hulstaert, and Depaepe 2017.   4. Myers 2020.   5. Seth 2007.   6. Williams 2015.   7. Freire 1970; Giroux and Purpel 1983.   8. Bourdieu and Passeron 1990; see also Bernstein 1975; Lareau 2011.   9. Connell et al. 1982. 10. Gunn and Bell 2003: 147. 11. Willis 1977. 12. Berezin 2017. 13. Caldwell 1980. 14. Crozier and Symeou 2017. 15. Vickers and Xiaodong 2017; Watkins, Ho, and Butler 2019. 16. United Nations 2016b. 17. Finn and McEwan 2015. 18. United Nations 2016a. 19. Hopkins 2016. 20. Maithreyi and Sriprakash 2018. 21. López López 2017. 22. Cowlishaw 1999: 125–32. 23. Fass 1989; Lassonde 2005; McLeod and Yates 2006; Myers 2015. 24. Weaver 2012. 25. Weaver 2012; Spencer 2017. 26. Ferrante 2012–15. 27. “Home Rooms” 2006. 28. Ayres 1994. 29. David 1980: 1–11. 30. David 1980: 1.

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31. Steedman 1985: 156. 32. Whitehead 2007. 33. Theobald 2001. 34. Barron 2017: 139. 35. Tyack 1974. 36. Cuban 1993: 121. 37. Weaver 2009. 38. Irving 1820; Eggleston 1871, 1883; Cobb 1916. 39. Protsik 1996; Rousmaniere 1997: 33–40. 40. Trapp 1949; Aleichem 1949. 41. Sound of Music 1965; Fiddler on the Roof 1971. 42. Hardyment 1983; Stearns 2003. 43. Spock [1957] 2013: 14. 44. Lupton, Pedersen, and Thomas 2016; Pedersen 2016; Miller 2018. 45. Proctor and Weaver 2017. 46. Weaver and Proctor 2018; Proctor and Weaver 2020. 47. Semple 2012; Korelitz 2014; Moriarty 2014; Big Little Lies 2017. 48. St. Clare’s, see Blyton 1941; Greyfriars, see Richards 1947. 49. Spencer 2013. 50. Auchmuty 1999: 1, 121–46. 51. Rowling 1997; Smith 2003. 52. Spencer 2013: 389. 53. Hilton 1934. 54. Periyan 2018. 55. Alexie 1993: 172–3. 56. See Swain and Hillel 2010; Woolford 2015. 57. Monkman 2017. 58. Heiss 2018: 1. 59. Heiss 2018: 6–7. 60. Ibid.: 256 61. Ibid.: 283–4. 62. Haebich 2000. 63. Bendixsen and Danielsen 2019. 64. Uni Research Rokkan Centre n.d. 65. Connell 2013; Ravitch 2013.

Chapter 5   1. Jarvis 2008.   2. McCulloch and Woodin 2010a.   3. Dewey 1926.   4. Pring 2017.   5. Wirth 1972.   6. King 1937: 25.   7. Kozulin, Gindis, Ageyen, and Miller 2003.   8. Brehony 2004.   9. Boyd and Rawson 1965. 10. O’Donnell 2007. 11. Semel 1992.

NOTES

12. Aldrich 2002. 13. Darling 1984; Bailey 2013. 14. Hearnshaw 1979; Torrance 1981. 15. Hall 2000: Olson 2007; Kohler 2008. 16. Wenger 1998; Farnsworth 2016. 17. Lave and Wenger 1991: 35. 18. UNESCO 1972, 1996. 19. Elfert 2018. 20. Department of Education and Employment 1998. 21. Illich 1971. 22. Harker and McConnochie 1985; Tocker 2015. 23. Marker 2009: 769. 24. McCulloch and Woodin 2019. 25. Watts 2002. 26. Egan and Goodman 2017. 27. Unterhalter 2000. 28. Fry 1988. 29. Purvis 1985. 30. David 2008. 31. Armstrong 1988; Gaad 2010. 32. Copeland 1999; Dale 2007. 33. Lowe 1980; Winfield 2007. 34. Altenbaugh 2006. 35. Smith 2007. 36. Hoffer 2006. 37. Ibid. 38. Smith 2007. 39. Smith 2006: 116. 40. Cowan and Steward 2007: 1–2. 41. Orwell 1937: 112–13. 42. Humphries 1981; Rose 2001. 43. Burke and Dudek 2010. 44. Carey 2014: 34–5. 45. Ibid.: 27. 46. Waterhouse 1994. 47. Charlton 2007: 14. 48. Morgan 2015: 23. 49. Williams 2009: 20. 50. Ibid.: 62. 51. Ibid.: 50–1. 52. McCulloch and Woodin 2010b. 53. Cecil 1988. 54. Auden 1934; Spender 1951. 55. Simon 1940. 56. Ibid. 57. Ibid. 58. McCulloch 2011. 59. Briggs and Burke 2002. 60. Joyce [1916] 1968: 7.

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61. Harrison 1961. 62. Carpentier 2018, 2019. 63. Dyhouse 2002. 64. Jacobs, Leach, and Spencer 2010. 65. Weinbren 2004; Tait 2008. 66. Trottman and O’Donoghue 2010. 67. O’Donoghue, Harford, and O’Doherty 2017; Ben-Peretz 2018; McCulloch 2018. 68. Kelly 1992. 69. Shuker 1984; see also Thompson 1945. 70. Gadfly 1993. 71. Woodin 2005a, b. 72. Lageman 1989. 73. Carroll 2009. 74. Ibid. 75. Ibid. 76. Mandela 1994. 77. Sutcliffe 2016. 78. McKenzie 1992; Beach 2008. 79. Roos 2003; Brickell 2010. 80. “The Ivy League Village Chief” 2017.

Chapter 6   1. Reese 2010: 99.   2. HC Debate January 29, 1828, vol. 18, cc. 58.   3. UNESCO 2016.   4. Hargreaves and Loo 2000; Lortie 2002; Rabo 2007; Cobbold 2015; Simola 2015.   5. Ricoeur 1992.   6. Lortie 2002.   7. Francis and Skelton 2008.   8. Carr 1986: 97.   9. Maguire 2008: 53. 10. Goodson, Moore, and Hargreaves 2006. 11. Mauss, “Essai Sur le Don,” quoted in Imbert 2013: 30. 12. Benincasa 2006. 13. Peske et al. 2001. 14. Allen 1926. 15. Griffiths 2006: 9. 16. Bailyn 1960. 17. Moore 2004. 18. Reese and Rury 2008. 19. Houston 2009. 20. UNESCO 2006. 21. Mallozzi 2014. 22. DES/HMI 1990. 23. Genette 1997: 2. 24. Ibid. 25. Johnson 2001. 26. Sjaak, Grosvenor, and del Mar del Pozo Andrés 2011.

NOTES

27. Gasparini and Vick 2006: 24. 28. Jacobitz 2003: 60–1. 29. “Schools Around the World” 2015. 30. Burke and Grosvenor 2008. 31. Steedman 1987: 119. 32. Burke 2001: 200. 33. Loparco 2017. 34. Cuban 2007. 35. Ibid.: 6. 36. Tyack and Cuban 1995. 37. Ibid.: 85. 38. Trentmann 2009: 306. 39. Baggerman 2011: 164. 40. Kostogriz and Peeler 2007. 41. Livingstone 2010: 781. 42. Connerton 2011: 15. 43. Rassmusen 2012: 115. 44. Gleason 2001. 45. Trentmann 2009. 46. Ibid.: 300. 47. Ibid.: 298. 48. Ross 1989: 1053. 49. Su 2004. 50. Lixian and Cortazzi 2011: 113. 51. Ibid. 52. Ibid.: 125. 53. Ibid.: 129. 54. Acker 1999. 55. Harrison 1943: 118. 56. Baggerman 2011: 21. 57. Connell 2009. 58. Gardner 1996a. 59. UNESCO 2016. 60. Fuchs 2014: 18. 61. Crutchley 2015. 62. Kostogriz and Peeler 2007: 120. 63. Rousmaniere 2009: 26. 64. Ibid. 65. Sperandio 2014: 50. 66. Griffiths 2006. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid.: 403. 69. Olsen 2000: 426. 70. Martino 2014. 71. Griffiths 2006: 402. 72. Gardner 1996b. 73. Ingersoll and Perda 2008: 114. 74. Robertson 2008. 75. Smaller 2009: 29.

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NOTES

76. Ewing 2010. 77. Gaffney 2007. 78. Mundy and Murphy 2001. 79. Robertson 2016: 276. 80. Ibid. 81. Mundy et al. 2016. 82. Robertson 2016: 279. 83. HC Deb January 29, 1828: vol. 18 cc. 58.

Chapter 7   1. Chlebowska 1990.   2. Kaestle 1991.   3. Ibid.   4. UNESCO 1972.   5. Ibid.   6. Ibid.   7. Berliner and Glass 2014.   8. UNESCO 1972.   9. Bhola 1984. 10. UNESCO 1972. 11. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (Unicef) 2015. 12. Bhola 1984. 13. Graff 1987. 14. Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) 2014. 15. Kaestle 1991. 16. Ibid. 17. UNESCO 1972. 18. Hazen 1978. 19. UNESCO 1972. 20. Ibid. 21. Lamba 1984. 22. Brady and Hiltz 2017. 23. UNESCO 1972; Unicef 2015. 24. Unicef 2015. 25. Stedman and Kaestle 1991. 26. UNESCO 1972. 27. Unicef 2015. 28. Unicef 2015. 29. Stedman and Kaestle 1991. 30. Summers 1996. 31. UNESCO 1972. 32. Unicef 2015. 33. UNESCO 1972. 34. Unicef 2015. 35. Lear 1967. 36. Ibid. 37. Africa Watch 1991; Unicef 2015. 38. Chlebowska 1990.

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195

39. Kaestle 1991. 40. Chlebowska 1990. 41. Leu et al. 2009. 42. Gee 2000; Kress 2003; New London 2000. 43. Moje 2008; Draper et al. 2010. 44. Wineburg 1991; Ashby, Lee, and Schemilt 2005; Van Drie and Van Boxtell 2008. 45. Kress 2003. 46. Resnick and Resnick 1977: 383. 47. Leymarie-Ortiz 1977. 48. Ladson-Billings 1995. 49. Ibid. 50. Ibid. 51. Stapleton 1998. 52. Draper et al. 2010. 53. New London Group 2000. 54. Moje 2008; Draper et al. 2010. 55. Barthel 2018. 56. Pew Research 2004. 57. Alhindi, Talha, and Sulong 2012. 58. Sharma and Sharma 2017. 59. Marshall 2017. 60. Carter 2014. 61. Kirkpatrick 2017. 62. Way and Casey 2018. 63. See, for example, the News Literacy Project. https://newslit.org (retrieved April 28, 2020). 64. Metzger 2007. 65. Lavoie and Pychyl 2001. 66. McGrew et al. 2018. 67. Marshall 2017. 68. Wineburg and McGrew 2016.

Chapter 8   1. Dewey [1938] 1963.   2. Dewey 1966.   3. Dewey [1897] 1929, [1938] 1963.   4. Freire [1970] 2012.   5. Dewey 1933.   6. Mulcahy 2006; Knight 2008.   7. Biesta 2006.   8. Perkinson 1980: 189.   9. On freedom in learning, see Dutt 1954; Tagore 1954; O’Connell 2003. 10. Tagore 1961: 207. 11. Kupfer 2015. 12. Nussbaum 2010. 13. Sykes 1945: 76. 14. Kupfer 2015. 15. Ibid.

196

16. Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. Isaacs 2010. 19. Lillard 2005. 20. Martin 1992; Thayer-Bacon 2012. 21. See Isaacs 2010. 22. McCluskey 2014. 23. Bethune 1999: 77. 24. Bethune 1999b: 59–61. 25. Adler 1942: 220. 26. Ibid.: 21. 27. Ibid.: 18. 28. Adler 1988: 303. 29. Bowers and Apffel-Marglin 2005; Roberts 2008. 30. Freire [1970] 2012: 88. 31. Ibid.: 51. 32. Ibid.: 75. 33. Ibid.: 139; Freire and Macedo 1987. 34. Freire [1970] 2012: 95. 35. Ibid.: 80; our emphasis. 36. Aronowitz 2013: 2–3. 37. Freire [1970] 2012: 81. 38. Ibid.: 84. 39. Ibid.: 47. 40. Warnock 1977, 1979. 41. Warnock 1979: 24. 42. Warnock 1978: 6. 43. Ibid.: 5. 44. Paton 2010. 45. Warnock 2010. 46. Hirst 1974. 47. Hirst and Peters 1970. 48. Hirst 1993, 2008. 49. Hirst and Peters 1970. 50. Hirst and Peters 1970; Hirst 1974. 51. Hirst 1974: 93. 52. Ibid.: 96. 53. Hirst 2008: 120. 54. Hirst 1993: 196, 2008: 120. 55. Martin 1994. 56. McLaughlin 2001. 57. Palmer 2001. 58. Peters 1972. 59. Martin 1994. 60. Martin 2011. 61. Mulcahy 2002, 2018. 62. Martin 1994: 35–52. 63. Giroux 1991: 52. 64. Stern 2013.

NOTES

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65. Merrow 2011. 66. Diane Ravitch’s blog: https://dianeravitch.net. 67. Ravitch 2004. 68. Ravitch and Finn 1987. 69. Ravitch 2010: 11. 70. Ravitch 2016: 247. 71. Ibid. 72. Stern 2013. 73. Mulcahy 2018. 74. Ravitch 2013: 18.

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CONTRIBUTORS

Rosa Bruno-Jofré is Professor at and former Dean of the Faculty of Education, cross-appointed to the Department of History, Faculty of Art and Sciences, Queen’s University, Canada. She is also an elected Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada. Her areas of expertise are the history of women religious, history of education, and educational theory from a historical perspective. She is the founding coeditor of the journal Encounters in Theory and History of Education. Roni Jo Draper is Professor at David O. McKay School of Education at Brigham Young University, Utah, where she teaches courses in literacy, multicultural education, and women’s studies. Her research interests focus on teacher education and the challenge of preparing teachers to create inclusive classrooms. Additionally, Roni Jo works as an advocate for social justice in her community serving on the boards of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Utah, Provo Pride, and PFLAG Provo/Utah County. Philip Gardner is Historian of Education at the Faculty of Education, University of Cambridge. He is a Life Fellow of St Edmund’s College and a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. He has written widely on the history of teaching and the teaching profession and is the coauthor, with Peter Cunningham, of Becoming Teachers: Texts and Testimonies 1907–1950 (2004). He also writes on methodological issues in history and memory work, and is the author of Hermeneutics, History and Memory (2010). Judith Harford is Professor of Education, Deputy Head of the School of Education and Vice Principal for Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, University College Dublin. She is an elected Fellow of the Royal Historical Society (London) and a Fulbright Scholar in the Social Sciences. Her research interests

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are the history of education, with a particular focus on gender, and teacher education policy. Amy Petersen Jensen is Professor in Theatre and Media Arts at Brigham Young University, Utah, where she currently serves as Senior Associate Dean in the College of Fine Arts and Communications. Amy has served as the coeditor of the Journal of Media Literacy Education and the General Editor for the Youth Theatre Journal. She served on the leadership team for the revision and writing of K–12 National Core Arts Standards in the United States. Recent book publications include the coedited volume (Re)imagining Literacies for Content-Area Classrooms (2010) and Arts Literacies and Education (2015) with Roni Jo Draper. Gary McCulloch is Brian Simon Professor of the History of Education at UCL Institute of Education London. He is currently Editor of the British Journal of Educational Studies and is a past president of the UK History of Education Society and the British Educational Research Association. His recent publications include Transnational Perspectives on Curriculum History (2019) and A Social History of Educational Studies and Research (2017), which won the 2019 Society for Educational Studies book award. D.E. Mulcahy is Associate Professor and Director of Elementary Education, Department of Education, Wake Forest University, North Carolina. His publications include Education in North America (2014), coedited with D.G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul, and Discourses on Pedagogy, Praxis and Purpose in Education (20014), coauthored with C.M. Mulcahy and D.G. Mulcahy. His research focus is on education policy and its impact on both school and society, particularly in the urban context. D.G. Mulcahy is Connecticut State University Professor of Educational Leadership Emeritus at Central Connecticut State University. He is a past President of the New England Philosophy of Education Society and of the Educational Studies Association of Ireland. His books include Pedagogy, Praxis, and Purpose in Education (2015), The Educated Person (2008), Knowledge, Gender, and Schooling (2002), and Curriculum and Policy in Irish Post-Primary Education (1981). His research has also been published in scholarly journals, edited books, and encyclopedias. He has twice been awarded Fulbright Grants. Jeffery D. Nokes is Associate Professor in the History Department at Brigham Young University, Utah. A former middle school and high school teacher, he researches history teaching and learning, historical literacy, and preparing young people for civic engagement. His scholarship has appeared in several important journals. He is the author of Building Students’ Historical Literacies:

CONTRIBUTORS

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Learning to Read and Reason with Historical Texts and Evidence (2012) and Teaching History, Learning Citizenship: Tools for Civic Engagement (2019). Tom O’Donoghue is Professor of Education at the University of Western Australia and Elected Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia of the Royal Historical Society. He is a former President of the Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society. He specialises in the study of the historical antecedents to contemporary education problems and issues. Helen Proctor is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the University of Sydney. She is coeditor of History of Education Review and former President of the Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society. Her principal research focus is on the historical formation and reformation of the relationships between schools, families, and “communities” from the late nineteenth to the early twenty-first century, across different kinds and levels of schooling. Sir Peter N. Stearns is Professor at George Mason University, Virginia, where he was provost from January 1, 2000, to July 2014. He was Chair of the Department of History at Carnegie Mellon University and served as the Dean of the Dietrich College of Humanities and Social Sciences. He founded and edited the Journal of Social History. He is also renowned for his writing on the history of childhood, including Childhood in World History (2006) and Anxious Parents (2003). His most recent book is Time in World History (2020). Daniel Tröhler is Professor of Foundations of Education at the University of Vienna, and Visiting Professor at the University of Oslo, Norway. His areas of research expertise are inter- and transnational developments and trajectories of education and curriculum between the late eighteenth century and the present. He is founding editor-in-chief of Bildungsgeschichte: International Journal for the Historiography of Education. For his book, Languages of Education: Protestant Legacies, National Identities, and Global Aspirations (2011), he was awarded the 2012 AERA Outstanding Book of the Year. He is currently working on the development of an ERC project proposal “Nation state, curriculum and the fabrication of national-minded citizens.” Heather Weaver is Research Associate in the School of Arts and Social Sciences at the University of Sydney. She is also former Honorary Secretary of the Australian and New Zealand History of Education Society. Her research ranges from scholarly work on manufactured visions of the normative school mother and child, and attitudes to parenting and schooling in Australia, to responding to the needs of young refugees with disrupted prior schooling.

INDEX

abacuses 132 ability to read 4, 140, 141, 150 Adler, M. 171, 173, 175, 198 adolescent girls 74 adult education 9, 11, 36, 114, 116, 211 adult interaction 167 Adventist missionaries 143 Afghanistan 76 African Americans 146, 154 African women 144 African American children 77 Ainu peoples 145 Albania 27, 142, 143 Algeria 144, 148 American Association of University Professors 163 American Indians 154 American Peace Corps 73 American Philosophical Association 163 American Psychological Association 55, 163 American women’s colleges 135 Americanization 142 Amnesty International 69 Annales school 11 Aquinas 173 Arab nations 156 Arab Spring 156, 157, 199 archaic societies 122 Argentina 37, 45, 143, 188, 210 army drill methods 5

artistic activities 172 autonomy 10, 17, 20, 136 barefoot doctors 66 behavioral objectives 5, 10 Belarus 142 bells 129 Benin 146, 192, 200 Bethune-Cookman University 169 Binet, S. 6, 109, 170 birth control 61, 62, 74 blog posts 151 Bobbitt, F. 6, 184, 201 British colonies 3 British Rhodesia 147 Broudy, H. 171 Brougham, H. 119, 137 Bulgaria 28, 143 Burkino Faso 146 Calcutta 7, 165 Cambodia 76, 77, 186 Canadian culture 144 careerism 135 Catholic Church 17, 22, 70, 98, 229 Cattell, R. 6, 48 Central America 76 certification 122 Charters, W. W. Chicago 6, 184, 204 child development 19, 65, 101, 110, 167

INDEX

child mortality 57, 60, 66, 76, 223 child-centered progressivist teaching 128 Chile 28, 38, 143, 157, 173 civic responsibility 7 civil disputes classroom 58 classroom interaction 127 classroom life 127, 128, 129, 130 classroom practice 128, 136 classroom regimes 128 classroom routines 129 classroom teaching 128 clinical studies 167 cognitive science 162 Cold War 14, 27, 29, 33, 35, 36, 46, 52, 59, 77, 146, 223, 224 Colombia 45, 63, 77 colonial exchange 133 colonies 2, 12, 16, 26, 117, 140, 144, 145 colonizers 145, 147, 153, 154 Columbia University 21, 24, 26, 41, 162, 168 communism 25, 64 communist nations 142 compulsory school systems 142 Confucian traditions 131 consumer fashions 73 consumer societies 71 consumerism 58, 64, 71, 72, 73, 74, 78, 220 contemporary classroom 135 Convention on the Rights of the Child 69, 70 Cookman Institute for Men 169 co-operative working atmosphere 100 corporal punishment 88, 128, 135, 209 Côte d’Ivoire 146 courtship 71, 72 craft skills 132 creativity 104, 165, 166 criminals 75 Cuba 15, 25, 28, 128, 143 cultural revolution 27, 33, 64, 78, 131, 214 cultural sensibility 120 cultural traditions 129 cultures of teaching 130, 132 Cyrillic alphabet 150 Czech Republic 158

235

Darlington Hall 7 Darwin, C. 9 Daytona Educational and Industrial Training School for Negro Girls 169, 201 decolonization 4, 14, 27, 28, 33, 58, 96, 144, 145, 147, 186 defeminization 134 democratic political philosophy 11 democratization 10, 153, 156 Denmark 39, 143 deprivation 79, 174 didactic teaching 166, 172 digital expressions 157 digital literacies 158 digital tools 150, 156 direct instruction 6 disciplinary mechanism 78 displays 110, 130 domestic activities 123 domestic arts 9 dress standards 127 DuBois, W. 170 Dutch Reformed Church 216 early childhood education 161, 169 East Asia 17, 59, 65, 72, 78, 84 Eastern Bloc countries Eastern Europe 27, 142 economic advancement 119, 141, 142 economic development 57, 59, 65, 68, 75, 131 economic growth 133 economic liberalization 10 economic proletarians 135 Education International 136 education reform 140, 176, 180, 181 educational theorists 128 educationalization 36, 39 educationalized culture 39 educationalized intellectuals 39 educationalized nation-states 40 educationalized world 39 electronic games 73 Elmhirst, L. K. 7. 165 Encyclopaedia Britannica 172 enslavement 77 environmental calamities 148 ethics 13, 21, 31, 174

236

Ethiopia 27, 146, 149, 198 ethnicity 24, 84, 105, 133 European Union 10, 75 European-Algerians 144 exploitation 21, 69, 79 facebook 151 Famine 148, 149 Fascism 26, 33, 64 female gender roles 134 femininities 134 femininity 196, 134 feminist history 11 feminization of teaching 134, 135 feminized pedagogical practices 135 film analysis 12 Finland 142, 224 Fordham Foundation 180 formal authority 130 Foucault, M. 11, 12 functional literacy 140, 146, 152, 159 functionally illiterate adults 141 furniture 5, 130 Galton, F. 7 gender equity 133 general education 10, 161, 172, 177 genocide 76, 140, 148 Geography 5, 171, 180 Georgia 77, 142, 168 Germany Girton College, Cambridge 174 globalization 10, 29, 52, 58, 71, 74, 135 globalized educational governance 136 globalized managerialism 135 grammar of education 133, 135, 137 grammar of schooling 128, 129, 130, 137 Great Books of the Western World 172 Great Britain 15, 19, 33, 174, 176 Great Depression 7, 26, 58 Greeks 23, 75 Guinea-Bissau 173 habitual tools 123 habituated practices 133 Haines Normal and Industrial Institute 168 halloween 72 health problems 77 health studies 9

INDEX

hegemonic femininity 134 hegemonic masculinity 134, 135 Her Majesty’s Inspectors 125 Herbart, J. 4, 5, 6, 36, 37 Herbartians 4, 5, 37 hermeneutic traditions 126 Hirst, P. 171, 175 historical imagination 125, 127 historical scholarship 126 Hitler Youth 63 holocaust 75, 148 Honduras 143 House of Commons 119 human development 161 human interaction 122 human rights movements 140 human rights violations 148, 149 hunger 142 Hutchins, R. M. 172 hyperlinks 155 Iceland 142 ideological assertiveness 4 ideological state apparatuses idiosyncratic vocabularies 152 illiteracy 140, 142, 146, 147, 150 illness 142 immigration 47, 70, 96, 140 imperial domination 133 imperialism 14, 24, 25, 33, 58, 140, 143 income inequality 142 independence movements 140, 145 individual opportunity 133 industrial expansion 7 industrial studies 9 industrialization 58, 65, 71 140, 141, 143 industrializing nations 119, 141 information computer technology 1 instructional environment 2 International Labor Office 74 International Save the Children Union 69 international trade 71 Iraq 76, 77 Islamic countries 70 Israel 76 Italy 15, 17, 40, 166 Jordan 70 juvenile courts 75

INDEX

237

Kazakhstan 142 Kilpatrick, W. 23, 27, 168 Kindergarten 5, 9, 52, 110 King’s College London 176 Kolkata 164 Komsomols 63 Korczak, J. 69

moral education 4, 6, 19, 23, 24, 26, 32 moral educationists 4, 6 moral regulation 119 Mozambique 144, 173 Multiculturalism 10, 84 multimodal communication 152 Muslims 20, 23, 28

Lane, H. 5 League of Nations 42, 43, 68 learning theories 128 Leipzig 6, 37, 38 Leningrad 76 liberal arts 180, 181 Libya 148, 156 life stories 162 literacy inequities 153 literacy scholars 151 literature 134, 154, 164, 174, 180 Lithuania 142 Little Red Soldiers 63

Naas centre for teacher education 5 Nanjing 76 narrative identity 120, 135 National Association of Colored Women 170 National Council of Negro Women 169 national educational cultures 133 national ideals 6 National Training School for Women and Girls 168 National Youth Administration 169 nationalism 4, 7, 18, 43 natural disasters 148 naturalists 4, 5 Network for Public Education 180 New England 161 new literacies 151, 155, 160 New London Group 151, 155 new technologies 151, 152, 155, 156, 157 Newman, J. H. 171, 172, 176 Niger 144 North America 2, 3, 17, 19, 21, 27, 29, 65, 94 North Korea 143 Norway 38, 39, 52, 96, 142, 158 Nussbaum, M. 165, 171

Malawian girls 144 male role models 135 managerialism 135 manual employment 3 Maritain, J. 171 Martin, J. R. 177, 178, 179 masculine hands 134 masculinities 134 masculinity 134, 135 mass recitation 119 material classroom environment 130 material space 129 materialities 129, 130 materiality 129, 130 mathematics 3, 5, 46, 51, 106, 149, 154, 171, 176 Mayesville 168 media studies 13 medical inspection 5, 88 medicine 37, 46, 49, 55, 64 memories 128, 129, 132 memory 12, 95, 122, 127, 129, 132 Mexico City 163 Middle East 19, 68, 71, 72, 77, 78 misinformation 156, 157, 159 modes of address 127 Montessori M. 5, 42, 45, 100, 101, 166, 167, 168, 179

occupational identity 120, 121 hegemonic masculinization 135 Ofsted 175 oral history 12, 108, 116, 130 orphanages 62 Ottoman Empire 75 outcomes-based education 6, 10 Outlines of Pedagogics 37 Oxford High School 174 Pakistan 27, 61, 139, 145 Pakistani men 147 Pakistani women 147 Palmer Memorial Institute Pan American Union 168

238

Panama 21, 143 patriotism 3, 6 peace building 9 Pearson Education 209 pedagogical commitment 126 pedagogical status 127 pedagogical wisdom 121 Pedagogy of the Oppressed 31, 104, 163, 173 Peru 143 Peruvians 143 Pestallotzi, J. 5 Peters, R. S. 171, 176, 179 Phenix, P. H. 171 Philosophy of Education Society 176, 177 phone screens 150 photographs 12, 76, 95, 125, 145, 151, 157 physical authority 130 physical punishment 130 physical skills 166 policy makers 48, 52, 54, 99 polytechnic institutions 9 pornography 74 post-Cartesian West 130 postcolonial history 11 posters 129, 152 poverty 28, 65, 74, 75, 108, 142, 146, 147, 148, 149, 159, 172, 173 practical educationists 4, 5 preparatory schools 3 primary school education print-based texts 2, 3 privatization 10, 98, 180, 181 problem-posing 173, 174 problem-solving 22, 172 professional commitment 135 professional continuity 126 professional cultures 121 professional identity 130 professional judgment 136 professional lives 120, 127 professional positions 3 professional transmission 121 professionalism 120 professionalization 122 progressive historians 11 progressive reforms 142 Protestant Christianity 144 public educational provision 119, 120

INDEX

public health standards 63 public policy 120 public schools 18, 32, 92, 128, 133, 140, 141, 153, 180 Puerto Rico 15, 143 Quechua-speaking schools 143 Racism 22, 26, 33, 83, 140, 144 Ravitch, D. 179, 180, 181 real-time commentary 155 recollections 19, 130, 132 Reforming Education 172 refugee crises 148 refugees 9, 58, 75, 77, 90, 149 Regina Indian Industrial School 145 remuneration 134, 135 Rome 101, 102, 166 rudimentary literacy 144 rural farmers 143 Russian 19, 64, 65, 72, 100, 150, 158 Rwanda 76 San Lorenzo 166 Santiniketan 7 Sáo Tomé and Príncipe 173 Save the Children Fund 68 school buildings 5 school curricula 8, 27, 68 school meals 5 scientific educationists 4, 6 secondary school education 3 semiotic sign systems 152 Sesame Street 72 sexism 140 sexual abuse 77 shaming 78 Slojd system 5 social democratic governments 140 social justice 28, 133 social media platforms 150, 156, 157, 159 social reformers 4, 5, 81 social semiotics 12 social solidarity 133 social studies 9, 171 socialist states 143 socialization 15, 64, 20, 45, 133 South Africa 20, 74, 106, 117, 147, 163 South Korea 60, 62, 72 Soviet Union 27, 33, 61, 69, 100, 142

INDEX

Spanish Civil War 26, 76 spatial proximity 131 speaking 25, 37, 42, 172 Spearman, C. 6 special education 5, 107, 161, 174, 175 Spock, B. 64, 90 standardized managerialism 135 standardized testing 10 state school systems 9 Steiner, R. 5 sub-Saharan Africa 134, 146 Sweden 5, 37, 44, 142 Swedish system 5 Switzerland 37, 40, 42, 172 Syria 27, 76, 146, 156 Tagore, R. 7, 164, 165, 166, 167 Taliban 139, 147 teacher effectiveness 122 teacher preparation 37, 132 teacher protagonist 125 teacher recruitment 135 teacher training 36, 37, 46, 84, 122, 132 teachers’ organizations 136 teachers’ professional identities 133 teachers’ work 120, 131, 133, 136 teaching profession 121, 127, 135 technical colleges 9 technological aids 129 technological innovation 140 technology 8, 9, 59, 74, 98, 113, 117, 155 teenagers 59, 67, 71, 72, 73, 91 temperament 109, 122 terrorism 140 tertiary education level 3 textbooks 4, 5, 16, 87, 180 The Logic of Education 176 The Paideia Proposal 171 The Philippines 15, 77, 145, 148, 149 The University of Chicago Laboratory School 162 The University of Vermont 161 Thorndike, E. 6, 20, 48 totalitarian regimes 148 traditional methods 128 transnational organizations 133 Trotsky, L. 163 Tunisia 70 Turkey 16, 23, 24, 35, 75, 163

239

Turkish Child Protection Law 75 twitter 151, 158 Tyler, R. 5 Uganda 148 Ukraine 158 United Kingdom 71, 139, 141, 146, 158, 176 United Nations 10, 69, 74, 84, 102, 140, 141, 149, 152 Universal Charter of Human Rights 69 universal literacy 133, 153 University Council for the Education of Teachers 176 university curricula 8 University of Michigan 37, 162 urban dwellers 143 urban sprawl 143 urbanization 59, 72, 140, 141, 143 Uruguay 69 venereal disease 74 video 151, 155 Vietnam 73, 76, 77, 142 Vietnamese 73, 142 violence 75, 76, 77, 93 wall boards 129 Walt Disney Company 71 Warnock, M. 107, 174, 175, 176 Warnock Report on Human Fertilisation and Embryology 174 Washington 89, 168, 169, 170 West African nations 144 West African societies 153 West Asia 134 Western Europe 2, 3, 59, 64, 65, 71, 74 wisdom 121, 131 women teachers 18, 134, 135 work of teachers 120, 130, 132 World Health Organization 69, 73 Young Pioneers 63 youth culture 58. 73 Yugoslavia Zaire 148 Zambia 148 Zurich 36