A Coptic Narrative in Egypt: A Biography of the Boutros Ghali Family 9781350985018, 9781838607913

Table of contents :
Cover
Half-title
Title
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Preface
1. Boutros Pasha Ghali
2. Naguib Pasha Boutros Ghali
3. Wassif Pasha Boutros Ghali
4. Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali
5. Merrit Bey Naguib Boutros Ghali
6. Gueffrey Naguib Boutros Ghali
7. Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali
8. Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali
9. Raouf Youssef Boutros Ghali
10. Dr Youssef Raouf Boutros Ghali
11. The Boutrosiya Church
Notes
Family Tree
Index

Citation preview

A Biography of the Boutros Ghali Family

Edited by Youssef Boutros Ghali

Published in 2016 by I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd London • New York www.ibtauris.com Copyright © 2016 Youssef Boutros Ghali The right of Youssef Boutros Ghali to be identified as the editor of this work has been asserted by the editor in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Every attempt has been made to gain permission for the use of the images in this book. Any omissions will be rectified in future editions. References to websites were correct at the time of writing. ISBN: 978 1 78076 939 4 eISBN: 978 1 83860 790 6 ePDF: 978 1 83860 791 3 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: available Designed by Ian Ross www.ianrossdesigner.com

To a new generation of Egyptians, that they may continue to serve Egypt as their forefathers did.

Ghali Bey Nayrouz

CONTENTS

Preface

ix



1 Boutros Pasha Ghali 3



2 Naguib Pasha Boutros Ghali



3 Wassif Pasha Boutros Ghali 89



4 Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali 121



5 Merrit Bey Naguib Boutros Ghali 127



6 Gueffrey Naguib Boutros Ghali 147



7 Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali 151



8 Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali 181



9 Raouf Youssef Boutros Ghali 187



10 Dr Youssef Raouf Boutros Ghali 191



11 The Boutrosiya Church 201

73

Notes 225 Family Tree

230

Index 231

PREFACE

I

t is said that people who do not know history are condemned to repeat it. Conversely, people who are condemned to repeat history must seek to find truth in it. Five generations of the same family have been closely involved in the history of Egypt. Generation after generation, they were concerned with the fate of their country as if they were personally responsible for it – a culture that was passed on from father to son. Over the life of my family, Egypt went from a backward province of the Ottoman Empire, to a world power, to a country in financial distress, to a virtual colony in the British Empire. Independence led to monarchy, to revolution, to autocracy, all in our family’s daily life, up close and personal. Meeting our ancestors meant acquainting ourselves with Egypt’s history almost day by day. And knowing them meant knowing a little more of the history of a great country and a little more of this irresistible force that pushed us all to public service. It all started with a simple overseer of princely landholdings from Upper Egypt. Ghali Nayrouz brought up his two sons, Boutros and Amin, in the prince’s household and gave them the best education of the time. Both were successful. Amin became a wealthy landowner. Boutros, the eldest, ended up in public service. With a legal background, versatile, sophisticated and fluent in several languages, he rose rapidly in the ranks of the administration. He embarked on a ministerial

career in his early forties, and through finance, justice, and finally foreign affairs, it continued to the prime ministership of Egypt; the first Egyptian ever to occupy the position. Boutros had to battle a powerful occupier while building a young country that needed to construct all of the institutions of government. He served a khedive who fought the British and their dominance as best he could with the help of his minister of foreign affairs and later prime minister. Nationalism was still dormant in Egypt then. Containing the British needed the soft power of diplomacy, the wiles of the bureaucracy and the passive resistance of those who know they cannot throw their yoke but seek to lighten its burden. The courage to face challenges often gets misinterpreted as weakness and capitulation. We try and look at what Boutros did through his eyes, in his time. Sadly, the first steps of a nationalist movement took on an Islamist colouring and took his life. To paraphrase Lord Cromer, it was ironic that the first Egyptian patriot would be assassinated in the name of Egyptian patriotism. Of Boutros’s three sons, two went into politics, Naguib and Wassif. Naguib continued the work of his father in the Foreign Ministry for a decade, then entered the Ministry of Agriculture in the early 1920s. His brother Wassif stayed involved in Egypt’s political life for over 30 years. In 1919 a nationalist movement sprung to life demanding independence from the British. Wassif was central

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to the movement, continuing the fight of his father with the means that had become available at the time: mass demonstrations and revolution. He stayed at the forefront with the nationalist leaders of the time, Saad Zaghloul and Mostafa Al-Nahhas. Again working in the Foreign Ministry seemed to be his forte. He defended Egypt in all its foreign battles and tried to assert the newly independent country on the international scene. He was a man of letters who wrote fiery speeches to keep Copts and Moslems united in the aftermath of his father’s assassination; he studied Arab customs and writings and wrote poetry. Childless, he inspired his nephews Merrit, Gueffrey and Boutros to follow in his and their grandfather’s footsteps. Of the three nephews, Boutros had the most varied career. With a doctorate in international law from the University of Paris and a diploma from Sciences Po in Paris, he started an academic career as Professor of International Law and Political Science at Cairo University. In the late 1970s he found himself involved in the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel. Like his grandfather he did not shy away from controversy and did what he thought was right for his country. We feared for his life at the time, while he thought he might end up like his grandfather. A long ministerial career in foreign affairs then followed, always with the ultimate goal of advancing Egypt’s power and glory in the Middle East, Africa and the world. With his international reputation the United Nations seemed the natural institution for him. As Secretary-General, in 1993 he started a reform of the institution both internally and around its international reach. A great believer in the independence of the institution, he clashed with the main hegemon: the United States. Never one to back out of a fight, he lost his re-election to the post by 14 votes to one veto in the Security Council. Again, like all generations past, I grew up watching history being made in our living room.

Finance was my discipline of choice and I started a career as an international civil servant at the IMF. Soon, however, I was longing to follow in the footsteps of my ancestors. With liberal leanings I returned to a socialistic society in distress. I had learned never to shy away from reform if I believed in it. And I did. A ministerial career started at 40 and lasted for over 18 years. Like my greatgrandfather, my great-uncles and my uncle, I worked with an autocrat who, with time, grew to trust me and let me implement the reforms that, I believe, served Egypt best and brought progress, even if late and never enough. In a period of renewed turmoil in Egypt’s history, after the January 25 Revolution, the sixth generation of Boutros Ghalis – my children, my cousin’s and my brother’s children – wanted to know about their roots and their history. They asked questions; they wanted to meet the men and women in the many portraits around the many houses they grew up in. This book is the result of the brilliant vision of Dr Ismail Serageldin, the Director of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, and his work on recording ‘the Memory of Contemporary Egypt’. He approached me offering to catalogue all the archives of the Boutros Ghali family. The research team was led by Dr Khaled Azab, an extremely knowledgeable and perceptive historian, through reams and reams of documents and papers over a period of almost two years. A book in Arabic on the Boutros Ghali family was the result of this research. I owe the present volume for the most part to Dr Khaled Azab, Ayman Mansour and Mohaned El Sayed Hamdy and would like to express our family's immense gratitude for their dedication and the excellent work done. Ismail has been a long-time friend and continues to lead an organisation that thanks to him stands at the helm of modern Egypt’s cultural renaissance. God bless him and his work. My undying friendship goes to him.

CHAPTER 1

Boutros Pasha Ghali Background

G

hali Bey Nayrouz was a land overseer and treasurer of the land holdings of Prince Moustafa Fazl Pasha, the son of Ibrahim Pasha, grandson of Mohamed Ali the Founder of modern Egypt and Brother of the Khedive Ismail. He came originally from the village of Nekheila in Assiut province then moved to middle Egypt in the province of Beni Suef. Ghali Bey practically lived in the Khedivial Household and enjoyed their trust and confidence. He had two boys, the eldest Boutros and the younger Amin who would grow up with the young princes of the Khedivial family. Boutros Ghali was born in the town of ElMaymoun, Beni Suef province, on 12 May, 1846.1 At the age of six, Boutros Ghali joined a pre-school nursery kuttaab in Beni Suef, before attending the Haret el-Sakkayeen school in Cairo, founded by Pope Cyril IV (Kyrellos IV, the Father of Reform). Here he learned the basics of Arabic and French from Mostafa Bey Radwan, and was taught the Coptic language by Barsoom Effendi el-Raheb.2 Boutros Ghali was an exceptionally intelligent boy, and was sent by his father to a school established by Prince Moustafa Fazl Pasha in Darb el-Gamameez, and attended by the sons of princes and members of the Egyptian Establishment. Here Boutros Ghali learned several languages: French,

English, Turkish, Farsi and Armenian along with Arabic, and with his quick memory and enthusiasm for learning was soon translating perfectly from Arabic into French, Farsi and Turkish.3 In later life, he was known still to recite the Persian poetry he had memorised as a young boy. He was so fond of reading, in fact, that, concerned that it would affect his health, his colleagues asked Ghali Bey Nayrouz to persuade his son to read less. So keen was he to learn, that whilst still at school, the young Boutros Ghali even hired himself a private tutor from Khan El-Khalili, whom he paid out of his own pocket money (with coins called bar), to help him master French and Turkish, since he was not satisfied with the performance of his school teacher. He eventually graduated from school with four languages, and then went on to learn English, Italian and the Coptic language.4

Ghali Bey Nayrouz Ghali Bey Nayrouz

Moustafa Fazl Pasha

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The Beginning Boutros Effendi Ghali’s first job was as a teacher at Haret el-Sakkayeen school, taking a salary of E£7. In his spare time, he continued to work on his language and translation skills, at the school established by Refaa Pasha el-Tahtawi, and after two years was qualified to work at the Trade Council in Alexandria. Here he was regularly promoted, eventually rising to the post of chief clerk.5 The Trade Council was affiliated to the Ministry of Interior, and Boutros Effendi soon came to know the Minister of Interior, Mohamed Sharif Pasha. The Minister admired the young man’s fluency in foreign languages, and in 1874 made him a chief clerk in the new Ministry of Justice, which he had been asked to establish in preparation for the new judiciary reform system.6 Once in his new position, it was not long before Boutros Effendi was invited by Mohamed Kadri Pasha, the Minister of Justice and one of the great jurists of the time, to assist in translating the laws of the mixed courts into Arabic. This in turn gave Boutros Effendi the opportunity to become acquainted with Nubar Pasha, the then Prime Minister. The mixed courts were founded in 1875 by Khedive Ismail Pasha and designed by Nubar Pasha, as part of a reform of Egypt’s legal system. They were based on a civil law format and British common law, incorporating Islamic principles, and were intended for disputes between foreign nationals (on both sides) and disputes between foreign nationals and Egyptians. With the worsening of the financial crisis during the reign of Khedive Ismail, Boutros Effendi, by now General Secretary for the Ministry of Justice, became an assistant to Mostafa Pasha Riadh, chairman of the committee formed to unify debts. Here he learned a great deal about

taxes, and wrote a report about taxation in Egypt in French and Arabic. Sir Rivers Wilson, the British delegate to the committee, told Boutros Effendi, ‘You’ll be Minister of Finance one day.’ In appreciation of his skills, the Egyptian government granted Boutros Effendi the title of Bey.7 The reign of Khedive Mohamed Tawfik saw the government tasked with establishing a financial system to settle public debts. The Khedive agreed Below: Boutros Pasha Ghali Right: Bein el-Kasrein Street, Cairo, at the end of the nineteenth century

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A street in the European district, Alexandria, at the end of the nineteenth century

with debtor countries to form a ‘liquidation committee’, and on 31 March, 1880 a decree on forming the committee was issued. A further decree was issued a week later, appointing its members, and Boutros Bey Ghali was named as Egypt’s representative. The ‘law of legislation’ eventually submitted to the Khedive by the committee remained the basis of Egypt’s financial system until 1904, and Boutros Bey was granted an Ottoman Medal of the Third Order in appreciation of his efforts towards its creation.8 In 1880 Boutros Bey Ghali was granted the title of Pasha. In 1881 Prime Minister Mohamed Pasha Sherif declared his intention to draft a legal framework for the employment of civil servants, specifying their duties, the relationship between heads and staff, conditions of employment and promotion, as well as disciplinary and dismissal measures to ensure their good performance. He submitted a report to Khedive Mohamed Tawfik suggesting the formation of a committee to instigate this, and by October of that year, Boutros Pasha had been invited to become a member of it.9 He

Khedive Ismail

Boutros Bey Ghali in his youth

was also involved in the 1884 committee formed by Nubar Pasha to amend these laws, and which included foreign consuls based in Egypt. Whilst working on the translation and amendment of these laws, Boutros Pasha Ghali also prepared the civil laws that would be applied in the new national courts, which opened in January

Mostafa Pasha Riadh

Khedive Mohamed Tawfik

Nubar Pasha

Mohamed Sharif Pasha

8

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Top: Papers signed by Boutros Pasha Ghali in his capacity as Deputy Minister of Justice / Bottom: Gendarmes, mid-nineteenth century / Right: Al-Azhar Mosque at the end of the nineteenth century

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1884 alongside the already existing religious tribunals, the first civil courts to be established in Egypt. So enthusiastic was Boutros Pasha about the new judiciary system that in early 1884 he led the opening ceremonies of the new civil courts in Alexandria, Tanta, Shebeen Elkom, Benha and Zagazig.

It was no surprise that Boutros Pasha should face traditionalist resistance to his development of the judiciary system, and in 1884 Sheikh Almahdi and some members of the Advisory Council of Laws (Legislative Council) attempted to have him dismissed from his post in the Ministry of Justice. The move failed, however, and

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Orabi’s Revolution

Ras El-Teen Palace

the supporters of modernisation won the battle. Sheikh Almahdi was subsequently dismissed by Khedive Mohamed Tawfik from the posts of Grand Mufti and Grand Sheikh of Al-Azhar Mosque.

The period from January 1881 to September 1882 saw the first real nationalist revolt in modern Egypt. The movement, initiated, maintained and ultimately lost by Colonel Ahmed Orabi was the first attempt at rolling back the Anglo-French dominance of the financial and political life of Egypt. Ahmed Orabi was one of the few officers of true Egyptian stock; his father was an omda near Zagazig in Sharkia province. He was one of a minority in the upper reaches of the Egyptian military dominated by Turco-Circassian officers. The slogan ‘Egypt for the Egyptians’, adopted by Orabi, was the first time that a truly nationalist movement was attempting to wrestle power from foreigners. A first protest led by Orabi in January of 1881 resulted in the dismissal of the War Minister, Uthman Rifqi, a Turk of the old school, and a marginal improvement in conditions for Egyptian officers. By September, the tall, eloquent Orabi was becoming nationally known as a hero. Later in that month, an open confrontation with the Khedive Tawfik, again led by Orabi, resulted in the dismissal of the autocratic Circassian Prime Minister Mostafa Pasha Riadh in favour of Mohamed Sharif Pasha, another notable of Turkish origin. Orabi further demanded the election of a new Chamber of Representatives with greater powers, and an increase in the size of the army to 18,000. Tawfik had little choice but to accede to the demands.10 As Orabi’s popularity and support among many social groups including El-Azhar and the army was increasing, he took on bolder and bolder action. Feeling increasingly undermined and fearful for his throne, Khedive Tawfik dismissed Mohamed Sharif Pasha and appointed Mahmoud Sami El Baroudi as Prime Minister, who in turn appointed Orabi as Minister of War.

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On 11 June, 1882 an altercation between an Egyptian and a Maltese in Alexandria ended in full-scale riots, where Europeans were attacked, buildings burned and looting occurred throughout the city. Orabi ordered the army to restore order after 50 Europeans and up to 250 Egyptians were killed. Following these developments a committee was formed to study these incidents, but was quickly dissolved, following the refusal of the British consul to allow his delegate to attend or participate in any way, and his accusations that the committee was biased. Once Ismail Pasha Ragheb had taken over the Justice Ministry, a mixed committee was formed to investigate the events in Alexandria, where it also held its meetings. The membership of the committee included Yaqoob Pasha Sami, Deputy Minister of Defence, Boutros Pasha Ghali, now Deputy Minister of Justice, the Chief Guards of Khedive Mohamed Tawfik and of Darwish Pasha, the Ottoman delegate, and delegates from the

foreign consulates in Egypt. The talks were not wholly successful, however, as the Europeans hindered progress, accusing the Egyptians of being a tool of the nationalist Ahmed Pasha Orabi.11 Following the British invasion of Alexandria later in 1882, the situation became further aggravated by Khedive Mohamed Tawfik’s decision to dismiss Ahmed Pasha Orabi from his post as War Minister and Commander of the Army. Meanwhile Orabi’s continued resistance to the British invasion and growing support of the nationalist forces in Cairo led members of the General Assembly, which included Boutros Pasha, along with ‘Christian clergymen, Jewish Rabbis, guild leaders and other merchants, eight members from the elected chamber, provincial governors and Omdas’,12 to meet and decide not to accept Orabi’s dismissal, but to keep him as Commander of the Army and defender of the country.13 The body nullified the Khedive’s dismissal of Orabi, and sanctioned disobedience to Tawfik on the grounds that he was under British control and had violated Sharia and civil law.14

Ismail Pasha Ragheb

Darwish Pasha, the Ottoman delegate

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Khedive Mohamed Tawfik and the members of the nationalist movement: Ali Fahmy Bey, Ahmed Pasha Orabi, Abdullah Helmi Pasha and Fakhri Pasha

Boutros Pasha had always enjoyed a friendly and cordial relationship with Ahmed Pasha Orabi: in the early days, when his position was becoming stronger, Orabi had gone to Khedive Mohamed Tawfik asking him to grant Copts the title of Pasha. It was upon this request that the Khedive granted Boutros Ghali the title of Pasha in 1880. After Orabi’s defeat at the hands of the British in the Battle of Tal El-Kabir in September 1882, Boutros Pasha persuaded Orabi to submit a petition to Khedive Mohamed Tawfik calling for a ceasefire and announcing his allegiance. He persuaded him to convene another military council, similar to the previous one in which he had decided to surround Cairo with soldiers to fight the British, at which it was decided to send a delegation to the Khedive, calling for Orabi’s pardon. Boutros Pasha was a member of the delegation that travelled to Kafr El-Dawwar, and then on to Alexandria. In Kafr El-Dawwar, a cable was sent to the Khedive explaining the nature of their assignment, and asking for a train at Hagar Al-Nuwatiya station to continue their journey to Alexandria. Wishing to alter the contents of the petition, Ahmed Pasha

Orabi asked the delegation members to return, but they refused, asking for his amendments to be sent by telegram. By the time the second petition duly arrived in Kafr El-Dawwar, however, accompanied by Abdullah Al-Nadeem, the first had already been submitted and duly rejected by the Khedive who detained the delegation. He then ordered the arrest of Ali Pasha Al-Robi, Orabi’s second in command at Tal el-Kebir, and the release of Boutros Pasha and Mohamed Raouf Pasha, a Turkish notable member of the delegation.15 The friendship between Boutros Pasha and Ahmed Pasha Orabi survived the latter’s subsequent banishment from Egypt, and Boutros Pasha, by now Foreign Minister in the cabinet of Mostafa Fahmi Pasha,16 was among the group that Ahmed Orabi visited following his return from exile in Ceylon, made possible by an amnesty granted in 1893 by Khedive Abbas Helmi. Throughout his ministerial career, Boutros Pasha continued to support the return of all remaining exiles in Ceylon, contributing to the repatriation of Toulba Esmat in 1899.

Ahmed Pasha Orabi

13

Ceremonies held by Khedive Mohamed Tawfik for receiving the British army while entering Cairo in 1882

A circular from Ahmed Pasha Orabi on Khedive Tawfik’s defeatism and cooperation with the English

Ahmed Pasha Orabi and Toulba Esmat Pasha surrendering to the commander of the English forces in Abbassiya, Cairo Mostafa Fahmi Pasha

Ali Al-Robi

Documents of Orabi’s revolution investigation in which Boutros Pasha Ghali took part. His signature seal can be seen as the first from the right on the third line from the top.

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Boutros Pasha Ghali, Minister Boutros Pasha remained Deputy Minister of Justice until 1893, when he was promoted to Minister of Finance in the first cabinet of Hussein Fakhri Pasha (Prime Minister for just three days, from 15–18 January, 1893).17 This cabinet witnessed a crisis in the relationship between Khedive Abbas Helmi II and the British authorities, after the

Khedive had, without consulting Lord Cromer, the resident British Viceroy, dismissed the cabinet of Mostafa Fahmi Pasha and formed a government headed by the virulently anti-British Hussein Fakhri Pasha. Cromer saw this as a serious act of defiance (even using the term ‘coup’) on the part of the

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Khedive, and a challenge to British authority, which could lead to a ‘collapse’ of Britain’s position and influence in Egypt. The situation was so tense that in his reports to London, Cromer even suggested British troops should be ordered to occupy key ministries in Cairo (a measure ultimately rejected by the Foreign Secretary). In the end, Lord Cromer was authorised to send a verbal warning on 17 January, 1893 to Khedive Abbas Helmi II that if he did not respond positively, he would face grave consequences. However, on the same day discussions were held between Boutros Pasha and Tigran Pasha, as representatives of the Khedive and Lord Cromer, to try and defuse the tension and reach a face-saving compromise. At the end of the discussion both parties reached the following solutions: 1. As a gesture of goodwill, in response to the Khedive’s request, Mostafa Pasha would not return to the premiership. 2. Hussein Fakhri Pasha would resign from the premiership in response to Lord Cromer’s request and to the ‘British warning’. 3.

The Khedive would submit to Lord Cromer an official report, drafted by the British Commissioner himself, stating that: ‘he [the Khedive] sincerely wishes to exert his utmost to establish the best friendly relations with England, and that he shall follow, with full satisfaction, the advice of the English Government in all important matters in the future.’

4. Mostafa Pasha Riadh would be appointed Prime Minister. 18 Mostafa Pasha Riadh formed his third cabinet (19 January, 1893 to April 1894), and Boutros Pasha Ghali was appointed Minister of Finance

for the second time. Pasha Riadh’s government – perceived as not aligned with the British, and likely to resist them in subtle ways that would not invite retribution – received a warm welcome from the press, with one Egyptian newspaper writing that the new cabinet was composed of ‘patriots, and that the autonomy of Egypt is sure to benefit from brave defenders as long as there are in power men like Riadh, Tigran, Boutros and Mazloum Pashas.’ Much of the enthusiasm surrounding Pasha Riadh’s cabinet reflected the popular appeal of the Khedive’s recent challenge to Britain’s authority. As a member of this cabinet and important participant in these events, Boutros Pasha was therefore broadly identified, at the beginning of his ministerial career, with the anti-British current in Egyptian politics. Nevertheless, it was a testament to his statesmanship and political talent that Boutros Pasha was also held in high regard by the British. In a despatch on 7 July, 1893 by Arthur Hardinge (Consul-General at Cairo) to Foreign Secretary Rosebery in London, the new Finance Minister Boutros Pasha is described as ‘the principal layman in the Coptic community, and though, as stated above, he usually acts with Tigran and Mazloum Pashas, is, besides being a man of considerable ability, of a far more trimming and conciliatory temper.’ Throughout his career in politics Boutros Pasha was always careful to balance his and his countrymen’s strong nationalist sentiments with the overwhelming dominance of the British in all aspects of political and economic life. The antiBritish stance of Khedive Abbas Helmi had to be tempered often to avoid the humiliating retreats of the early days of his reign. One particularly sensitive aspect of Egyptian politics at this time was the balance of influence

19

Khedive Mohamed Tawfik opening Tawfikia Canal on 11 February, 1890

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in the cabinet between the religious reformers (who had the broad sympathy of the British) and the religious conservatives or traditionalists. The Prime Minister, Pasha Riadh, was a ‘determined Mahommedan’, firmly in the conservative camp, while the ‘reforming party’ was most strongly represented by Mazloum Pasha. As a Christian Copt, Boutros Pasha often played a key role as mediator between these two factions – a tribute to his diplomatic abilities, tact and prestige.

Boutros Pasha’s Activity in the First Cabinet The cabinet faced many problems from the start as Khedive Abbas Helmi’s brief moment of popularity quickly passed, and his relation to his own cabinet changed. He grew displeased with Pasha Riadh and by August 1893 was noted as being confident only in Mazloum and Tigran Pasha. The Khedive’s

Lord Cromer. Despite his differences with Boutros Pasha Ghali, he wrote of him in his memoirs, ‘he was certainly the most capable of living Egyptian Ministers. I should add that he was an Egyptian patriot in the truest sense of the term.’

Tigran Pasha

dissatisfaction and the British authorities’ lack of interest prompted Mostafa Pasha Riadh to submit his cabinet’s resignation on 4 April, 1894, signed by Boutros Pasha and Tigran Pasha.19 Following Mostafa Pasha Riadh’s resignation, Nubar Pasha was entrusted with forming his third cabinet (15 April, 1894 to 12 November, 1895), and again Boutros Pasha was appointed Foreign Minister.20 He and Mazloum Pasha were the only ministers retained from the previous cabinet, a good illustration of the strong position Boutros Pasha had come to enjoy within Egypt’s elite, after little more than a year as a serving cabinet minister. This performance is all the more impressive given the complexities of Egyptian politics at the time. Cabinet ministers had to tread carefully between the wishes of their de facto sovereign (the Khedive), the influence of their de jure sovereign (the Sultan in Constantinople), the demands of the occupying British and the voice of Egyptian public opinion. The interests of each of these were usually markedly different, with further dissensions surfacing within each faction. An example in point was the proposed visit of the Khedive to

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Khedive Abbas Helmi II heading a meeting of Fakhri Pasha’s cabinet in 1890. From left: Hussein Fakhri Pasha, Ahmed Mazloum Pasha, Sir Elwin Palmer, Nubar Pasha, Ibrahim Fouad Pasha, Khedive Abbas Helmi II, Boutros Pasha Ghali, and Mostafa Fahmi Pasha

London in 1894: opposed by the Sublime Porte (the seat of the Ottoman government in Istanbul) as an illegitimate act of independence; supported by the British as an acknowledgement of their supremacy in Egyptian affairs; opposed by the public for the same reason; and desired by the Khedive himself as a means to consolidate his political status. His ministers (including Boutros Pasha Ghali) officially strongly supported the visit proposed by their sovereign, but in the end the project failed – disappointing the Khedive and the British, but pleasing the public and avoiding a strategically damaging break in relations with the Sublime Porte. Eventually the cabinet resigned in November 1895, due to Nubar Pasha’s ill health and its poor relationship with Khedive Abbas Helmi II, since

Hussein Fakhri Pasha

it had rejected the return to Egypt of the deposed Khedive Ismail from his exile in Constantinople during his final days.21 The dissolution of Nubar Pasha’s third cabinet was welcomed by the British authorities, and Mostafa Fahmi Pasha was entrusted with forming his third cabinet (12 November, 1895 to 11 November, 1908). That cabinet remained in place for 13 years and was the longest recorded.22 Boutros Pasha Ghali was again appointed Foreign Minister, and was to play a major role in several political events.

Khedive Abbas Helmi II A poem in Turkish praising Boutros Pasha Ghali as Minister of Finance

A letter addressed to Boutros Pasha Ghali, Minister of Finance, from the Minister of Education A letter addressed to Boutros Pasha Ghali, the Foreign Minister, on dealing with a French warship at Port Said

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Signing the Sudan Agreement The question of re-establishing control over Mahdist Sudan was becoming increasingly urgent as Dervish raids across the southern border of Egypt pushed ever deeper into the country, destabilising the provinces and causing serious financial losses. The British began to plan a military expedition for 1897 against the Dervishes, aimed at Dongola, a Dervish stronghold. The campaign was to be funded by the British in the form of a forced loan to Cairo, a loan that Egypt was expected to pay back. This financial issue was at the heart of the process that led to the Sudan Agreement. As early as December 1896, Lord Salisbury (the British Foreign Secretary and Prime Minister), seconded by Cromer, clearly stated that Britain should ‘hold’ Dongola as ‘a pledge for any money’ that London would advance for the costs of the campaign. A secondary financial consideration for retaining direct British control over Sudan was that the British did not want revenue from the Sudan to go to Cairo, but rather to pay for the local administration. It is clear that the decision to place Sudan under British control was taken at least two years before the agreement signed by Boutros Pasha, and for reasons (financial and political) that were beyond the influence of Egyptian government. Boutros Pasha had been directly involved with this problem since he was Finance Minister in 1893, and as Minister for Foreign Affairs, he now found himself at the heart of the issue of the funding of the Dongola campaign via Egyptian debt. The nature of the Anglo-Egyptian relationship and the reasons for this tough approach are best exemplified in a statement made by Salisbury on the matter: ‘the rebellion of Arabi [Orabi] Pasha deprived Abbas’s father of the power conferred upon the government of Egypt by the Firmans.

That power was wrested from Orabi by the British victory at Tal-el-Kebir, and the rights which that battle gave to this country [Britain] have never been parted with. Great Britain having then acquired by conquest complete control over the action of the Government of the Khedive cannot allow that control to be disputed.’ In 1898 the Sultan Abdelhamid refused to sign a treaty suggested by the British that would force them to leave Egypt because it required him to station 3,000 troops from the Ottoman army to guarantee security, something he did not want to consider. This ushered the final step for the British to remain in Egypt and impose their rule. The nationalist movement at that time split into two groups. The first chose to continue the resistance while the other, of which Boutros Pasha was a

Al-Mahdi, the leader of the Al-Mahdi Revolution

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member, chose to maintain the integrity of the state, accommodating the presence of the British while trying to limit their influence as much as possible. The ‘right of conquest’ was central to British thinking, and explains why it felt justified in threatening the Khedive with not formally restoring Sudan to Egypt after Kitchener’s reconquest of the country in 1898, but rather with annexing it outright. The Egyptian government clearly had no room for manoeuvre in dealing with the British. The formal process of ‘settling’ the Sudan question began when in 1899 Lord Cromer invited Sir Malcolm McIlwraith, the legal advisor to the Egyptian government, to prepare a draft agreement between the Egyptian and British governments. Under this agreement Sudan was officially put under dual, rather than sole Egyptian

Gordon Pasha, Governor General of Khartoum, killed during the Mahdi revolt in 1885

rule. Lord Cromer submitted the draft agreement to Lord Salisbury, and after his return to Egypt, Salisbury was delegated by the British government to sign on their behalf. The agreement was signed by Boutros Pasha Ghali on behalf of Egypt on 19 January, 1899.23 Despite the Egyptian flag being flown alongside the British one at Khartoum, an official note addressed to Boutros Pasha Ghali explained that ‘the procedure is intended to emphasize the fact that HMG consider that they have a predominant voice in all matters connected with the Soudan, and that they expect that any advice which they may think fit to tender to the Egyptian Government in respect to Soudan affairs will be followed.’ In truth, flying the Khedive’s flag was no more than a face-saving concession to Egypt. A scholar states that ‘Although it was a bilateral agreement, Britain drafted it, and Egypt’s role was limited to signing it.’24 The Egyptian writer and intellectual Louis Awad claimed that the Egyptian–British bilateral rule of Sudan was an inevitable formula during the British occupation of Egypt. Moreover, it was the most Egypt could expect from Britain under the prevailing circumstances. ‘I believe that dividing Sudan between Egypt and England under the 1899 agreement benefited Sudan alone; but for the Egyptian presence in Sudan, Britain would have occupied it alone and turned it into one of its British colonies. It might have also coloured it culturally as it did India, but the Egyptian presence enabled Sudan to keep its Arabic language and Islamic culture.’25 In reply to a question about the extent of responsibility of Boutros Pasha Ghali for signing the Sudan agreement, Egyptian journalist Mohamed Hussein Heikal said, ‘On the day of signing the Sudan agreement, Egypt was formally under Turkish suzerainty. Egypt could not sign an agreement

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that reduces its power or sovereignty over any of its parts, or any part that used to belong to it and was returned to it. Although Egypt sent several letters to the Turkish government, it did not take any action, or even show its support for Egypt if the latter adopted a special attitude towards England.’26 It is worth noting that although Boutros Pasha Ghali was indeed Foreign Minister, the agreement must have been seen and approved by the Prime Minister Mostafa Fahmi Pasha.27 This was confirmed on 9 October, 1898 in Boutros Pasha’s reply to the memorandum sent by Lord Cromer:

The Government of the Khedive, as your Lordship knows, has never lost sight of the reoccupation of the provinces of the Sudan, which are the very source of the life of Egypt, and from which it only retired when compelled to do so by a superior force. The reconquest of the Sudan would lose its significance if the Valley of the Nile, for which Egypt in the past made such great sacrifices, was not returned to her. Knowing that the question of Fashoda is, at the present moment, the subject matter of diplomatic negotiations between England and France, the Government of the Khedive instructs me to request your Lordship to intervene on its behalf with Lord Salisbury in order that the incontestable right of Egypt may be recognised and in order that all the provinces which she occupied at the time of the rebellion of Muhammad Ahmed may be restored to her.28

Finally, it is clear from the evidence available that Boutros Pasha tried hard to secure the best terms for Egypt in the Sudan question, including during the Fashoda crisis, in which French forces threatened British occupation of the Sudan area.

Boutros Pasha Ghali clearly stated that Egypt had never renounced its rights over Sudan, and he sought British support in negotiating the recognition of that fact with the French. The gravity and complexity of the diplomatic situation surrounding Fashoda could hardly be exaggerated; Egypt’s interests in the Sudan were effectively caught between those of two great colonial powers. As for the Sudan Agreement itself, there is evidence that on 17 January, 1899, the eve of signing the agreement, Boutros Pasha was still trying until the very last moment to secure better terms for Egypt. Indeed, he succeeded in persuading Cromer to add a clause to the effect that goods

Lord Kitchener

Suppression of the Al-Mahdi Revolution

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leaving Sudan may be liable to taxation by Egypt (the English-drawn agreement already stipulated that goods coming into Sudan would not be taxed by Cairo, but by Khartoum). Egyptian historian Dr Labib Younan Rizk mentioned that the Egyptian Foreign Minister’s signing of the treaty ‘was like signing a contract of adhesion’:29 the idea had been presented to the Khedive six months earlier, and Boutros Pasha Ghali had no choice but to approve it. In fact the Khedive Abbas Helmi II himself

Lord Cromer, Lord Granville and Lord Kitchener

lamented the signing of the agreement. In his memoirs he writes: ‘Let Egypt know that it is with a tearing pain that my minister of foreign affairs signed the act of Condominium imposed by the inflexible Lord [Cromer]’.

The Project of the Jewish Settlements in Sinai In early June 1902, Britain received hordes of Jewish immigrants fleeing from various parts of

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Mohamed Hussein Heikal

Europe. Since Jewish refugees received extremely low wages, a severe unemployment crisis ensued amongst British workers, and once the number of immigrants had exceeded 100,000, British statesmen agreed that there was now a major threat to British interests. They concluded that the best solution was to repatriate Jewish refugees away from British soil, in a land where disparate Jews could settle. It was unanimously agreed that this place would be the Sinai Peninsula, an area where at that time there were no land taxes. The project took the form of a draft application for a land concession, submitted by Dr Theodor Herzl, the Zionist activist, and a technical commission composed of various nationalities (including specialists in engineering, agriculture, geology, hygiene and the administration of agricultural settlements) was formed to decide whether Sinai was fit for the building of housing settlements. Britain provided the committee with all the facilities it would require, but at the same time

Lord Cromer was very clear that ‘the Khedive has no power to make a concession to this Sect [the Jews]’ and that ‘Dr Herzl’s proposals cannot be entertained.’ On this point Cromer was at odds with his London masters, who strongly supported Dr Herzl and his project. Albert Goldsmid, one of the commission’s members, reported in early 1903 that the commission reached a ‘unanimous conclusion that under existing circumstances the country was quite unsuitable for settlers from Europe, and it could only be made fit for that purpose at a “great capital expenditure”.’ Even before that, various trials (such as experimental farming) would have to be undertaken, which would be very expensive and would have to be paid for in the absence of any concession from the Egyptian government. In the end, the Herzl plan was unworkable unless a concession could be obtained from the Egyptians. On 22 February, 1903 Boutros Pasha Ghali sent a letter to Jacob Greenberg, Herzl’s representative in Egypt, in reply to the request for the land concession, stating:

The Government of His Highness has taken note of your propositions for obtaining a charter for a ‘Jewish National Settlement Company’ with a view to establishing a Jewish Colony in the Sinai Peninsula. However, the Egyptian Government cannot, according to Imperial Firmans [royal decrees], for any reason or justification dispose of any part of the rights pertaining to sovereignty. Therefore, any idea aimed at obtaining agreements of this kind must be excluded.

Correspondence continued between the world leaders of the Zionist movement and the Foreign Office in London, in an attempt to pressurise the Egyptian government to accept the project.

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Left: A letter from Boutros Pasha Ghali, Foreign Minister, to Jacob Greenberg, Herzl’s representative in Egypt, rejecting the proposition of a Jewish settlement in Egypt / Right: Theodor Herzl

On 11 May, 1903, the Egyptian government, represented by Boutros Pasha, sent Colonel Goldsmith, a member of the committee to Sinai, to produce a report in its name. At the end of this visit Boutros Pasha stated, ‘The Egyptian Government would be mistaken if it showed any encouragement to such a project. For the aforementioned reasons, I regret to tell you that the Egyptian Government cannot positively reply to your propositions which are considered unequivocally rejected.’ Hence the dialogue was closed, and the Jews and their British hosts had no choice but to accept the Egyptian decision, and to begin their search for another settlement site.

The Problem of the Western Borders The problem of the western borders first arose in 1902, and was based on a lack of clarity about the border between the Turkish ‘Tripoli’ province (now Libya) and Egypt. The positioning of the border was based only on ‘tradition’, as the only official

map to show it (and which accompanied the Firman granted to Mehmet Ali in the 1840s) was thought to be at Constantinople. The Egyptian copy had been lost in the fire of 1882 that destroyed many Egyptian state papers. As Cromer observed to Foreign Secretary Lansdowne in 1904, the Turks could easily either deny the existence of the map or produce a new one favourable to them – which meant that a solution could only come about through negotiation and the appointment of a commission to fix the border. The Ottomans sought to take advantage of this situation and started nudging their forward posts into Egyptian territory, including taking possession of the Sollum area, with its harbour. Thus the Turkish tax collector came to the Egyptian lands, which were 36 hours away from the mountain overlooking Sollum port, and collected taxes from the Arabs, even though they were on Egyptian land. Khedive Abbas Helmi II ordered Boutros Pasha, the Egyptian Foreign Minister, to ask Lord Cromer to intervene and send warships of coastal guards to occupy the port of Sollum and to establish an

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Egyptian checkpoint two days away from Marsa Matrouh, consisting of a lieutenant and six soldiers, to prevent the Turks from crossing the contested border. Boutros Pasha met with Lord Cromer, who agreed to intervene, and to submit a protest to the Ottoman state against their actions.30

The Problem of the Eastern Borders In early 1906, the Egyptian government was involved in a further dispute with the Ottomans, this time over the division of borders between Egypt and the states of Hejaz and Syria. The Ottoman state wanted to annex most of the land from Tih to Syria by drawing a line between the city of Areesh to Suez, and another line from Suez to Naqab-Aqaba, so that the eastern part of this line would belong to the Ottoman state and the rest to Egypt. When Egypt refused to consider this demand, the Ottoman government asked instead for the Sinai Peninsula to be divided into two parts by drawing a straight line from the city of Areesh to Ras Mohamed, so that Egypt would take the western part and the Ottoman state the eastern one. Again, Egypt refused to consider their proposition, and insisted on keeping the line drawn from the city of Rafah to Aqaba, according to a Firman appointing Khedive Abbas Helmi II as ruler of Egypt.31 As the Khedive had the support of the British, a telegram of 8 April, 1892 from Al Sadr Al A’azam Gawad Pasha (Grand Commander in the Ottoman Military) restored Egyptian sovereignty over all of Sinai. On 11 April, 1906, the Turkish Commissioner in Egypt,32 Ahmed Mokhtar Pasha, submitted a report on the problem to the Egyptian Foreign Minister Boutros Pasha Ghali. The report laid out the Ottoman viewpoint, and was based on information sent to Istanbul by Ahmed Mokhtar Pasha

and the Commander of Aqaba, Rushdi Pasha. It may be summarised as follows: 1.

The Egyptian border is from Areesh to Suez, and all the land east of this line belongs to the states of Hejaz and Syria; there is no international treaty regarding this.

2. The Sinai Peninsula was given to Egypt for safe-keeping only, and Egypt should now return it. 3.

The Gulf of Aqaba and the Sinai Peninsula are outside the region identified by Firman on 13 February, 1841. The cable sent on 8 April, 1892 refers only to the western side of the Sinai Peninsula, land lying west of the line extending from Areesh to Suez.

4.

The interpretation of this cable is made in accordance with the Turkish government, which states that the city of Aqaba is the capital of Aqaba province.

5. The Ottoman state has the right to send royal soldiers every day to Suez. 6.

Taba, as well as other cities, is one of the centres occupied by Ottoman forces, and is part of the Ottoman state’s lands; it is therefore Egypt that has occupied it.

7.

Although the Ottoman state owns it, the disputed site is a useless rocky mountainous area, and leaving its administration to the Ottoman state will do Egypt no harm.

8. The right to speak (on this issue) shall be for His Highness the Khedive only; Britain shall have no right to speak. When Khedive Abbas Helmi II read the report of the Turkish Commissioner Ahmed Mokhtar Pasha, he met with Prime Minister Mostafa Fahmi

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The tree marking Egypt's eastern border in Taba

Pasha and Foreign Minister Boutros Pasha. The matter was discussed further in another meeting comprising Lord Cromer, Prime Minister Mostafa Fahmi Pasha and Foreign Minister Boutros Pasha, who submitted a report to the Khedive advising that Egypt’s rights in Sinai be kept. The following day, Khedive Abbas Helmi II sent a secret telegram to the Turkish Sultan concerning the content of the report, and stressing Egypt’s rights according to the telegram of Gawad Pasha Al Sadr Al A’azam. This telegram was considered a basis for negotiations. On 11 April, 1906 it was announced that Ahmed Shafik Pasha, the Secretary-General of the Khedivial Diwan (court) and a close aide to Abbas Helmi, would travel to Istanbul for discussions. However, he returned to Egypt on 28 June, 1906

without having reached a solution to the problem of Taba and the other disputed cities.33 On the day following the announced travel of Ahmed Shafik Pasha to Istanbul, the Ottoman state removed the two Egyptian border posts at Taba as well as the Egyptian telegram posts in Rafah. Khedive Abbas Helmi II responded to these acts by sending a telegram of protest to the Ottoman Sultan, stating that Taba was an Egyptian city as stipulated in the appointment Firmans. The Ottoman Sultan objected to this, stating that the Firman appointing Khedive Abbas Helmi II referred to the western section of the Sinai Peninsula. This angered further the British government, and on 3 May, 1906 it sent a word of warning to the Turkish Foreign Minister Tawfik Pasha through the British Ambassador in Istanbul, Sir Nicholas O’Connor,

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requiring that the Ottomans evacuate Taba and specifying the border line between Rafah up to the cape of the Gulf of Aqaba. The Ottoman Sultan sent a cable to Khedive Abbas Helmi II on 7 May, 1906 asking him to discuss the problem with Mokhtar Pasha directly, without the interference of the British. When the British subsequently applied naval and diplomatic pressure on the Sultan, the Turks yielded to all British demands. The Ottoman Sultan admitted Egypt’s right to Taba and the demarcation of its borders. The dispute was formally resolved between the Egyptian and the Turkish governments in October 1906.34 This crisis created increased tensions within Egypt, which goes some way to explaining Cromer’s extreme treatment of the Ottomans. Influenced by recent fears of ‘losing control’ in Egypt, in April Cromer had anticipated difficulties and asked London to give him ‘a free hand to adopt whatever measures are demanded by the local situation’.

The Denshawai Incident On Wednesday 13 June, 1906, upon the invitation of Abdelmaguid Bey Sultan, a village elder, a group of English soldiers were enjoying a pigeonshooting trip close to the village of Denshawai, in the Menufiya governorate. During the shoot, when ignited gunpowder caused a fire to break out in a dovecote, local farmers became agitated and attacked the British officers. During the confrontation, a British officer fired a cartridge and injured a woman. In response, the villagers attacked the officers and beat them. While the officers were trying to escape, one of them, who had received a blow to his head in the preceding confrontation, developed sunstroke and died.35 The British authorities immediately decided (with the approval of Mohamed Shukri Pasha,

A letter to Boutros Pasha Ghali, acting Minister of Justice, on the extradition of the accused in the Denshawai lawsuit

Governor of Menufiya) that the incident would be tried by Special Tribunal, an institution devised by Lord Cromer and established by decree in February 1895 at his express insistence, and tasked with hearing special cases of aggression against British uniformed troops. To give a sense of the true purpose and intentions on which the Special Tribunal framework rested, it is worth recalling Cromer’s own reflections on the topic in 1895, when he had been moved ‘by the necessity of having ready to hand some machinery … which could deal very swiftly and summarily with such cases, and possess the power to inflict severer punishment than is possible under the [existing] code.’ Cromer was also responsible for including in the text of the 1895 decree the provision stating that the sentence passed by the Special Tribunal could not be appealed and would be carried out immediately. Therefore, once the decision was taken (without the involvement of Boutros Pasha) to try the Denshawai case under the Special Tribunal (which was assembled on 24 June, 1906), the outcome was very much a foregone conclusion. Additionally, the composition of the Special Tribunal set up for the Denshawai case demonstrates

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The accused in the Denshawai lawsuit

that the final verdict could have gone only one way, since it was dominated by Englishmen:

Acting Minister of Justice, Boutros Pasha Ghali, President



Mr Hayter, Acting Judicial Advisor to the Egyptian government



Mr Bond, Vice-President of the Native Court of Appeal (a similar position to the Lord Chief Justice in England)



Fathy Bey Zaghloul, President of the Native Court at Cairo (one of the best Egyptian judges and brother of Saad Zaghloul, the future leader of the 1919 revolution)



Colonel Ludlow, Judge Advocate, representing the army of occupation

The Egyptian litigation authority was represented by Ibrahim Bey Al-Helbawi.36

Left: Fathy Bey Zaghloul, the brother of future nationalist leader Saad Zaghloul / Right: Ibrahim Bey Al-Helbawi

The tribunal board was made up of two Egyptians and three Englishmen, two of whom spoke no Arabic at all, which impaired from the outset their ability to follow the procedures and form a full and accurate opinion on the facts presented. The trial lasted only three days, although there were no less than 59 persons arrested and accused, plus a couple of dozen other witnesses. Even a most cursory examination of the depositions shows

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how complicated the case was, given the necessity of corroborating so many accounts, and by any reasonable standard it is clear that a fair trial could in no way be conducted in such a short time. Cromer’s view was the opposite, however, and he considered it a ‘perfectly fair trial’. The verdict condemning four of the villagers to death (for murder) and others to imprisonment and flogging was extreme and unwarranted, and there are a number of points to consider: • According to the post-mortem examination of Captain Bull, the British officer who died in the incident, he had received two blows to his head that caused concussion of the brain. This was not sufficient to cause death, but reduced him to a weak condition, so that he was affected by and died from sunstroke. The blows were a contributory cause of death, not a direct one. • The counsel for the defence rightly said that ‘if the heat that day had been less than it was,

The scene of execution at the Denshawai lawsuit indictment



death would not have occurred.’ In effect, therefore, four people were condemned to death because it had been a hot day.

•

Furthermore, it was the senior officer of the pigeon-shooting party who ordered Captain Bull to run many miles through the heat, after receiving the blows to his head, back to camp to get help.

•

The court ruled that ‘premeditation and concerted action were clearly established by the evidence.’ However, the opposite is true. Reading all the depositions and evidence collected, there is no indication of premeditation. As the defence counsel said, ‘it is not reasonable to think that the natives fired off the gun so as to wound themselves.’ Besides, they could not have known that the officers would give up their rifles – so if they had premeditated an attack, they would have had to prepare themselves with more lethal weapons than sticks

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• For each of the accused in turn, the case against him rested mainly on depositions by the British officers. •

In the case of Abdel Hassan Mahfouz, for example, one of the natives condemned to death, the only point against him was that he had indicated the whereabouts of the arms taken from the officers.

•

Another defendant, Issa Salem, was only indicated by the officers as having been carrying a shovel and making ‘threatening’ signs with it; there was no evidence that he was a ringleader, and none of the witnesses said so – yet he was condemned to death.

• Similar unsupported points were made in the case of the other prisoners condemned. • A list of counts in the Denshawai lawsuit indictment by Boutros Pasha Ghali



and mud bricks, going against British officers armed with firing weapons.

•

Also, again as pointed out by the defence, if the accused had had the intention to murder, why did they not then kill the officers after they had surrendered their guns and were sitting down, surrounded by the natives, before the police arrived?

•

In general, it was pointed out how almost impossibly difficult it would have been for the officers to be able to precisely identify so many of the accused, given the chaotic nature of the incident.

Interestingly, the counsel for the defence renounced the right to bring witnesses for the defence. Only witnesses for the prosecution were heard.

In conclusion, from a review of the evidence and depositions, it is clear that murder could not be established, premeditation could not be established, and individual responsibility for various charges could not be established with any kind of accuracy. All of this was known to the members of the tribunal, and yet Cromer’s decision to inflict severe punishment had already been taken and no evidence would be permitted to change it. Before the pronouncement of the sentence, Al-Moqattam newspaper, the mouthpiece of the occupation authorities, said that several gallows had already been sent to Denshawai, suggesting that the sentence had been decided well before the start of trial. Moreover, before the pronouncement of the sentence, Lord Cromer travelled to

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A list of the names, in Boutros Ghali’s handwriting, dictated by the English members of the committee, of those condemned to capital punishment

England for his summer vacation, leaving the chargé d’affaires to implement the sentences, which meant that the whole trial was just for show with a preordained outcome. Boutros Pasha Ghali’s chairmanship of that tribunal gave some the opportunity to accuse him of bias in favour of the British occupation authorities, and he would later be castigated for it. However, a closer look at the trial details reveals many facts not realised by his critics. Firstly, Boutros Pasha’s role in the trial was the formal performance of a job that was not part of his jurisdiction. It was the absence of the then Minister of Justice, Ibrahim Fouad Pasha, the one entrusted to chair the tribunal according to 1895 law, that rendered Boutros Pasha Ghali responsible for it. The same role could have been played by any minister with portfolio at that time.

Secondly, the indictment was issued by the British majority of the tribunal. The Egyptian minority of the tribunal, by the rule of law, was obliged to approve and sign it, submitting to the opinion of the majority. It was therefore the majority, the tribunal authority, that pronounced the unjust indictment. Thirdly, the indictment was a political one, dictated by the British occupation authorities that ordered the sending of gallows to Denshawai before the indictment was pronounced. More to the point, no one could stand against this indictment: its execution was a matter of pride for the British Empire and its colonies.37 Fourthly, the defence authority, comprising Mohamed Youssuf Bey, Ahmed Lotfi Al-Sayed Bey and Ismail Assem Bey, did not deny the accusation, or reduce the counts, but tried to mitigate the accusation from premeditated murder to involuntary manslaughter, without success.38 The Denshawai trial was controversial not only in Egypt but also in London, and especially in the House of Commons, where it caused significant debate, with several MPs questioning the way proceedings were conducted, and the harshness of the sentence. Among the aspects raised in parliamentary debates were the justification for trying the case under a Special Tribunal (since incidents similar to Denshawai had in the past been heard in normal courts); why the sentence of flogging was passed with respect to a number of the villagers, when the native penal code specifically excluded this form of punishment; and the fact that the officers had gone pigeon-shooting without a permit and were acting in a private and non-military capacity. In his replies, Sir Edward Grey, the Foreign Secretary, was evasive and disingenuous, stressing for example that ‘the evidence clearly established premeditation and concerted action’ and refusing

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A letter addressed to Boutros Pasha Ghali concerning the fees paid to the prosecution counsel and the panel of jury in the Denshawai lawsuit

to take into account the concerns raised. As a result, despite significant opposition from a number of MPs in London, the judicial process in Egypt continued its course.

Boutros Pasha Ghali, Prime Minister The Young Turk Revolution in Turkey in August 1908 produced powerful echoes in Egypt, with an ever-increasing clamour for an Egyptian constitution. The occupying British considered this the opinion of merely a small but noisy minority of the population, since the majority did not even know

what a constitution was, according to Ronald Graham, deputy to Sir Eldon Gorst, who was Consul-General at the time and Cromer’s successor in Cairo. Graham recounted that ‘some nights ago, a band of Berberinas [?] paraded the streets of Alexandria, shouting “Aizine el-Destour” (We want a constitution). A Sheikh who was passing enquired whether they knew the meaning of the word. They replied: “Certainly; it means a rise of wages all round.”’ In relation to events in Turkey and the agitation in Egypt, Gorst declared to the press, in typical British fashion, that ‘These self-styled patriots must learn that, so long as the British occupation lasts, the decision as to what measure of selfgovernment may be usefully granted to the Egyptians rests with the British Government, and will be based upon what they consider to be the true interests of the inhabitants of this country.’ Furthermore, in his annual report for 1908, Gorst explained that the Egyptian nationalists did not have the support of the Young Turks (mostly because the nationalists themselves had historically opposed the Young Turk movement), and that as a consequence they had moved ‘to an ultraMahommedan line’, making ‘virulent attacks’ upon the native Christians of Egypt. Boutros Pasha Ghali formed a new cabinet on 12 November, 1908, following the resignation of Mostafa Fahmi Pasha. At that point there had been only two possible choices for Prime Minister: Fakhri Pasha and Boutros Pasha. Gorst stated that Boutros Pasha ‘is from every point of view the better man’ and ‘undoubtedly the most capable among the members of the late Ministry’, but he believed that his being a Christian would represent too big an obstacle. The Khedive felt confident, however, that the ‘appointment of Boutros, as a pure Egyptian, would be more popular than that of Fakhri, who is a Circassian.’

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Boutros Pasha was thus to become the first Prime Minister of Egyptian origin. He was a man of peace, a patriot, a hard worker, and an activist in the fields of peace and mediation.39 It was decided that Boutros Pasha Ghali would report to the Khedive, and receive new powers, in that every minister would in turn report to the Prime Minister.40 The royal decree, issued in November 1908 to Boutros Pasha Ghali, read as follows:41



Your Excellency Boutros Pasha Ghali,

If the above appointments satisfy Your Highness, I beg Your Highness to issue a high decree of approving them. I also beg Your Highness to charge me with the Foreign Ministry beside Premiership. Please accept my due respect and loyalty.

Boutros Ghali Shawwal 18, 1326 h November 12, 1908

Based on your efficiency and knowledge, and out of our confidence in you, we entrust you to chair the council of ministers of our government. Consequently we charge you with forming a new cabinet. Be sure of our support in the great task we entrust you with. We ask Allah Almighty to help us in achieving the welfare of the country and the people. He is the Best to protect and the Best to help.

A high decree was issued by Khedive Abbas Helmi II entrusting Boutros Pasha Ghali to form the new cabinet. The decree read as follows:

Abbas Helmi42



After reading the high decree issued on September 21, 1879, and based on the petition submitted to us by the Prime Minister, we order the following: H. E. Boutros Pasha Ghali … Foreign Minister

Boutros Pasha Ghali replied to the entrustment letter as follows:

H. E. Saad Zaghloul Pasha … Minister of Education

Your Highness charged me with chairing the cabinet. Your Highness entrusted me with forming a new cabinet. I have the honour to submit to Your Highness the names of the Ministers:

H. E. Hussein Roshdy Pasha … Minister of Justice H. E. Mohamed Said Bey … Minister of Interior

H. E. Saad Zaghloul Pasha … Minister of Education



H. E. Hussein Roshdy Pasha … Minister of Justice

H. E. Ahmed Heshmat Pasha … Minister of Finance

H. E. Mohamed Said Bey … Minister of Interior





H. E. Ismail Serry Pasha … Minister of Public Works, Military and Maritime

H. E. Ahmed Heshmat Pasha … Minister of Finance

H. E. Ismail Serry Pasha … Minister of Public Works, Military and Maritime

The Prime Minister shall implement this decree.

Issued in Abdeen Palace on Shawwal 18, 1326 h (November 12, 1908)

Abbas Helmi His Highness the Khedive Prime Minister Boutros Ghali

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Boutros Pasha Ghali assumed the office of Prime Minister at an especially delicate and challenging time for Egypt, when in the immediate aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution nationalist activity was increasing rapidly. In these conditions, and despite holding the

premiership for just under two years before his murder in February 1910, Boutros Pasha still succeeded in implementing a number of essential measures to the general benefit of the country, giving full display to his skills and statesmanship, as detailed below.

1. Saad Pasha Zaghloul 2. Ismail Pasha Serry 3. Mohamed Bey Said 4. Hussein Pasha Rushdi 5. Ahmed Pasha Heshmat

1

2

3

5

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Promulgation of the Law on the Publicity of Legislative Council Sessions Throughout Boutros Pasha’s tenure there were loud voices from the nationalist movement. In his memoirs, Ahmed Pasha Shafik, the SecretaryGeneral of the Khedivial Diwan, states that on 14 March, 1909 Boutros Pasha Ghali, Ismail Abaza and the newly appointed Speaker of the Advisory Council of Laws Prince Hussein Kamel met with the Khedive to discuss the current situation and the required action. It became clear that Boutros Pasha Ghali’s cabinet needed to move quickly to issue a law that would make more public the workings of the Legislative Council. As early as December 1908 the new Prime Minister moved to improve dramatically the cooperation of the cabinet with the Legislative Council, insisting that ministers attend the council’s meetings. Furthermore, he endeavoured Prince Hussein Kamel

to force ministers to seek advice from the council regarding educational laws and local government. Boutros Pasha also mandated that the sessions of the council be made public, so that its deliberations could be seen by all. In a speech to the council, Boutros Pasha said that:

The Government declare that they are animated by a serious desire for the co-operation of the nation in all matters pertaining to the internal administration of the country … The Government have already shown that they are well disposed in this respect by taking part in the sittings of the Legislative Council, which the Ministers now attend. They have decided to consult the Council as to laws and regulations regarding education … and the functions of the Provincial Councils.

Boutros Pasha was clearly taking unprecedented steps to open the government to national influence, in trying to broaden the jurisdiction of the Directorates’ Council and of the Advisory Council of Laws.43 In order to increase national participation in state decisions, the cabinet encouraged ministers to submit proposed projects to the council, provided that the ministers attended the council’s sessions to discuss them.44 The results of this radical improvement in relations between the government and the Legislative Council were demonstrated later that year, when in July Gorst reported that during the June session of the Legislative Council, its members displayed an activity ‘quite unexampled throughout the history of the institution’, with 16 draft laws debated in the presence of the ministers concerned. Eventually, and illustrative of the Prime Minister’s progressive thinking, Boutros Pasha’s government convinced the British to agree to and

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then pass the law enlarging the powers of provincial councils. The law allowed the councils to levy more taxes (especially to fund local education) without governmental sanction, and also to decide themselves on the application of certain local regulations within the provinces, instead of having a merely consultative voice.

Revival of the Press Law Irritated by the increasingly violent attacks from nationalist newspapers on the ‘détente’ policy he had adopted with the British, Khedive Abbas Helmi II asked Boutros Pasha Ghali to reissue the repressive Press Law of 1881.45 The law was first issued under the reign of Khedive Tawfik following the Orabi Revolution in an attempt to limit his impact on the nationalist movement that was providing him with nationwide notoriety and support. Two years later when the first Penal Code was issued in 1883, a special chapter on crimes of publication was introduced. The revival of this law imposed severe limitations on journalistic freedom. The law required a permit prior to the publication of any newspaper reporting on political matters, it imposed censorship, criminalised any criticism of the Ruler and allowed for the confiscation of any publication deemed critical of the government. It was to prove by far the most prominent, controversial and consequential measure taken by Boutros Pasha as Prime Minister, and was one of the factors provoking his assassination. Interestingly, journalist Mohamed Hussein Heikal justifies Boutros Pasha Ghali’s revival of the Press Law:

A very keen politician often accepts things others would not accept since he considers them temporary and almost harmless compared



to the desired benefits which he thinks are of great value for his country. Therefore, Boutros Pasha Ghali resorted to the mediation of the Khedive to convince Saad Zaglool and Mohamed Said to accept the request of the British Commissioner to revive the Press Law and issue the Administrative Banishment Law. The Khedive sent some of his men to convince both of them. The law was issued in 1909 and ignited a big dispute in the country.46

Regarding the same point, Ahmed Pasha Shafik says in his memoirs, ‘We heard him say [referring to Boutros Pasha Ghali] that he does not, in fact, want to revive this law, and its revival has been instigated upon the insistence of the Khedive to do whatever it takes to silence the ungovernable newspapers.’47 In the end, the passing of the Press Law on 27 March, 1909 came as a final and rather inevitable outcome of the increasingly provocative, extremist and violent tone of the nationalist newspapers over several years, chief of which was the Lewa (formerly edited by Mustapha Kamel), but which also included publications such as Masr ElFatat. Eldon Gorst explained that the situation had become critical, with native officials ‘constantly

Sir Eldon Gorst

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A text of a decree by Khedive Abbas Helmi II prohibiting and criminalising the lottery

Ismail Pasha Abaza

exposed to intimidations’ from the press, because, as he put it, ‘the Oriental is far more sensitive to press criticism than is realized in the West, and a personal attack in newspapers may often cause social life to become intolerable.’ Gorst showed, however, that it was not only the functioning of the government (through its officials) that was affected by the press, but also ‘the Egyptian youths still at school or college are persevering students of this species of literature, and the future generation upon whom any hopes of an

autonomous Egypt must rest, are rapidly becoming demoralized by the violent nonsense which is poured daily into their ears.’ Even the General Assembly, as early as 1902, had complained ‘of the want of proper control over the press’, and the Legislative Council passed two resolutions, in 1902 and 1904, asking the government to prepare a press law, demonstrating that there was a general consensus among the Egyptian leadership and elites on the necessity for such a law.

The New Hijri Year Official Holiday One of the decisions taken by Boutros Pasha’s cabinet was to make the occasion of the New Hijri Year an official holiday. On 20 January, 1909 a

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A memorandum submitted to the Financial Committee of the Cabinet on the appointment of Elwi Pasha as representative of the Egyptian government to the International Conference on Improving the Conditions of the Blind in Naples in 1909

supplement of Al-Waqaea Al-Masreya newspaper published the following news item: ‘On the occasion of the New Hijri Year, Government Ministries and Departments shall close on Saturday, the first of Muharram, 1327 h, corresponding to 23 January, 1909.’

Board of Directors of the Egyptian University

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Health Care and Social Reform Boutros Pasha’s cabinet was particularly concerned with improving health conditions and participating in medical conferences, and in 1909 it agreed to send Mohamed Elwi Pasha, a renowned ophthalmologist and the private doctor of the Khedivial family, as representative of the Egyptian government, to the International Conference on Improving the Conditions of the Blind in Naples.48 Boutros Pasha took advantage of his position to continue his longstanding campaign for sanitation in Egyptian towns, which stretched as far back as 1893 when, as Finance Minister, he had been responsible for decrees for the sanitation of Cairo and Alexandria. In 1909, as Prime Minister, he proposed and obtained British endorsement for a new tax scheme to fund the sanitation of Port Said, soon to be followed by other towns. An especially creditable achievement of Boutros Pasha’s ministry was the passing of the law on child labour in July 1909, which was initially directed at the cotton-ginning factories but applicable to other industries as well. This law was designed to end the abuses accompanying the employment of young children. The Suez Canal Company

Another efficient and necessary measure taken by Boutros Pasha as Prime Minister was the Law of Police Supervision, which had an almost immediate and extraordinary effect, already pushing the crime levels down by July 1909. In October, Gorst described the effects of the law as ‘remarkable’, with crime statistics reaching their lowest point of recent years. Prince Ahmed Fouad

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The Opening of the Egyptian University On the morning of Monday 21 December, 1908 the Grand Hall of the Legislative Council witnessed the official opening of the Egyptian University. The ceremony began with a speech by Prince Ahmed Fouad, Board Chairman of the Egyptian University, followed by a royal announcement from the Khedive. Boutros Pasha Ghali attended the ceremony on behalf of Khedive Abbas Helmi II, who was abroad.

The Extension of the Suez Canal Franchise In November 1908, representatives of the Suez Canal Company in Egypt approached the Egyptian government with an offer to extend the Suez Canal franchise. The proposal was essentially to extend the concession for a further 40 years (on an equal profit-share basis between Egypt and the Company over that period) in return for a cash lump sum payable to Cairo in instalments, beginning immediately. Negotiations between the Company, Great Britain (as a major shareholder in the Company, and represented by the Treasury) and the Egyptian government took place for almost a year behind closed doors. The Suez Canal

The view of both Boutros Pasha (and the Egyptian government) and Eldon Gorst was that the proposed deal (if a few modifications were implemented) was good for Egypt, as it provided immediate finance to fund a number of key national projects, and would accelerate its development. However, Egyptian nationalists were strongly against extending the concessions, and were for returning the Suez Canal to Egypt’s full sovereign possession as soon as possible. Once revealed, the negotiations generated so much public controversy that it was decided to convene the General Assembly to give its opinion on the matter (by law, non-binding), and on 9 February, 1910, the Egyptian government, headed by

Mohamed Bey Farid

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Boutros Pasha Ghali, submitted a draft franchise extension of the Company to the Egyptian General Assembly for discussion. During the ensuing deliberation in the Egyptian General Assembly, Boutros Pasha, among others, supported the draft law against the opposition of several Egyptian political figures, mainly National Party leaders led by Mohamed Bey Farid. Boutros Pasha’s support of the draft law was prompted by the need for funding for key Egyptian infrastructure projects: the proposed law would provide the Egyptian government with E£4 million in four equal instalments, from December 1910 until December 191349 and an annual share of the profits of the Canal. This was emphasised by Ahmed Lotfi Al-Sayed, the Egyptian scholar and nationalist, who in his memoirs said on extending the Suez Canal franchise, ‘I went to the Prime Minister’s home in Faggala, Cairo. He received me very warmly and politely as usual. I talked to him on this issue and asked him, in the name of Umma Party, to submit the Suez Canal franchise extension proposal to the General Assembly. He replied: “Won’t you leave the clouds and come live with us on earth?”’ Ahmed Lotfi Al-Sayed went on to say,

He [Boutros Pasha Ghali] phoned me and invited me to his office to have a press interview about the Suez Canal. As far as I remember, this was the only press interview I’ve ever made in my life with a Minister or a Prime Minister. When I entered his office, I found Fathi Zaglool Pasha, Deputy Minister of Justice. Boutros Pasha Ghali initiated the conversation by saying to me: ‘Here, I’m responding to your request and submitting the draft law to the General Assembly to give its opinion,’ and my newspaper was the first to publish this news.50

The assassination of Boutros Pasha took place before the Assembly pronounced its verdict, however. After the assassination, most certainly influenced by the general climate of opinion and agitation, the new Prime Minister (apparently under advice from Gorst) declared that the government would abide by the General Assembly’s decision with regards to the agreement, even though it was not obliged to do so by law. On 7 April, 1910 the Assembly rejected the scheme, in a strong display of Anglophobia. Writing on 10 April, 1910, Gorst noted, looking back, that although he had considered the arrangement ‘without doubt’ financially advantageous to Egypt, ‘in the course of the discussions a strong and general dislike of the scheme developed. I thought it therefore unwise to disregard this feeling and to impose upon Egypt against her will a project of this exceptional nature.’ The story of the Suez Canal Concession extension is rich in events, facts and competing interests. Its dramatic evolution (or rather, involution) saw it starting as a widely favoured scheme, and ending in a maelstrom of nationalist agitation that would ultimately claim the life of the Egyptian Prime Minister. Ultimately, Boutros Pasha’s instinct to support the proposed agreement, before the addition of the provision with its guarantee of much-needed development funds, proved to be correct. British control of Egypt, which in 1909 was imagined to last perhaps to 2008, the end of the proposed concession, ended much sooner, and Egypt could in fact have enjoyed free Canal income from 1956. However, like much of his work as Prime Minister, this project was brought down by nationalist agitation in Egypt – a price that purchased nothing of substance at the time.

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Boutros Pasha Ghali and the Coptic Church By the end of the nineteenth century, two opposing factions became apparent within the Coptic Church: that supporting the powers of Pope Cyril V (Kyrellos), and another, led by Boutros Pasha Ghali, aimed at curbing the Patriarch’s influence in favour of lay religious councils. Amongst other moves, reformers were keen to rationalise the management and development of Church property, and the ensuing conflict led to the decision to eliminate the Pope from the Coptic Church, stripping him of his powers, for a minimum of one year, beginning in September 1892.51 The troubles stemmed back to 1874, when Boutros Pasha Ghali succeeded, despite the resistance of Coptic clergymen, in obtaining government agreement to form the first Lay Congregation Council (Al Magliss Al Milli), and was himself elected Council Deputy Chairman. The newly formed Congregation Council, representing the laity of the Church, had more power than Church elders had previously enjoyed, and the conflict between the clergymen led by the Pope and the modernists led by Boutros Bey Ghali went on for many decades. In 1891, five Coptic elders – Saïd Bey Mikhael, Youssuf Bey Wahba, Youssuf Bey Suleiman, Boutros Bey Youssuf and Makkar Bey Abdel Shaheed – asked Pope Cyril V to convene the general assembly of the Council to hold the election of the members of the Council according to the Congregation Council’s by-laws. The Patriarch, as chairman of the Council, refused, stating that he intended to introduce some amendments to the by-laws and as this was only permitted in the presence of Boutros Pasha Ghali, who was on a visit to Europe at the time, he would therefore have to postpone any elections. The situation worsened

Pope Cyril V (Kyrellos) Youssuf Bey Wahba

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A letter from the Coptic Orthodox Metropolitan of Jerusalem to Boutros Pasha Ghali on the problem of the Coptic Church and the Congregation Council

as they awaited Boutros Ghali’s return, and the Patriarch insisted on his position, summoning clergymen, bishops, heads of monasteries and deputy legislators to consider the issue of the Council once and for all. A clerical council headed by Anba (Father) Youanas, Bishop of Alexandria and Secretary-General of the See of St Mark, was held at the Patriarchate, and the ensuing decision was submitted to Khedive Mohamed Tawfik, who promised to consider the issue and reach a compromise. Boutros Pasha returned from Europe, and was immediately entrusted by Khedive Mohamed Tawfik with resolving the conflict. A meeting was held between the Patriarch and the reformers, at which each party maintained its position without compromise. Under pressure by the congregation to settle matters and reform the Council, Boutros Pasha Ghali charged the Archbishop of Alexandria to put the proposed reforms to the Patriarch. When informed that the Patriarch wanted to amend some Council by-laws, Boutros Pasha insisted that any amendments could only be made after the election of the Council. The situation deteriorated further, as the Patriarch sent a petition to Khedive Mohamed Tawfik, who did not reply, but ordered Boutros Pasha Ghali to go ahead with the Council reforms. Boutros Pasha Ghali therefore called the Council for elections in the presence of the Governor of Cairo. Furious, the Patriarch, who had once before travelled to Ras El-Teen Palace and been refused an audience, asked again for a meeting with the Khedive. The Khedive wrote to Boutros Pasha, asking that he tell the Patriarch not to address him on this issue again.52 Followers of the Patriarch insisted that he oppose the Khedive’s position, and eventually the Council members asked the government to remove the Patriarch from all administrative affairs, and to

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Two letters from the Deputy Minister of Interior and Deputy Minister of Justice to the Coptic Patriarch asking him not to submit any more petitions to Khedive Abbas Helmi II

remove him from the Council’s chairmanship. In a letter to the cabinet, the Patriarch reminded them that the work of the Patriarchate, such as endowments, churches, schools and press, was purely religious, and therefore should remain under his own and his clergy’s supervision. He addressed foreign consuls and the Ottoman representative in Cairo, Al-Ghazi Mokhtar Pasha, asking for their help in securing the Khedive’s approval of his demands. All parties considered this an internal affair, however, and no help was forthcoming. After further consultation and discussion between Boutros Pasha and the Patriarch, a compromise was finally reached.53 This was to prove ineffective, however, for two reasons: firstly, the agreement was published in newspapers before it was officially approved, against the wishes of Boutros Pasha, and secondly, Council members would not accept the compromise until the Patriarch had accepted their interpretation of it and had pledged in writing to unite with the Council.54 With the inevitable impasse that followed, the Congregation Council asked the Khedive to banish the Patriarch to Paramous Monastery in Wadi Al-Natroon, and the Archbishop of Alexandria to

Anba Paula Monastery in Beni Suef. A high decree banishing both men was issued on Thursday 1 September, 1892. A financial committee was formed to manage the property of the Church until a new Congregation Council could be formed.55 A further decree was later issued, on 4 February, 1893, reinstating the Patriarch in the Apostolic See. On his return to Cairo, the Patriarch shook hands with Boutros Pasha Ghali, demonstrating the end of hostilities. Boutros Pasha exercised influence in religious affairs outside his own country as well, and in Ethiopia he took part in the selection of archbishops sent by the Coptic Patriarchate in Cairo to Addis Ababa.56 Among the many problems that preoccupied Boutros Pasha Ghali was that of Deir Al-Sultan, originally a monastery granted by Sultan Al Moezz (1033–54) to the Egyptian Coptic Church, situated in Jerusalem on the roof of the Holy Sepulchre, and at the heart of a longstanding and heated ownership dispute between the Ethiopian and Egyptian Coptic Churches. Back in 1894 Boutros Pasha had conferred with Khedive Abbas Helmi II in writing a letter to the Ottoman state, hoping

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Above: A letter from the Hegemon of Al-Muharraq Monastery to the Coptic Patriarch on the necessity to form the Congregation Council / Left: A request to hold a meeting at the Patriarchate sent by the Coptic Patriarch to the metropolitans and the bishops Paramous Monastery

for their help in delivering a fair judgement on the problem. A royal decree was issued by the Khedive, and sent to the ruler of Jerusalem in January of that year, stating that the Egyptian Copts were prepared to reconcile with the other party, provided that the Ethiopians refrained from

causing trouble and disturbed the Copts no longer, and that Jerusalem would do its best to help end the dispute.57 The resurgence of the Coptic–Abyssinian dispute at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries can be traced to back to March

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A copy of an agreement between Boutros Pasha Ghali and the Coptic Patriarch on forming the Congregation Council

1894, with the first mention of Abyssinian ecclesiastical separation from the Egyptian Coptic Church, together with the alleged intention of the Abyssinian Emperor (the Negus Menelik) of ‘turning instead to Russia’. The situation, which appears to have been driven by political rather than religious considerations, was further complicated by the interests of the Italian government, which at the time had a greater influence over Abyssinia than had the British. In July 1902, Abuna (Bishop) Metaous, the head of the Abyssinian Coptic Church, embarked on a journey to St Petersburg, provoking great alarm within the Egyptian Coptic Church. It seemed that the Abuna was planning to negotiate the transfer of the Abyssinian Church from Egyptian to Russian spiritual control. The secretive and

deceptive manner of the Abuna’s journey certainly did not help to quell Egyptian concern. The true reason behind this enterprise, beyond sheer political calculation, can arguably be found via a Mr Baird, the British Consul at Addis Ababa at the time, who stated that Emperor Menelik ‘is hard pressed for money, and that therefore the present moment would be a good one for any arrangement which might include a subsidy [from Russia].’ In effect, it would seem that the Abyssinian Emperor intended to ‘sell’ the Church to the Russians, in order to make some money. Interestingly, contemporary British reports show that the people of Abyssinia in fact very much disliked the Abuna and ‘would not accept Russian protection’. By 1904 the Abyssinians were pressing hard their claims on Deir Al-Sultan, the ‘Sultan’s Monastery’, in Jerusalem. Seeing the bigger political situation, in May 1904 Cromer warned that the Russian Embassy at Constantinople might support the Abyssinian claim, as might the Italians. He was clear that if a Turkish decision were to follow, ‘prejudicial to the interests of the Coptic community’, then the British government would come to its support. In June 1904, the British diplomat Sir John Harrington, Consul-General in Ethiopia, sent an extraordinary report from Addis Ababa, in which he described the leader of the Abyssinian community in Jerusalem, Memhir Fakada, as ‘a type of the ignorant and superstitious Abyssinian clergy’ who visited Addis Ababa the previous year (1903) and persuaded Empress Taitou to press the Abyssinian claim in every way. The Empress went on to ask Mr Clerk, a British official, for the British government’s assistance in providing evidence on the Abyssinian claim, believed to be in the British Museum, and for pressure to be brought by the Egyptian government on the Coptic authorities to induce them to yield the site.

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A replica of an agreement between Boutros Pasha Ghali and the Coptic Patriarch on forming the Congregation Council

Mr Clerk replied that since the Abyssinians in the Holy Land were under the protection of Italy, he could not take any official action unless requested by the Italian Minister. Upon hearing this, Major Ciccodicola went to the Empress to assure her that the Italian government would find a solution. It was at the Italian’s suggestion that the Abyssinian mission went to Egypt with the threat of severing itself from all Coptic authority if its demands were not met. In the end, in 1904 an Abyssinian delegation proceeded to Jerusalem to reopen the discussions about the Sultan’s Monastery. In conclusion, the story of the resurgence of the Ethiopian claims in Jerusalem is a complicated one, combining the political and financial

interests of Emperor Menelik, the political interests of Russia and Italy, as well as an element of court intrigue involving an Abyssinian cleric from Jerusalem, the Empress of Abyssinia, and an Italian major. It is worth noting that during a visit that both Boutros Pasha Ghali and the Khedive paid to Istanbul in 1904, Ahmed Pasha Shafik and Khedive Abbas Helmi II mediated to solve the Deir Al-Sultan problem in Jerusalem, in a bid to satisfy Boutros Pasha Ghali.58 The Ethiopian Church continued to preoccupy Boutros Pasha Ghali, when following the death of Emperor John IV of Ethiopia, Emperor Menelik took over and asked the Egyptian Patriarch

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(Boutros) to anoint him as recognised Emperor. The Egyptian Patriarch refused, and Menelik went instead to Abuna Metaous Bishop of Shewa, who did anoint him at the Church of Mary on Mount Entoto, hoping that Emperor Menelik would then mediate with Alexandria’s Patriarch in appointing Metaous Bishop of the Ethiopian Church. The Patriarch met with the Coptic delegation, including Boutros Pasha Ghali, who suggested, in a bid to avert problems in Ethiopia, that Bishop Metaous should anoint and recognise the Emperor, and that the Patriarch of Alexandria should bless him, and that Bishop Metaous should then be appointed a metropolitan (patriarch) of the Ethiopian Church.59 After extensive mediation by Boutros Pasha the Patriarch acceded to the request and the matter was resolved temporarily. The issue of Deir Al-Sultan remains unresolved to this day. Sultan Abdelhamid

Boutros Pasha Ghali, the Man In its March 1910 issue, Al-Hilal magazine described Boutros Pasha Ghali’s personality:

A letter from the Coptic Orthodox Metropolitan of Jerusalem to Boutros Pasha Ghali on the Deir Al-Sultan problems in Jerusalem

He was a man of high determination, bright minded, had a strong memory, and was very proud of himself. He was well built, of medium height, and fleshy. Due to his firmness and strong will, nothing was too difficult for him; therefore, he moved from public status to the highest Egyptian positions. He had a stable way of thinking, and hated favouritism. He used to look into the essence of things. He was said to weigh matters realistically. When the Government set out to establish civil courts during his days in office as Deputy Minister of Justice, the Government was in need of employees for those courts. It published ads for filling those vacancies. Applicants submitted their

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applications with recommendations by senior officials, Beys and Pashas attached. That was the custom during those days. Clerks at the Ministry of Justice wrote down the names of applicants in a list that also included the names of their sponsors. They submitted the list to Boutros Pasha Ghali. At the end of the list there was a name without recommendation. Boutros Pasha made sure that the man was efficient and qualified for the job. He moved his name to the top of the list. He wrote under the recommendation heading ‘His sponsor is Allah.’ The man got the job. Boutros Pasha Ghali read a lot on Islamic jurisprudence. Jurisprudence scholars and professors admitted that he was well versed in it. He kept his post till then as chairman of the Mixed Councils Commission although this position should have been occupied by the Minister of Justice. He was accurate in his work. He stayed late at night and was often exhausted. Due to his eloquence and and capacity for argument, he was authorised to mediate in resolving any disputes. He accompanied Khedive Abbas Helmi II to Istanbul in 1905, met His Majesty Sultan of the Ottoman State, and talked to him in Turkish finally managing to solve the problem of Deir Al-Sultan in Jerusalem. Ahmed Shafik Pasha once said that during a visit to Istanbul with Khedive Abbas Helmi II in 1904, as Boutros Pasha Ghali entered the Palace, the Sultan said, ‘I have heard a lot of praise about you and I am delighted you are visiting Istanbul.’ 60 Boutros Pasha was a charitable man, as was well known by his relatives and the people closely associated with him, and he always took care of the poor and the needy. One of his most important actions was the founding of the Coptic Charity Society, which extended financial aid to the

treating of patients, burying the dead, helping deceased’s relatives and educating children, as well as other useful work. The society was an officially organised agency, which managed the charitable process honestly and smoothly, allowing help to reach the poor and needy directly, and ensuring the continuity of its charitable work. The society was inaugurated on 8 January, 1881, with Boutros Pasha the first elected chairman of its board.61 The opening ceremony was attended by Sheikh Mohamed Abdu, Sheikh Mohamed Al-Naggar and Abdullah Al-Nadeem, all of whom gave speeches, an indication of Boutros Pasha’s complete lack of bias towards his own sect or prejudice against those who disagreed with him in faith or thought. On the contrary, he enjoyed friendly relationships with and was faithful to his Moslem friends, and many Moslem families besides. He received and helped many Moslems,

A letter from Metaous, of the Ethiopian Holy See, to Boutros Pasha Ghali

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Above / Right: A letter from Al-Azhar scholars to Boutros Pasha Ghali Sheikh Mohamed Abdu

treating them in exactly the same way as his fellow Copts. Boutros Pasha was indeed the first to go to Sheikh Saleem Al-Beshri after he had been dismissed from Al-Azhar Sheikhdom, to ask him whether he could render him any service.62 One of his greatest achievements was in raising the level of the Coptic community in Egypt. Due to his hard work, many Coptic societies, schools and charitable organisations were established, and

employment opportunities became available for Moslems and Copts on an equal footing. Volumes of books would be needed in order to list all of Boutros Pasha Ghali’s charitable works; he was a man who spared no effort in helping the needy. Ultimately however, the most touching and genuine description of Boutros Pasha was the one by Abbas Helmi II the Khedive of Egypt, a man he

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spent practically his whole political career serving. In his memoirs Memoires d’un Souverain (Memoirs of a Sovereign) he writes: I can say that the only President of the Council (Prime Minister) who worked without respite, during the whole time he was minister, to serve his country and his sovereign, is Boutros Pasha Ghali. His devotion to the public matter is equalled only by his great intellect [sa grande intelligence] and his boundless capacities in all areas. He was a universal man. He committed only one mistake during his career and that was Denshawai. His ingenuity and creativity in the matters of state equalled only his great honesty. Of Coptic religion, he was deeply Egyptian and a canny diplomat. I took him with me during a visit with Sultan Abdel Hamid. At the palace of this Calif Sultan, he amazed by his capacities of adaptation to the manners and customs of the Turks. You would have said a son of the land. Abdel Hamid, always so difficult, succumbed to the charm of this great intellect and granted him all he requested for the Coptic community in Jerusalem. The Sultan wanted to bestow on him a great distinction. Boutros Pasha suggested that this honour should go to his President of the Council Moustafa Pasha Fahmy, for he was then only minister of Foreign Affairs. The Sultan decorated both and said to me ‘I wish for Egypt many men of the class of this minister and some for the Sublime Porte.’ This man spent all his career in the administration and knew the aspirations of the country. He had another advantage. His father was employed by the Palace of the Khedivial family. He had the opportunity of frequenting these palaces since his childhood and he remained loyal towards the dynasty.

Boutros Pasha Ghali, the Family Man Boutros Pasha married Safa Khalil Abul Saad, said to be his cousin, and they went on to have three sons and one daughter: Naguib, Wassif, Youssef (whose true name is Raghib Youssef) and Galila, the wife of Yaqoob Bey Sabri. Boutros Pasha Ghali was keen to see that his children received a high level of education, enabling them to occupy prominent places in society, exactly as his father Ghali Bey Nayrouz had done with him. They were educated at the Jesuit School in the Cairo district of Faggala, and intent upon providing his children with modern education, Boutros Pasha Ghali sent first his elder son Naguib, then Wassif, to study law in France. Both these sons went on to become ministers in the Egyptian government.

Lady Safa, wife of Boutros Pasha Ghali

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We get a sense of Boutros Pasha Ghali the father from his correspondence with Naguib, while his son was studying in France. The father was keen to extend advice and guidance, rebuking his son when he felt it necessary. He followed every detail of his son’s life, whilst Naguib was keen to tell his father everything about his life in a foreign country. Boutros Pasha Ghali was anxious that his son should be brought up on principles of respect for others, even if they were different in religion, sect, thought or colour, as can be seen when he orders his son to respect his fellow countrymen, and not to discriminate against them because of their religion. He also advised Naguib to improve his Arabic writing, cultivating within the young man the importance of maintaining his origins, from his native tongue to his habits and traditions.

Lady Galila, daughter of Boutros Pasha Ghali Below: A school certificate of Galila Boutros Ghali

Letters between Boutros Pasha Ghali and his children Galila, Naguib and Wassif

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Medals and Orders Boutros Pasha Ghali received several medals, orders and gifts, and in 1882 was the first Egyptian Coptic to be granted the title of Mîrmîran (Amir ul-Umara, or Lieutenant-General).63 He was also decorated with the Order of St Michael and St George by Queen Victoria,64 and was later made Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order by King Edward VII. 65 Boutros Pasha Ghali

The family archives hold 50 medals and decorations, from Tsarist Russia, a variety of European courts and governments, the Ottoman Porte and many others. Amongst these is a gold cigarette box given to him by Sultan Abdelhamid, on which the initials of the Sultan are engraved.66

A memorandum granting Boutros Pasha Ghali the title of Mîrmîran

A certificate granting Boutros Pasha Ghali the degree of ‘Professor’ from the Freemasons

A patent of order from the Sultan of the Comoro Islands to Boutros Pasha Ghali

An invitation card for Boutros Pasha Ghali to attend the wedding ceremony of Princess Margaret and Prince Gustaf, the Prince of Sweden and Norway at St George’s Chapel in Windsor Castle

A patent granting the order of St Michael and St George to Boutros Pasha Ghali from Queen Victoria of England

A patent granting the Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order to Boutros Pasha Ghali from King Edward VII of England

Left: A telegram of gratitude from Khedive Abbas Helmi II in reply to Boutros Pasha Ghali’s telegram of congratulations on the Khedive’s return from pilgrimage / Right: A page from Al-Moayad newspaper on the health condition of Boutros Pasha Ghali

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The Death of Boutros Pasha Ghali Events Leading up to the Assassination A series of violently nationalist press articles in 1909 preceded the assassination of Boutros Pasha in February 1910, two of which deserve special consideration. The first appeared on 28 June, 1909 in the Lewa, written by Sheikh Shawish, on the anniversary of the Denshawai incident. The article saluted those innocent souls which Boutros Ghali Pasha, president of the Special Tribunal, tore from their bodies as silk is torn from thorns! He took these souls in his hand and offered them as a holocaust to that cruel and oppressive tyrant whose only aim is to destroy us… Boutros Pasha belongs to a party among the Egyptians which fears the English more than God – people who only seek fortune and promotion, even though their country is oppressed and their own dignity sacrificed. Following the publication of this article, Shawish was prosecuted for ‘criminal libel’ against Boutros Pasha. The second article also appeared in the Lewa on 17 August, 1909, the day of the execution of the Indian assassin Dhingra, who had murdered a British official in London. Ronald Graham, deputy to Eldon Gorst, notes in a 23 August despatch to Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, that ‘the article in question is generally considered by the press and public here, both native and European, as an open incitement to assassination.’ Graham further explains that these ‘effusions’ such as the ones written in the Lewa are widely read ‘and might inspire some over-strung student,

ignorant peasant, or bemused “hashashi” to emulate Dhingra in the hope of acquiring similar fame at the expense of one of the Egyptian Ministers or officials. Boutros Pasha holds this opinion.’ Six months later, on 20 February, 1910, Ibrahim Nassif al-Wardani, a young man of 24, shot Boutros Pasha Ghali while he was leaving the Foreign Ministry. The Prime Minster was rushed to hospital, but died the following day. In his memoirs, Ismail Pasha Sidki, who would later become Prime Minister, describes the assassination: On February 20, 1910 I was sitting at noon in my office. I was notified of the killing of Prime Minister Boutros Pasha Ghali on the stairs of the Foreign Ministry at the Ministry of Justice. Stunned on hearing this news, I hurried to the scene to see the Premier lain in the Ministry court and surrounded by Hussein Rushdi Pasha, Abdel Khalek Pasha Tharwat the General Prosecutor, Ahmed Fathi Zaglool Deputy Minister of Justice and the young man Ibrahim Nassif Al-Wardani under arrest. Dr Saad Al-Khadem was called. He started to treat the wounded man who was in the last moments of his life. Boutros Pasha Ghali was carried to Dr Milton Hospital.67 The British immediately informed London, and despatches sent from Cairo in the wake of the murder of the Prime Minister give a full account of the act, which took place about 1 o’clock on that day, when Boutros Pasha was leaving his office. The shooter fired a first shot at a distance of a few yards as the Pasha stepped into his carriage, and then, rushing on him, discharged five more bullets at close quarters. He was immediately

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The assassination scene of Boutros Pasha Ghali

arrested by persons nearby, and the Minister was carried into one of the rooms of the Foreign Office and subsequently to a neighbouring private hospital. Five of the bullets were extracted without difficulty, but an operation was necessary in the case of the original shot which had passed through the liver and stomach, and it was to the effects of this latter wound, combined with the shock of the operation, that the Prime Minister succumbed on the following morning. The Khedive was able to see and speak to the Minister, who was still conscious. The assassin, Ibrahim Nassif al-Wardani, is described by Gorst as a young Egyptian Moslem who studied at Lausanne and in England, and who had acquired a chemist’s shop in Cairo, which became a favourite rendezvous of the Young Egyptians nationalist group. ‘He bore no personal grudge against Boutros Pasha, and there is no doubt of the purely political nature of the crime.’ Wardani was secretary to the Young Egyptian

Congress at Geneva in 1907 and 1908, and a correspondent for the fiercely nationalistic newspaper Lewa. Later, Gorst would also call Wardani ‘one of those miserable creatures of feeble intellect and disordered ideas, who are unconscious dupes of the greater criminals, who preach violent methods, which they are afraid themselves to carry into effect.’ Ibrahim Nassif al-Wardani justified his killing of Boutros Pasha Ghali by stating ‘emphatically’ after his arrest that he had killed the Prime Minister as the enemy of his country. He repeated the four allegations that had been persistently brought against Boutros Pasha by the extremist press:68 1. That he signed the Sudan Convention 2. That he presided at the Denshawai trial 3. That he was responsible for the revival of the Press Law 4. That he was in favour of the renewal of the Suez Canal Concession.

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The carriage in which Boutros Pasha Ghali was assassinated

Whilst being treated in hospital before his death, Boutros Pasha Ghali was visited by Khedive Abbas Helmi II, who entered his room, asked about his condition and kissed his face with tearful eyes. Boutros Pasha Ghali regained his consciousness a little and said, ‘Oh, thanks, my Lord … thank you … thanks, my Lord.’69 The Khedive also visited Boutros Pasha Ghali’s children and brother Amin Pasha Ghali at home, the first time the Khedive had paid such a visit to the home of an Egyptian.70 As a mark of the high regard in which Boutros Pasha had been held, even by the British, after the tragedy, Gorst declared: The valuable services which he rendered to his country throughout his career, and the loyalty

and integrity which he displayed in many difficult and delicate situations are so well known that I need not expatiate on them here. I will only say that both as a personal friend and also as my chief support in the responsible task with which HMG have entrusted me, his death is to me an irreparable loss. In another report, Gorst later praised the ‘wise and sober course’ pursued by Boutros Pasha as Prime Minister, and underlined that ‘It is an example of the irony of fate that the blow due to the criminal incitements of those self-styled patriots should have fallen upon the first genuine Egyptian who has risen to the highest position in the service of his country.’

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Prince Mohamed Tawfik

Ahmed Bey Shawki

Gorst also described Boutros Pasha, in a despatch to London on 18 March, 1911 as a ‘broad-minded and far-seeing statesman’. Gorst was unequivocal in placing the moral blame for the murder on the nationalist press, stating on 24 February that ‘It was owing to the repeated and violent diatribes against the late Prime Minister in the Nationalist press for the past few years that the members of this society have been worked up to the pitch of committing crime.’ He reinforced this idea on 26 March, writing that ‘I have no hesitation in saying that the leaders of the Nationalist party are morally responsible for the murder of Boutros Pasha. For years past they have promoted and fomented these attacks, in full knowledge of the fact that their words could not fail to stir the ignorant and excitable youths to whom they were addressed to the acts of violence which they now pretend to deplore.’ The fact that Boutros Pasha was a Copt was, arguably, decisive in Wardani’s decision to assassinate him. In a report on the conclusion of Wardani’s trial, from 4 June, 1910, Dr Nolan, Chief of the Public Security Department, states that ‘had Boutros Pasha been Mahommedan, it is

Ismail Pasha Sidki

improbable that the crime would have taken place.’ Reactions from the nationalists following the murder seem to reinforce this view, as Wardani was hailed ‘almost invariably’ as ‘the Mussulman hero who has killed the accursed [abominable] Christian’.

A monogram of the name of Boutros Pasha Ghali, made of gold strings, presented by Al-Tawfik Coptic Schools

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Boutros Pasha Ghali. Lord Cromer wrote in his memoirs, ‘It is a strange and ominous event that the first truly national Prime Minister under our rule should have been murdered in the name of Nationalism.’

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The Enquiry into the Assassination The subsequent investigation into the assassination discovered a secret society called Young Egyptians (the ‘Society of Mutual Brotherhood’) to which the murderer, Wardani, belonged. Formed in 1905 it consisted of 17 members, some of whom lived abroad. The society encouraged the use of force in achieving its political objectives, chief amongst which was ‘Egypt for Egyptians’. According to a report by Gorst from 17 April, 1910, the society was active in ‘the purchase of arms and the application of methods of terrorism’. On 13 May, 1910, Wardani was sentenced to death. The execution took place on 28 June, 1910, close, by coincidence (or not), to the anniversary of the Denshawai executions. Investigations into the case continued, extending as far as London, where Wardani was alleged to have been a chemistry student, according to a report by Scotland Yard, and where a Young Egyptian Students Society had been active at the time. After the assassination, the Egyptian government formed a Secret Service Bureau ‘for the purpose of collecting information as to the secret societies in Egypt’. Its first report, on 30 June, 1911, identified 25 different secret nationalist societies active in Egypt and abroad. The British Advisor to the Minister of Interior was forced to admit that ‘before the murder of Boutros Pasha Ghali, little if anything was known about the secret political societies in Egypt.’ Reflecting on the circumstances of Boutros Pasha Ghali’s assassination, one cannot help but be amazed at the seemingly complete blindness of the authorities to the activities of Egyptian secret societies. Not only was the wide extent of this phenomenon (which also had international ramifications) completely ignored, but even the clearest of signs, such as the many inflammatory

press articles that the nationalists were moving to an ultra-extremist position, failed to elicit any precautionary security measures on the part of British and Egyptian officials. In this context, it was almost inevitable that an assassination would be attempted sooner or later, as indeed was Boutros Pasha himself aware.

Eulogy The day after the assassination, as the death of Boutros Pasha Ghali was announced, the Khedive ordered a state funeral for the deceased Premier. The funeral cortège, which made its way through the streets of Cairo from Dr Milton Hospital to St Mark’s Church, and then to Abba Roayes Monastery, was led by an artillery carriage drawn by eight horses. The British army had sent an artillery carriage to transport the coffin, but the family declined the offer, preferring to use an Egyptian one. The coffin was wrapped in the Egyptian flag, on which were laid Boutros Pasha Ghali’s sword and Ottoman medal. Two chamberlains walked on either side of the gun carriage, carrying his many medals. Twelve carriages followed, filled with bouquets of flowers. The procession of mourners was led by Prince Mohamed Ali, on behalf of Khedive Abbas Helmi II, carrying one of the five funeral cloths. He was accompanied by Prince Hussein Kamel (later the Sultan of Egypt), Prince Kamal el-Din Hussein, Raouf Pasha, the Ottoman Commissioner, Mostafa Pasha Riadh and all the government ministers. When eventually the cortège arrived at the Coptic cemetery, the coffin was taken down by Egyptian policemen, and the former Prime Minister was buried in the presence of a huge gathering. The eulogy was delivered by Bishop Lucas of Qena Governorate.71 His body would remain in the Coptic cemetery until 1912, when it was removed to the Boutrosiya

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church built by his family, and where it now lies in the crypt alongside other family members, overlooked by a commemorative bust of the former Prime Minister. In recognition of his hard work with communities of all faiths, following Boutros Pasha Ghali’s assassination, the Grand Sheikh of Azhar was quoted as saying of Boutros Pasha, ‘This Christian man rendered to Moslems services that many Moslems were not able to render.’72 Following his death, poets competed in writing commemorative poems, such as this by poet laureate Ahmed Shawki, the first lines of which read:

Hail Grave of Minister In thee Patience and Kindness lived In thee Morals shall stay A year and years to come.73

Just before he died, Boutros Pasha Ghali uttered this moving and eloquent rebuttal to his critics: I was obliged to accept the Sudan Agreement; I had no choice. They accused me of taking part in the Dinshaway executions … I just mediated between two parties: a strong violent one [the British occupation army] and a weak but stupid one [the villagers] … The result was evil inflicted upon me … As for the Publications Law, it was an unfulfilled promise, and it lies within the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Interior … Regarding my work in courts, no mistake was made, so they made no mention of them. I also made no mistake during my days in office in the Directorate Councils, the attendance of Ministers in Shura Councils and the exchange of viewpoints between Ministers and members… Everyone acted according to his capabilities, available choices, knowledge and kindness…

His final words, and perhaps the best testament to the man, were, ‘God knows that I never did anything that harmed my country.’

CHAPTER 2

Naguib Pasha Boutros Ghali Background aguib Boutros Ghali, the eldest son of Boutros Pasha Ghali, was born to Lady Safa Abul Saad on 2 December, 1873, in the Cairo district of Faggala where the family lived.1 Boutros Pasha Ghali was keen that his son received a high level of education, and on leaving the local Jesuit School,2 Naguib was sent to France to study law, the subject of choice of aristocratic families at that time, and he proved to be an excellent student.3 As we have already seen, Naguib Pasha exchanged many letters with his father Boutros Pasha Ghali during his time in France, and as these letters shed light on the personality of the father, so too do they give a sense of the young man. In his first letter to his father, Naguib describes his profound love of studying philosophy, which he enjoyed more than his Roman legislation (law) studies, and his struggles with natural history and chemistry. He also talks about his visits to French cities and to England. In another letter, he tells his father how hard he is studying, in order to honour him in front of his relatives. It also becomes clear that Naguib was homesick, so far away from Egypt, describing his feelings of alienation and even asking his father to move to France. In one of his letters, Naguib complains to his father about the lack of variety of food, and that the university kitchen served soup for

breakfast, instead of the traditional Egyptian dish of mashed beans, known as ful, that he was used to. Naguib remained close to his family and his country all his life, and enjoyed the advice and guidance of his father right up until Boutros Pasha Ghali’s death. Throughout his life he was Naguib Boutros Ghali

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Naguib Pasha Ghali’s birth certificate from the Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate

Naguib Pasha Ghali’s High School Diploma, Literary Section, Philosophy, from the French Ministry of Education

Left: Boutros Pasha Ghali’s house in Faggala

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Naguib Pasha Ghali’s BA in Law from France

moved by the same nationalist feelings that had guided his father and had been the pillar of his two brothers’ education. His work at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was guided by the realities of the Egyptian government’s utter helplessness in the face of the British occupation and the still embryonic nationalist movement. In 1907 Naguib Pasha married Anna Kevork, who came from an illustrious Armenian family. Anna, born in Istanbul in 1885, was the granddaughter of Nubar Pasha, former Prime Minister under Khedive Tawfik and a major player in

Egyptian political life in the second half of the nineteenth century. This marriage resulted in two sons, Merrit and Gueffrey. Lady Anna, known later as Anna Ghali, was a leading pioneer in charitable work, and beside her work with Armenian and Coptic churches, she founded and headed the Coptic Women’s Society for the Education of Children, which was responsible for establishing 40 free schools for Coptic children. She died in 1984 at the age of 99 years.

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From the Mixed Courts to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Following his return from France as a Bachelor of Law, Naguib Effendi Ghali was appointed Deputy Prosecutor in the mixed courts, where he remained from July 1894 until March 1899,4 when he was promoted to Deputy General Prosecutor in Cairo, from 18 March, 1899 to 31 December, 1900.5 During that period, he was well known among the judiciary for his decency and good manners. He was not to remain in the courts for long, and was transferred in early 1901 to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, first as Chief Clerk,6 and later as Secretary to the Ministry.

Following the death of Boutros Pasha Ghali, in recognition of his great services and as a gesture of gratitude to his family, in 1910 Khedive Abbas Helmi II promoted Naguib Bey Ghali to the post of Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, taking over from Aziz Ezzat Pasha.7 The latter was the longserving Deputy Foreign Minister who was close to the Khedivial family as a result of having married Behiye Yeghen Hanim, the granddaughter of Khedive Ismail Pasha on her mother’s side. Naguib Pasha remained in this role until 1919, a period that covered the whole of World War I.

A letter of recommendation from Yaqoob Pasha Artin to the Minister of Justice describing Naguib Pasha Ghali as a talented person

A letter to Naguib Pasha Ghali informing him of his obtaining a driving licence from the Royal Authority in Italy

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It is worth noting that during the tenure of Naguib Pasha as Deputy Foreign Minister, Egypt had no Minister of Foreign Affairs, essentially making him the acting Foreign Minister. During that critical period in Egypt’s life, he was responsible for maintaining diplomatic relations with all the states that retained representatives in Egypt, despite Britain declaring Egypt a protectorate. His efforts with foreign ambassadors went a long way towards averting a great deal of trouble for his country. And again mirroring his father’s policies, he had to juggle the oppressing interests of foreign powers (especially Britain and France) with the interests of Egypt which he fought to preserve.

its wholesale resignation in protest. Although a senior government official and not a minister, Naguib Pasha resigned alongside the cabinet, a significant political gesture. After weeks of violent demonstrations and strikes, Naguib Pasha added his name to the list of eminent Egyptians who issued a call for the end

Naguib Pasha Boutros Ghali and the 1919 Revolution Prior to World War I, nationalist agitation was limited to the educated elite in which the two sons of Boutros Pasha, Naguib and Wassif, played a prominent role. Over the course of the war and as a result of Egypt’s increasing involvement in it (through conscription of labour and the requisition of buildings and animals) the Allies and, particularly the British, promised self-determination and independence as outlined in President Wilson’s Fourteen Points. This pushed the nationalist movement to ask for representation at the peace conference. After years of nationalist agitation, in 1919 the Egyptian nation, in a bid for freedom, finally revolted. The Egyptian government, represented by Hussein Pasha Rushdi and Adly Pasha Yakan, went to the British government, asking it to cancel the British protectorate of Egypt and give the country its independence. Frustrated by the British government’s delaying tactics and its failure to fulfil its promise, the Egyptian cabinet, headed by Hussein Pasha Rushdi, submitted

An official decree appointing Naguib Pasha Ghali at the Foreign Ministry

An official decree appointing Naguib Pasha Ghali Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs

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to the riotous acts that accompanied the revolution. This call was published in newspapers, and circulated to the people in the streets. Thus, when Adly Pasha Yakan created his first cabinet in March 1921, he did not hesitate in appointing Naguib Pasha as Agriculture Minister.8 Following his resignation from this post in December of the same year, Naguib Pasha spent his time managing the property he had inherited from his father. He built several apartment buildings on the Nile, an innovation in Egypt at the time. Over the remaining years he sold most of his land to his brother Youssef.

Aziz Ezzat Pasha Below / Right: Egyptian people taking to the streets to call for independence

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Adly Pasha Yakan’s cabinet in which Naguib Pasha Ghali was a minister

Adly Pasha Yakan

A letter from Naguib Pasha Ghali to his father Boutros Pasha Ghali Anna, the wife of Naguib Pasha Ghali (and with her sons Merrit and Gueffrey)

A patent offering a medal from the Sultan of the Comoro Islands to Naguib Pasha Ghali The Coptic Museum in Cairo

A memorandum granting Naguib Pasha Ghali an Ottoman Medal of the third degree

A memorandum granting Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Naguib Pasha Ghali, the title of Mîrmîran

A letter granting Naguib Pasha Ghali a medal of the third degree from the Shah of Iran

A letter from the Iranian Embassy in Cairo to Naguib Pasha Ghali informing and congratulating him on obtaining a medal of the third degree from the Shah of Iran

A decree granting Naguib Pasha Ghali the title of Pasha

A decree granting Naguib Pasha Ghali a scarf and a medallion from King Fouad I

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Charitable Work Naguib Pasha spent much time, money and effort on charities, both while he occupied state positions and afterwards. Most of his work centred on raising the standing of his fellow Copts, and in his position as head of the committee formed to establish the Coptic Girls Faculty, he was able to exercise his authority and influence both with the government and with potential benefactors. Naguib Pasha also founded the much-needed Coptic Reform Society, and urged young people to take their future into their own hands and nominate themselves in the General Congregation. It is worth noting that when his will was opened after his death, in the presence of his family members, they found the following amounts of money bequeathed: E£150 for the Coptic Hospital E£50 for the Coptic Girls Faculty E£50 for the Coptic Museum E£30 for the Boutros Atelier (Al Mashghal Al Botrossy) – a charity whose purpose was to teach young women to sew and embroider so that they could earn money while staying at home. The Atelier is still in operation to this day and has helped thousands of young women increase their incomes.

Medals and Orders Naguib Pasha was awarded several medals and orders throughout his lifetime, receiving the Ottoman Medal of the Third Degree on the occasion of Khedive Abbas Helmi II’s accession to the throne in 1904, 9 and also the Iranian Crown Medal of the Third Degree from the Shah of Iran.10 He was also given by Sultan Hussein Kamel the title of Pasha on 9 November, 1915;11

from King Ahmed Fouad I12 he was awarded the title of Mîrmîran,13 the grand scarf, a medallion and a medal; and he received a medal from Said Ali, Sultan of the Comoro Islands.14

His Death Naguib Pasha Ghali died on Tuesday 28 November, 1933, from septicaemia due to an abscessed tooth. He was buried at the family tomb in the Boutrosiya church. His funeral was covered by all the newspapers, which described the presence of senior figures and high-ranking officials from foreign communities in the large tent built by his family in front of the French Hospital in Abbassiya, Cairo, in preparation for escorting Naguib Pasha Ghali to his final resting place. Among notable mourners were Abdel Fattah Pasha Yehia, Cabinet Chief and Minister of Justice, Prince Mohamed Ali, Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas, the leader of the Wafd Party, Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha, the leader of the Free Consitutionalist Party and a former Prime Minister, Ali Pasha AlShamsy, Mohamed Ali Pasha Allouba, Mr Smart on behalf of the British High Commissioner, and Hamad Pasha Al-Basil, as well as a large number of statesmen, consuls and senior officials from many political parties. The public stood in lines on both sides of the road while the funeral procession moved from the French Hospital to Queen Nazly Street (now known as Ramses Street), where the Boutrosiya church is located. He was buried beside his father Boutros Pasha Ghali, accompanied by the prayers of Patriarch Younas and other senior clergymen.

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The French Hospital in Cairo

Top, left to right: Abdel Fattah Pasha, Prince Mohamed Ali, Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha, Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas Yehia Bottom, left to right: Hamad Pasha Al-Basil, Ahmed Pasha Zaki, Ali Pasha Al-Shamsy

CHAPTER 3

Wassif Pasha Boutros Ghali Background

W

assif Boutros Ghali was born on Sunday, 14 April 1878, the second son of Boutros Pasha Ghali, at his father’s house in Faggala, Cairo. In early October 1890, he joined the Jesuit school where he obtained a high school certificate and then travelled with his elder brother Naguib to France to study law. On returning to Egypt from France, Wassif Effendi worked as a lawyer until in 1906 Khedive Abbas Helmi II, unbeknownst to his father the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, appointed him as an editor at the Khedive’s Royal Department (the Khassa Al Khedeweyya), where he remained until 1911.1 Throughout his work with the Khedive he would become the main link between the sovereign and the government. When his father was appointed Prime Minister, father and son would spend long nights working together on the affairs of state. This created a very close bond between them that would greatly affect Wassif when his father was murdered in 1910. On 7 June, 1908 Wassif Pasha married Louise Majorelle, a young Frenchwoman whom he had met while he was studying law. She came from a decent family, and quickly came to love all the members of the Boutros Ghali family. Louise Ghali was well known as being originally French but typically Egyptian, and took to the streets

with Egyptians in the 1919 demonstrations. She supported her husband in his struggle against occupation and helped him to produce his literary and critical masterpieces in French.2

For the Sake of the Unity of the Nation After the assassination of his father, Boutros Pasha Ghali, in February 1910, Wassif Effendi Ghali withdrew for almost a year, such was his grief. He then slowly rejoined public life to become involved in national affairs. He stood firm against Wassif Pasha Boutros Ghali

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attempts to ignite sectarian strife and rejected the idea put forward by many of the leaders of the Coptic community of convening a Coptic conference in 1911 in Assiut. At this meeting, Wassif Boutros Ghali declared, in what was to become a famous intervention: ‘I will join those who have killed my father rather than join those who want to kill my country.’ In a famous open letter circulated in the community, he wrote: ‘We shall not liberate, nor shall we oblige the world to respect us and our will unless we unite and become one nation. Only then will superpowers seek our friendship.’ In a message to the editor of the Cairo-based La Reforme newspaper, Wassif Effendi explained his opposition to the conference:

Dear Sir The articles you published on détente between Moslems and Copts are praiseworthy; they deserve to be published and circulated in cities and villages. Such calls for détente and rationality should be made public and taken into consideration by all people for the welfare of this country. We surely do not need a conference with a president and officials of expenditure to guide Moslem and Coptic brothers in one family to a final détente. Dialogue among family members does not need such formalities. Disagreement between both Egyptian communities resulted from a casual misunderstanding. It is over now; newspapers do not need to call for détente. They have to announce that this détente has been implicitly reached, and that all Egyptians belong to one religion, which is the duty that they guard and protect piously. It is the holy love for the home land. Let us forget the past if it has the memory of doubt or hatred or just neglect. I want to forget campaigns of bragging and cowardly

lies delivered by poor and unfaithful pervasive people who wanted to tarnish the first pure anniversary of my father’s death. It is the anniversary of the best and most loyal servant of his country. I beg the citizens’ pardon because I surrendered to pain and did not try to do anything to calm people down and bring peace to their hearts. I am totally convinced that the horrible nightmare in which we all lived is now over, and that feelings of doubt that spread in bad and hard days have now been replaced by explicit, brotherly and sublime friendship. Oh, Moslems and Copts of Egypt, let us unite and disregard discrimination among Egyptians. Let us simply and profoundly work for the welfare and progress of our home land. Cairo, 19 January, 1911

House of the Nation (the house of Saad Pasha Zaghloul)

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The only language Wassif would use throughout his life would be that of the unity between Moslems and Christians in Egypt. He would always remain the nationalist patriot without ever abandoning his Christian traditions.

A Member of the Egyptian Delegation The nationalist agitation in the war years had finally borne fruit as preparations were afoot to participate in the Versailles Peace Conference. Upon the announcement of the Egyptian delegation that would travel to the 1919 Versailles Peace Conference to make Egypt’s case for independence, it became apparent that not a single Copt was included in the list of delegation members. The Coptic community decided to send three members of the Coptic community to Saad Pasha Zaghloul, leader of Egypt’s nationalist opposition party and key negotiator for Egyptian independence, and discuss this question with him. They chose the prominent lawyer Wissa Wassif, Tawfik Andraous, a senior figure at the Royal Palace, and Fakhri Abdel Nour, a notable Upper Egyptian figure from Gerga. They were received by Mohamed Bey Alloba, a Legislative Society member, Ibrahim Pasha Said and Mohamed Olwi Bey Al-Jazaar, the high leadership of what was to become the Wafd Party, until Saad Pasha Zaghloul, detained at another meeting, was able to join them. The meeting was attended by Aly Pasha Shaarawi, Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha, Ahmed Lotfi Al-Sayed Bey, Mohamed Ali Bey Alloba and Mahmoud Bey Abu Al-Nasr, all names that would play important roles in the nationalist movement in the decades to follow. At first assuming that the three-member Coptic team had come to nominate Wissa Wassif to join the delegation, Saad Pasha Zaghloul was even more delighted to hear that they in fact

proposed the one person they believed fully qualified to join the delegation: Wassif Effendi Boutros Ghali, the second son of Boutros Pasha Ghali. Saad Pasha Zaghloul told them that he had read and been impressed by an article called ‘The East Deserves Independence’3 written by Wassif Bey and published in a French newspaper in 1917. Wassif Bey, who had been living in France since World War I, thus joined the Egyptian delegation on its arrival in Paris, taking part as a public speaker and activist in all the delegation’s activities. In his first address before the Human Rights League in Paris, Wassif Bey Ghali highlighted the political state in Egypt and exposed the policy of the British occupation authority: The British say that they came to Egypt to consolidate the Khedive’s staggering authority. They have already settled in Egypt, once claiming that they protect the people from the despotism of this Khedive himself, and again claiming that they protect foreigners from Egyptians or Egyptians from foreigners. This is what they said when the Fashoda incidents occurred; or to protect Egyptians from themselves! However, the British promised to leave the country. We can count at least 62 public statements made by British politicians who announced before God and the people that they did not want to annex Egypt to Britain, nor did they want to impose their protection over Egypt. The 1914 War gave English politicians a chance to forget their pledges, and they turned their occupation of Egypt into protection. After we fought with the Allies and suffered with them, and after we contributed to the joint victory, we joyfully greeted the ceasefire decision and considered it as the dawn of a just,

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permanent and bright peace. On 11 November, 1918, Saad Pasha Zaghloul and some of his colleagues asked the Legislative Council to address the High Commissioner to allow them to speak of their demands. On 13 November they were received by the High Commissioner. A delegation was later formed. Egyptian people entrusted this delegation to travel to England, but the British refused and as a

result demonstrations broke out and the British occupation authorities fiercely curbed the demonstrations. Wassif Bey succeeded in gaining the Human Rights League’s support for his country’s cause, and persuaded the League to declare Egypt’s right to self-determination.

Top, left to right: Wissa Wassif, Fakhri Abdel-Nour, Mahmoud Bey Abu Al-Nasr Bottom, left to right: Mohamed Olwi Bey Al-Jazaar, Aly Pasha Shaarawi, Ahmed Lotfi Al-Sayed Bey

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Lord Milner

Ali Bey Maher and Dr Hafez Bey Afifi

Wassif Bey also took part in the negotiations conducted between Saad Pasha Zaghloul and Lord Milner, who had been tasked by the British government with drafting an Anglo-Egyptian settlement. Wassif Bey supported Saad Zaghloul’s decision to withdraw from these negotiations following Milner’s rejection of the draft independence plan submitted by Saad Zaghloul.4 A new round of negotiations between Milner and Adly Pasha Yakan (from 25 July to 10 August, 1920) eventually led to a draft agreement. Claiming that this agreement would encroach upon Egypt’s right to independence, Wassif Bey joined Saad Zaghloul’s opposition team, alongside Ali Maher and Sinot Bey Hanna.5 On 16 August, 1920 Saad Zaghloul left for Paris where, aided by Sinot Bey Hanna and Wassif Bey Ghali, he prepared a statement to be delivered to

the Egyptian delegation at the Peace Conference on the consequences of the negotiations with Milner.6 The failure of these negotiations led to division among the members of the Egyptian delegation. With the passage of time, differences among the members had become aggravated, and the delegation was divided into two factions. The first supported negotiations with the British, based on Milner’s proposals and Adly Pasha’s negotiations with Milner. This team included Ahmed Lotfi AlSayed Bey, Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha, Mohamed Ali Bey Alloba, Hamad Pasha Al-Bassil, George Bey Khayat and Abdel Khalek Bey Madkour, all influential leaders in the nationalist movement and the Wafd Party. The second faction, including Saad Pasha Zaghloul and Wassif Bey, persisted in adhering to its stance, leading to the resignation of several members of the Egyptian delegation.7

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A petition from Wassif Pasha Ghali to King Ahmed Fouad I on the government’s grave mistakes in 1922 Inset: Sinot Bey Hanna

Saad Pasha Zaghloul returned from Paris without an agreement, but was feted as a national hero. He and his fellow dissenters were, however, detained by the British occupation authorities on 23 December, 1921 and deported to the Seychelles. Wassif Bey, Wissa Wassif, Ali Maher and members of the pro-Milner faction met on 28 December in the House of the Nation (Saad Zaghloul’s home) to issue a joint communiqué in which they stated that they had joined forces, urging the Egyptian people to unite and demand an independence void from any stains of division and defeatism. In this document, they also sent their heartfelt wishes to the exiled Saad Zaghloul and his colleagues.8

On 23 January, 1922 with the continued arrest of Saad Pasha Zaghloul, the Egyptian delegation issued a declaration to end cooperation with and to boycott the British authorities. The decision was signed by Wassif Bey, Hamad Pasha AlBassil, Wissa Wassif, Ali Maher, George Bey Khayat, Morcos Bey Hanna, Olwi Bey Al-Jazaar and Murad Bey El-Sherie.9 Two days later, after the newspapers published the Egyptian delegation’s declaration, the military authorities arrested the signatories of the communiqué, including Wassif Bey, and jailed them in Kasr El-Nil barracks.10 The press called the detained men the ‘Seven Caged Lions’, and described how Wassif Bey had stood during the court hearing, challenging British snobbery and saying, ‘You may pronounce a verdict against us, but you have no right to put us on trial.’ No sooner had the British prosecuting authorities pronounced the death sentence than the accused men repeatedly shouted, ‘We die so that Egypt will live.’ Their words were quickly taken up by others in the court, and before long the slogan had spread countrywide, the whole of Egypt shouting the words together. In the face of such widespread protest, the British authorities released the detained delegation members on 27 January.11 With the publication of a new declaration from the ‘Seven Caged Lions’ on 22 February, a fresh round of demonstrations and protests broke out against the occupying forces, continuing through the spring and early summer. On 25 July, 1922 the Egyptian delegation members were again arrested, and accused of spreading hatred against the government. Wassif Bey was tried in court, where he was condemned to death. The sentence was later commuted to a seven-year term of imprisonment and a E£5000 fine, and again he found himself alongside his colleagues detained in Kasr El-Nil

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barracks. During their imprisonment, Wassif Bey’s wife Louise visited the men every day, providing them with food and relaying their instructions to protesters. Again, the government would be forced to release the detainees because of increasing popular dissatisfaction,12 and when on 14 May, 1923 Wassif Bey was freed, his family received thousands of warm messages and telegrams from friends, high officials, politicians and people from all over Egypt. Some of the telegrams included simple yet touching messages, such as the following one from lawyer Selim Antoin: ‘Oh poet, goddesses of arts offer you their harps so that you play and sing your freedom poem.’ Another reads: ‘Oh delicate poet whose quiet bravery spread into our memory and became an epic whose writer deserves to be called Corneille. To you, I submit my tears of admiration and my strong joy when I knew that you were free once again to fight for our crucified homeland’ (Aziz Antoin). The affection in which Wassif Bey was held by the Egyptian people is demonstrated in another telegram: ‘We congratulate the Egyptian nation, and congratulate ourselves that one of the best sons of Egypt has regained his freedom. He is one of the most loyal sons of Egypt who is keen on her freedom and independence.’ Perhaps the most important of the messages received came from Saad Pasha Zaghloul and his wife, and demonstrated the mutual respect and strength of the relationship between the two men: ‘Only now we taste true joy. Our happiness is unlimited. Your release is just a long awaited justice. We are proud to see you again in your place serving our dear homeland with the same abnegation and self sacrifice. Our hearts embrace you.’ With the eventual return of the deportees from the Seychelles on 29 June, 1923, 13 a new delegation was formed, including Wassif Bey Ghali, and with the declaration of the 1923

constitution, the first free legislative elections were held. Saad Zaghloul’s Egyptian Wafd Party received a sweeping majority, giving it the right to form a government. On 28 January, 1924, Saad Pasha Zaghloul wrote to King Ahmed Fouad I requesting that he accept the cabinet, and later that same day, a royal decree was issued to that effect.14 Saad Pasha Zaghloul’s became the first cabinet under the umbrella of the Egyptian Wafd Party. Wassif Bey Ghali, who was named as Foreign Minister in this 1924 cabinet, retained this post in five successive Wafd cabinets: under Saad Pasha Ismail Pasha Sidki and Abdel Khalek Pasha Tharwat

Left: Murad Bey El-Sherie / Right: Morcos Bey Hanna

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Zaghloul, again in 1924, and in the cabinets of Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas in 1928 and 1930; and again in 1936 and 1937 in several governments.15 Wassif Bey Ghali’s official identification in the files of the British Foreign Office of the time summed up his early career: He is the son of the late Coptic Prime Minister Boutros Ghali. He has a very solid French cultural background. He is also a poet and a distinguished writer of Arabic prose. In 1919, he became a non-official representative of Egyptian interests in Paris. He joined Zaghloul’s delegation, and asked to join the delegation heading for London, but his request was turned down, so he returned to Cairo in 1920. He is a personality of great influence in political

life. He is a very intelligent person. His multiple cultural interests lead to moderation of political inclinations. He is married to a French lady whose influence on him leads to his anti-British attitudes.16

Wassif Ghali’s wife

A letter from Saad Pasha Zaghloul to Wassif Bey Ghali Left: Handwritten letter from Saad Zaghloul to Wassif Bey Ghali dated 6 July, 1923, discussing the lifting of martial law in Egypt and its consequences

Hamad Pasha Al-Bassil seated and surrounded by (from left to right): Murad Bey El-Sherie, George Bey Khayat, Fakhri Pasha Abdel Nour, Olwi Bey Al-Jazaar, Wissa Pasha Wassif and Wassif Effendi Ghali

A letter from Saad Pasha Zaghloul to Wassif Bey Ghali

Parliament’s ID of Wassif Pasha Ghali

The 1923 constitution drafting committee

A royal decree on forming Saad Pasha Zaghloul’s cabinet which included Wassif Bey Ghali as Foreign Minister

King Ahmed Fouad I

A letter from Saad Pasha Zaghloul to Wassif Bey Ghali on entrusting him with the Foreign Ministry portfolio

A letter from Mostafa Al-Nahhas Pasha to Wassif Pasha Ghali on choosing him as Foreign Minister in 1936

Saad Pasha Zaghloul amidst his cabinet members, excluding Wassif Effendi Ghali. Left to right: Mohamed Tawfik Nassim, Ahmed Mazloom, Mohamed Said, Mostafa Al-Nahhas, Mohamed Fathallah Barakat, Morcos Hanna, Hassan Hassib

Members of the Egyptian delegation to London in 1920 (from left to right): Abdel Latif Al-Mikabbati, Wassif Effendi Ghali, Ahmed Lotfi Al-Sayed, Saad Pasha Zaghloul, Abdel Aziz Fahmi, Hamad Pasha Ali-Bassil, Ali Maher and Mohamed Ali Alloba

A letter of thanks from Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas to Wassif Pasha Ghali for his assistance during the former’s premiership

A letter from Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas to Wassif Pasha Ghali on being chosen as Foreign Minister in 1936

First cabinet of Mostafa Pasha al-Nahhas which included Wassif Pasha Ghali (fifth from left) as Foreign Minister

Omar El-Mokhtar

Wassif Pasha Ghali in dialogue with Mostafa Pasha al-Nahhas

Ramsay MacDonald

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Wassif Ghali and the Egyptian Foreign Ministry During his time as Foreign Minister, which spanned five Wafd governments, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry fought many diplomatic battles in which Wassif Pasha played a major role, as underlined below. His main concern throughout his ministerial career was to make sure that Egypt was included and respected in the community of nations as a proud, independent country. He had to repeatedly confront the intrusive British power that, although nominally separate from the Egyptian government, interfered constantly in Egyptian affairs and policies. Like his father, he always sought to restrain a strong adversary while the weaker party struggled to find its balance.

The Tripoli Refugee Problem When ten Tripoli freedom fighters, escaping the Italian authorities, crossed the Libyan border into Egypt, the Italian government requested that Egypt extradite them. The Egyptian government refused the extradition, angering the Italians, but instead asked the ten freedom fighters to leave Egypt, thus resolving the conflict.17

MacDonald, who said he was ready for talks with the Egyptian government, and on 25 July, 1924 an Egyptian delegation, including Wassif Bey Ghali, left Alexandria for Paris, from whence it travelled to London. The negotiations were to cover the withdrawal of British troops from Egypt and the issue of political prisoners. The negotiations failed due to both parties’ unwillingness to compromise.18

The Murder of Sir Lee Stack Sir Lee Stack, the Egyptian army’s Commander in Chief and ruler of Sudan, was killed on 19 November, 1924 after leaving his office at the Ministry of War, while driving to his home in the Cairo district of Zamalek. In the aftermath of this incident, the British government, agitated, issued the Egyptian government with two strongly worded warnings. The British saw this as an opportunity and a pretext to further many of their foreign policy goals in the Sudan that the Egyptians did not agree with. A few days after the shooting, Wassif Bey Ghali went to the house of the British High

The Saad–MacDonald Negotiations On 8 February, 1924, the acting High Commissioner, Care, went to Mena House Hotel, where Saad Pasha Zaghloul was living, and handed him a letter from Ramsay MacDonald, the British Prime Minister, concerning the release of political prisoners. The Wafd Party issued a goodwill statement wherein it stated it was ready to hold direct negotiations with the English government in London. Following the opening of parliament, Saad Pasha Zaghloul received a telegram from

Sir Lee Stack

A letter from Saad Pasha Zaghloul to Wassif Pasha Ghali, the Egyptian Foreign Minister, on negotiations with the British government

An imagined picture of Sir Lee Stack’s murder

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British Foreign Minister Arthur Henderson

Sir Lee Stack’s funeral

Commissioner and handed him the Egyptian government’s replies to both warnings. The Egyptian government’s response was to deny responsibility for the murder, but they accepted paying half a million Egyptian pounds as a financial penalty, agreeing to catch the perpetrators, but without giving consent to conditions which would encroach upon Egypt’s independence.19 The British government adhered to the content of the two warnings, however, prompting Saad Pasha Zaghloul’s cabinet to submit its resignation to King Ahmed Fouad I, who accepted this in a letter dated 24 November, 1924.20

The River Nile Problem During his days in office as Foreign Minister in Saad Pasha Zaghloul’s first cabinet, Wassif Bey Ghali attempted to solve the ongoing River Nile dispute with the Italian government, which was

Mussolini

then in full control of Ethiopia. In 1906 the Italian government had signed along with Britain and France a tripartite treaty regulating the use of the waters of the Nile. However, as the colonial power in Ethiopia, Italy’s agricultural ambitions were pushing it to intensify its use of the waters of Lake Tana, the River Sobat and the Blue Nile – projects that really worried Egypt. The issue of the Sudanese River Gash which has its sources in Eritrea and irrigates the region of Kassala in eastern Sudan created similar worries and was also raised at that time. Wassif Bey Ghali wrote to Italian Foreign Minister Mussolini, who said his country was ready to hold negotiations with the Egyptian government.21

The Henderson Negotiations In June 1929, Mohamed Mahmoud Pasha, the then Prime Minister, held a round of negotiations with British Foreign Minister Arthur Henderson regarding the British military occupation of Egypt and the constant interference of the British government in Egyptian affairs. This led to a group of British proposals designed to try to solve the problem. These were strongly opposed by the Egyptian delegation, which insisted on referring such proposals to the Egyptian parliament for discussion before considering them. Amidst much public

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speculation, Wassif Pasha, a member of the delegation, told the French newspaper Le Journal: The draft agreement is the maximum the British would give, and the minimum the Egyptians would request; however, it implies high consideration of Egypt by the British side. It is also a good culmination of efforts exerted by Egypt for independence and a sign of good intentions of the British side. However, whether or not these proposals were accepted, it implied a recognition by Great Britain of Egypt’s eligibility and worthiness. It seems that Wassif Pasha did not know of the Egyptian delegation’s decision to delay consideration until the proposals had been put to its government. Nevertheless, this statement reflected the attitude of a majority of Egyptian politicians, let alone political parties, towards the British proposals.22 Following Mostafa Al-Nahhas’s formation of his second cabinet on 31 March, 1930, official negotiations were held in London, in the historic Locarno Suite of the Foreign Office. The Egyptian delegation was headed by Prime Minister Mostafa Al-Nahhas Pasha, while the British side was chaired by British Foreign Minister Henderson. The Egyptian delegation included the Egyptian Foreign Minister Wassif Pasha Ghali.23 Wassif Pasha took part in the opening session of negotiations with Premier Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas, Minister of Works Othman Pasha Moharram and Minister of Finance Makram Pasha Ebeid. He also participated in a joint committee responsible for writing items 3–7 in the proposals, those relating to ending the occupation and striking an alliance. When it came to writing Article 5, a difference arose among committee members on its wording, and the British side insisted on adding a

Wassif Pasha Ghali

Othman Pasha Moharram

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Seated (left to right) are Ali Pasha Al-Shamsy, Wassif Pasha Ghali, Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas and Makram Pasha Ebeid, with a group of the Egyptian delegation members standing behind

text quoted from the Washington Treaty stipulating that both parties should consult each other on political matters of common interest. The Egyptians rejected this article, however. By 7–8 May, both sides had agreed on seven articles of the draft agreement:24 Article 1: Ending of the British military occupation of Egypt.

Makram Pasha Ebeid

Article 2: Since Egypt plans to join the League of Nations, His Majesty the King of England shall recognise Egypt as an independent and sovereign state.

Wassif Pasha Ghali in dialogue with a British political figure at the entrance of the British High Commissioner’s office in Cairo

Wassif Pasha Ghali next to Sir Miles Lampson, the British Ambassador to Egypt

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Article 3: His Majesty the King of Egypt recognises that protecting the souls and property of foreigners living in Egypt is the sole responsibility of the Egyptian government. It is the Egyptian government that fulfils its obligations in this regard. Article 4: An alliance is struck between both contracting parties with a view to fostering friendly relationships and understanding between them. Article 5: Both parties pledge not to enter into agreements with foreign countries which would run counter to this alliance; neither shall they sign any political treaties which run against the provisions of the present treaty. Article 6: If a disagreement between one of the contracting parties and a third party leads to a situation that necessitates severing relations with that third party, both contracting parties shall exchange viewpoints to resolve the disagreement peacefully in accordance with the provisions of the League of Nations’ charter, or with any other international treaties that apply to the present situation. Article 7: If any of the contracting parties enters into an armed conflict with a third party, the second party shall immediately act as an ally and support the first party. This shall not disregard Article 6 referred to above or Article 5. The assistance to be given by His Majesty the King of Egypt to His Majesty the King of England shall be limited to extending all facilities including the use of Egyptian air and sea ports and means of communication with no violation to the Egyptian Administrative and Legal systems.

Accordingly, it is the Egyptian Government that will take all necessary administrative and legislative measures to make these facilities and assistance effective. However, these negotiations failed to reach the formula of a treaty between both states, due to each party’s adherence to certain demands, especially on the subject of Sudan.25

The 1936 Treaty Negotiations began again on settling the Egyptian issue in the late days of King Fouad’s reign. Sir Miles Lampson, the British High Commissioner, held discussions with an Egyptian negotiation delegation consisting of representatives of Egyptian political parties, and including Wassif Pasha.26 The negotiations commenced in Cairo on 2 March, 1936 at the Zaafaran Palace, and continued in Alexandria in late July at the Antoniades Palace, ending with the signing of a draft treaty in the Locarno Suite of the British Foreign Office in London on 26 August, 1936.27 Zaafaran Palace

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The Montreux Accord Before it could implement the 1936 Treaty, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, headed by Wassif Pasha Ghali, set out to cancel the unfair section on concessions. On 16 January, 1937 the Egyptian government sent to the nation states that would benefit from concessions, as stipulated in that section, a circular memorandum inviting them to take part in an international conference to be held in Switzerland on 12 April, 1937 to open negotiations on cancelling concessions. In a letter of February 1937, Wassif Pasha set out to these states the general principles of the transitional system the Egyptian government hoped they would accept. These principles were: 1. Trade and civil lawsuits of foreigners holding the same nationality shall be transferred from consular to mixed courts. 1936 Treaty tables in the Lucarno Suite

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2. Judiciary powers practised by consular courts that tackle misdemeanours shall be transferred to mixed courts. 3. Personal affairs lawsuits that are the jurisdiction of judiciary powers of the consular courts shall be transferred to mixed courts. 4. The number of staff members necessary to cope with the expansion of mixed courts’ jurisdiction needs to be increased. 5.

Changing the nationality of one of the conflicting parties during the lawsuit hearing shall not change the jurisdiction of the court attending to that lawsuit.

The Swiss conference was attended by Mostafa Al-Nahhas Pasha, Wassif Pasha Ghali, Dr Ahmed Maher Pasha, Makram Pasha Ebeid and Abdel Hamid Pasha Badawi. The conference was a great success, and representatives of the conferees signed the treaty documents on 8 May, 1937.28

The Palestinian Problem As head of the Egyptian delegation in the first session of the League of Nations in September 1937, Wassif Pasha was the first Egyptian to advocate loudly and officially the cause of Palestine.29 The Palestinian problem was at one of its most critical stages after the issuing of a report by the Palestine Royal Commission, stipulating the division of Palestine between the Jews and the Arabs. Wassif Pasha announced the Egyptian rejection of the division resolution, and summed up the reasons for rejection in the following points: 1. Division is against the Arabs’ natural and holy rights in Palestine.

Wassif Pasha Ghali at the Montreux Conference Wassif Pasha Ghali

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2.

Division runs against a promise given by Britain to Sherif Hussein Ben Ali, the Emir of Mecca and King of the Arabs, at the beginning of the 1914–18 war.

3. The Balfour Declaration is not obligatory for Britain, since it is not accepted by the Arabs. 4. Division does not solve the peace problem in Palestine. 5. Division does not solve the international Jewish problem. 6. Division creates artificial and unviable states. 7.

Division creates a religious-based state consisting of peoples from different nationalities. A state is not based on the basis of the unity of religion, but on the unity of nationality. Furthermore, Moslem and Christian public opinion does not accept taking holy places from the Arabs.

8. Egypt does not trust the establishment of an artificial Jewish state of mixed nationalities as a neighbour state. The Egyptian delegation suggests a solution that states that Britain conclude a treaty with

Wassif Pasha Ghali’s access card to the League of Nations

Palestine. As with treaties Britain has concluded with other Arab states, such a treaty should ensure Palestine’s independence. The treaty shall ensure the interest of Britain and the Jewish minority and should stipulate a fixed percentage for the Jewish immigration to Palestine. It should also determine the Jewish people’s right to own land.30

Political Retirement In 1939 Wassif Pasha and his wife travelled to France, and whilst they were there, World War II broke out. He and his wife took refuge in the town of Vichy in 1944. He returned to Egypt at the end of the war in 1945. Following his return to Egypt, Wassif Pasha was pressured to take up a political role, and he headed the Egyptian delegation to the Paris Conference on drafting a peace deal with Italy. Having achieved many victories for his country at this conference, Wassif Pasha then distanced himself from politics until January 1950 when he was appointed by the Wafd Party as a senate member and then as a member of the Suez Canal Board of Directors. Following the fire of Cairo in January 1952, he resigned from the senate. He no longer had any desire to work in the field of politics, and when Prime Minster Ali Pasha Maher offered him the Foreign Ministry portfolio, he apologised, saying, ‘Our country has become too sick, and its treatment is not possible for an old man like me.’ He resigned from the Suez Canal Board in June 1956, one month before its nationalisation.31

A Man of Letters Wassif Pasha Ghali was well known for his love of writing and reading, and for his wonderful

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Wassif Pasha Ghali returning from one of his trips to Europe

Wassif Pasha Ghali shaking hands with Prince Faisal Ibn Abdel Aziz, the Saudi Foreign Minister

First page of a poem in congratulation and praise of Wassif Pasha Ghali

The aftermath of the fire of Cairo

speeches, which dated back to his days as a law student of France, when he gave many speeches in defence of Arabs and Arabism. It seems that those speeches formed a nucleus for Ghali’s literary activities, and in the period between 1908 and 1912 the Egyptian press published a group of articles by him, full of enthusiasm and nationalism and with a philosophical and rhetorical flavour. In one of these articles he wrote, ‘One of the characteristics of human gatherings is turning disagreement and agreement into a power they use in their struggle, but this is often difficult to attain.’ In 1911 Wassif quit his job at the Khedive’s Royal Privy Department and began to publish some of his literary works. In 1914 he was assigned the Chair of Arabic Literature in the École des Hautes Études Sociales in Paris where he lectured about

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Arabic poetry and traditions hitherto unknown in the west. He translated the Arabic poet Buhtury’s Divan into French, along with a large amount of other Arabic poetry that was published in a collection of poems in France. This book, which was widely reviewed in Egyptian and European newspapers, was praised by scholars and men of letters in both Egypt and France, who marvelled at his ability to render jewels of Arabic poetry into such eloquent French. Wassif thus gained a reputation as an Egyptian pioneer in highlighting some of the masterpieces of Arab poets and Arab literature in general.32 Wassif also gave a series of lectures at the Lyceum on his favourite topics of love in Arab tradition, Arabic poetry, and Arab chivalry, always to great success.

Three covers of Wassif Pasha Ghali’s books

Wassif Ghali wrote all his literary and intellectual works in French. His book Garden of Flowers (Le Jardin des Fleurs) was issued in Paris in 1913, and includes a selection of Arabic poetry preceded by essays on the nature of poetry in Arabic-speaking peoples. His second book, written between 1914 and 1916 and published in 1919 in Paris after the end of World War I, was entitled Chivalric Traditions of the Arabs (La Tradition Chevaleresque Chez les Arabes), and researches the origin and development of chivalry. His last book, entitled Scattered Pearls (Les Perles Éparpillées), again published in 1919, contains a group of stories on wisdom, inspired by the three Holy Books and Oriental folk tales. It is worth noting that one further literary work written by Wassif Pasha in French was discovered by scholar Raouf Kamel,

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Wassif Pasha Ghali

Wassif Pasha Ghali and his wife Louise Majorelle, her mother and brother

Lady Safa’s sister and Saba Pasha Habashi’s mother, Lady Mostafiya Abu El-Saad; Mme Majorelle, Wassif Pasha Ghali’s mother-in-law; and Lady Safa Abul Saad, wife of Boutros Pasha Ghali

Mohamed Bahie El-Din Pasha Barakat and Wassif Pasha Ghali

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who found it in a typesetting office in Paris. It is a three-act play on the life story of Theodora the Alexandrite. Kamel attached the play to his own book entitled Wassif Pasha as a Writer, which was written in French and printed in Cairo in 1960 at the French Institute for Oriental Studies. Kamel believes that Wassif wrote this play in 1919, the year he decided to dedicate his life to politics.

Charitable Work Wassif Pasha was not only one of the richest Egyptians and owner of thousands of acres of farmland, but he was also a notable philanthropist, extending charity to the needy with modesty and self-denial. When World War II broke out and he was in Switzerland, he did not forget the poor in Egypt, especially those afflicted by the

war: he entrusted his representative in Egypt to send E£5000 to the Islamic Charity Society, and E£1000 to the Coptic Charity Society. He lavishly helped any people, agencies or societies in need of his support, and in particular the Tawfik Coptic Charity Society. Indeed each time he took over as Foreign Minister, he asked his secretary to prepare a list of charitable societies and poor students so that he could send them his monthly salary. His generosity was so great that he even built a mosque in his native village.

Wassif Pasha Ghali

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A Fighter’s Rest On Saturday 11 January, 1958 Wassif Pasha died in Paris at the age of 80 after a period of illness. He suffered great pain in his last days and fell into a coma for three days until his death. Wassif had always believed that he would die abroad, so he wrote in his will that he wished to be buried in the Boutros Ghali family church. His wife had his body transported from France to Cairo, where his body was kept in his house in Giza for one day before the funeral ceremonies began. All of Egypt took to the streets to see Wassif Pasha off, feeling that they were bidding farewell to a historical symbol. Among the large number of official mourners were General Abdel Fattah Al-Bendari, Governor of Cairo, as representative of President Nasser, Foreign Minister Mahmoud Fawzi, Minister of Food Supply Kamal Ramzy Estino and many of Wassif Pasha’s former colleagues, including Dr Bahie El-Din Barakat, Ali

Mohamed Bahie El-Din Barakat

Maher the former Prime Minister, Makram Ebeid, the Wafd grandee and former Minister of Finance, Abdel Khalek Hassouna, Naguib Iskandar and Abdel Hamid Badawi. The funeral procession moved along Ramses Street to the Boutrosiya church, where several clergymen prayed for the deceased. The church had to close its doors due to the large crowd of mourners who wanted to take part in the ceremony, and most of those inside the church were forced to stand. In his eulogy, the high priest reminded them that Wassif Pasha had died only physically, and that his own deeds and struggles lived on. Wassif Pasha Ghali was a man untarnished by politics: he joined nationalistic marches, but did not seek profit from patriotism. He lived with clean hands and mouth, and when he attended the funerals of others, he always turned away when the spoils were divided. Wassif Pasha had no children.

Dr Mahmoud Fawzi

WA S S I F PA S H A B O U T R O S G H A L I

Wassif Pasha Ghali’s funeral

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Wassif Pasha Ghali’s funeral Wassif Pasha Ghali’s funeral

Dr Mahmoud Fawzi offering his condolences to Merrit Bey Ghali and Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali on Wassif Pasha Ghali’s death Michel Boutros Ghali, Mahmoud Fawzi, Kamal Ramzi Estino and Merrit Bey Ghali leading mourners at Wassif Pasha Ghali’s funeral

CHAPTER 4

Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali Background

Y

oussef Boutros Ghali was born Raghib Youssef in 1886. The fourth child and last son of Boutros Pasha Ghali, he was the least well known among them, and unlike his brothers Naguib and Wassif, he did not enter the world of politics. After his education at the Faggala Jesuit School in Cairo, he travelled to France, but instead of going straight to study law, he joined the Royal Military School of Sorèze, a famous military school established during the reign of King Louis XIV. After graduating with top marks, he joined the School of Law at Paris University in 1909. The assassination of Boutros Pasha Ghali hit Youssef very hard, and of the three sons, he was the most affected. A young man at the time, he struggled to come to terms with his father’s untimely death, instead isolating himself and rejecting politics and public life. He chose to dedicate his time to managing the property he and his family inherited from their father, in particular the farmland. He gradually expanded the family’s estate, buying new land, until he became one of the biggest landlords and farmers in Egypt. His son, Engineer Wassif,1 recalls that his father loved farming, and adds that Youssef was not like traditional landlords who piled up wealth, collecting money from their tenants in order to expand their empire. On the contrary, he was a true farmer,

who loved the land and farmed it in order to preserve its cultivation.

Wife and Children In 1912, Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali married Sophie (Safia) Charobim, the daughter of historian Michael Bey Charobim, who wrote a book on Egyptian history entitled Al-Kafi in Egyptian Ancient and Modern History (Al Kafi fi Tarikh Misr Al Kadeem wal Hadith). This marriage resulted in three sons, namely Boutros, Wassif and Raouf. Sophie dedicated her life to charitable work, and continued to serve the needy after her husband’s death in 1951.

Youssef Boutros Ghali’s certificate of military exemption

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Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali

Youssef Bey Ghali’s lack of interest in politics or public life could not have been more in contrast to his eldest son Boutros, known to many as Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali, who later occupied the position of Egyptian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs for over 14 years, before holding the most elevated diplomatic position in the world, that of UN Secretary-General.

His Death Youssef Bey Ghali died on 6 June, 1951, and was buried in the family’s tombs in the Boutrosiya church. He died before the passing of the Agricultural Reform Law that confiscated land from landlords, which was perhaps a blessing in disguise. If he had been alive, he would have been heartbroken. To Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali, land was an extension of life itself. He left a large mansion in Kafr Ammar that served for decades later as a focal point first for the three sons and then when finally given to his youngest son Raouf. It was repeatedly confiscated by the military regime of Nasser. When it was finally returned it became a haven to his grandchildren Youssef and Boutros who grew up in it.

The wedding ceremony of Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali at the Boutrosiya church. Saad Zaghloul can be seen on the right in the front row, the third man from the right wearing a tarboush (fez).

Sophie Charobim, wife of Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali, dressed as a nurse during her work in the Charity Societies Hospitals to treat cholera-stricken people in Upper Egypt, 1945–52

Standing on the left are Yaqoob Bey Sabri and his wife Lady Galila Boutros Ghali. Standing on the far right is Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali. Seated from left to right are Lady Blanche Farid and her son Nagui; Lady Safa Abul Saad; the governess of young Boutros son of Youssef, with Sophie on her lap; and Sophie Charobim, wife of Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali.

Youssuf Bey Boutros Ghali and his wife Lady Sophie Charobim, Paris 1948

Dr Boutros Ghali and his mother, Cairo 1953

CHAPTER 5

Merrit Bey Naguib Boutros Ghali Background

M

errit Bey Naguib Boutros Ghali was born in Cairo on 10 May, 1908, the son of Naguib Pasha Ghali and grandson of Boutros Pasha Ghali. He obtained a Bachelor of Law degree and a diploma from the School of Political Sciences, Paris University in 1929, before joining the Egyptian Foreign Ministry as a diplomat.1 Merrit Bey Ghali held the position of Minister of State for Municipal and Rural Affairs in the second cabinet of Ahmed Naguib Pasha Al-Hilali from 22–4 July, 1952.2 His vision for the reform of agriculture, elaborated on in his books The Policy of Tomorrow and Agrarian Reform,3 made him an obvious choice for the post. He had a lifelong interest in archaeology, joining the Supreme Archaeological Council in 1938, and the Society of Coptic Antiquities from 1935 to 1988. He was a member of various other societies, including the Egyptian Scientific Geographic Society, the Society of Political Economy, Statistics and Legislation and the Egyptian Scientific Academy from 1960. Merrit Bey Ghali sat on the board of the Medical Aid Committee for Ethiopia, and was a member of the Egyptian parliament before the 1952 Egyptian revolution.4 Above all, however, Merrit Bey was a writer. He wrote several books on politics and economics in Arabic, English and French. His most famous book,

The Policy of Tomorrow (Siyasat Al Ghad), led him to be awarded the Medal of Merit of the First Order. Merrit Bey played an important role in Egyptian foreign policy from the early 1930s to the late 1970s, especially in Egyptian–Ethiopian relations, an unofficial role that came about due to his position as a prestigious Coptic Egyptian and his friendship with the Patriarch of the See of St Mark.

Merrit Bey Ghali, the Archaeologist Merrit Ghali recognised the importance of the study of Coptology in the context of world cultural heritage and as a basis for understanding Egyptian history. His interest in Coptic monuments led

Merrit Bey Ghali

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him to create the Society of Coptic Archaeology, whose revenue would provide financial aid to students of the Faculty of Archaeology at Cairo University. He was also involved in founding the International Federation of Coptic Studies, which had three centres, in Italy, Germany and Egypt. A member of L’Institut d’Égypte, he took part in and organised many conferences on Coptic studies, especially on Coptic art and antiquities, all over the world and at major world universities. His involvement in the field of antiquities extended beyond just the Coptic, however, and in March 1961 he and Dr Hassan Abdel Wahab wrote to the Minister of Culture, proposing the conservation of Islamic antiquities, in particular the dome of the Hussein Mosque in Cairo. His was not just an academic role, either: Merrit Bey participated and chaired teams during the excavation of early Christian remains in Wadi Al-Natroun. The Boutros Ghali family and the Antiquities Society owned a large collection of antiquities spanning both pharaonic Greco-Roman and Coptic Egypt. It consisted of statues, carvings, canopic jars, funerary masks and sarcophagi, Coptic statues, textiles, crosses, carvings and other artefacts. Upon the issuance of the Antiquities Protection Law in 1983, Merrit Ghali submitted an inventory of these items and all were donated to Egyptian museums.

The Social and Diplomatic Role of Merrit Bey Ghali in Ethiopia The Ethiopian Aid Committee After war broke out between Italy and Ethiopia in 1935, Egypt formed a committee to extend aid to Addis Ababa. Prince Omar Toson headed the two committees that evolved from this, the first of which defended the interests and independence of

Ethiopia by issuing reports and publications about conditions there to world nations and organisations. The second committee had two further subcommittees, headed by Prince Ismail Dawood, responsible for medical aid, and which exerted worldwide efforts, especially through the International Red Cross, to help foreign residents in Ethiopia.5 The medical committee consisted of twelve physicians, three chemists and sixty-eight nurses, as well as a non-technical team from Princess Asfa Wossen Hospital. Ethiopians and foreign nationals alike were so impressed by the Egyptian doctors and their work in these units, that the Egyptian public as well as the Egyptian government began to offer aid and donations to the Ethiopians.6 The committee did not stop its work after the end of military action, but continued to extend post-war aid to refugees and immigrants, and helped immigrants to Palestine. It played an important role in fighting the syphilis and typhoid epidemic that had spread across Ethiopia in the early 1940s. It was felt that as members of a pioneering Eastern nation, Egyptian Copts and Moslems alike had a duty to help Ethiopians fight both invasion and disease. The committee’s involvement in Ethiopia continued during both war and peacetime, although it ruled out the idea of sending Egyptian military volunteers there. It used its influence to bring world attention to Ethiopia, and as well as providing medical aid, it also lent support to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. During this time, the committee strengthened its relations with King Fouad I’s Red Crescent Society.7 Merrit Bey was able to play a major role inside the committee, alongside his brother Gueffrey, as his friendly relations with international humanitarian organisations enabled him to persuade them to extend relief aid to Ethiopia. Having spent a

Ahmed Naguib Pasha Al-Hilali

Prince Omar Toson

Curriculum vitae of Merrit Bey Ghali including his major positions and published papers

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Part of the societal activity in the Boutrosiya church

good deal of time in Ethiopia, he was also able to utilise his Egyptian and Ethiopian contacts there to follow up on the situation within Ethiopia and determine what its needs might be.8 In the summer of 1974 Ethiopia and several other African states suffered a terrible drought. Merrit Bey was at the time living in Ethiopia, and saw that the committee could become a means for mobilising much-needed international aid. Egypt had to be seen to play its role in the drought-relief movement, but it was facing its own economic hardships at that time, so, always keen to foster closer and warmer relations between the two churches, Merrit Bey suggested that aid was offered by the Egyptian Church directly to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, in supporting its efforts to help its countrymen.

He wrote to Pope Shenouda III, Pope of Alexandria and the Patriarch of the See of St Mark, asking him to send a representative with gifts and aid to the Ethiopian Emperor and his people. He suggested that the representative should attend the Emperor’s birthday, and listed the gifts that should be offered, and the people within the Ethiopian Coptic Church and society who should receive them.9 One of Merrit Bey’s suggestions to Pope Shenouda III, who had in fact already sent a message of sympathy to the Ethiopian monarch, was to send the Emperor a nominal amount of US$1,000 (stressing that Merrit Bey would happily pay the amount from his own coffers) in the name of the Patriarch.10 Pope Shenouda III in the end donated US$3,000 to drought-stricken Ethiopians. Reverend Bachomeos, the Patriarch’s

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Pope Shenouda III

private secretary, then travelled to Ethiopia, accompanying Merrit Ghali step by step, a visit that had a great effect on strengthening relations between Ethiopian and Egyptian Coptic churches and peoples.

The Coptic Community in Ethiopia

A letter from Pope Shenouda III, Pope of Alexandria and Patriarch of the See of St Mark, to Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia informing him of sending a Coptic bishop to Ethiopia to extend financial aid to droughtstricken Ethiopians

Whilst resident in Ethiopia, Merrit Ghali took care of the members of its Coptic community, and ensured their voice was heard within the Coptic Church in Cairo. To that end, on 8 April, 1956 he wrote to the Religious Council in Cairo asking for the appointment of a new director for the Clerical School in Addis Ababa. He also urged that the director be sent quickly, as families were keen to attend Coptic mass. He also advised leaders of

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the Congregation Council that the new director would be more likely to gain the respect of the Ethiopians11 if he were a monk.

The Ethiopian Church The Ethiopian and Egyptian Coptic churches had had a long relationship, but during the Italian occupation of Ethiopia, relations became so tense between the two churches that attempts were made to sever ties between them. Any attempts were doomed to failure, however, and relations only grew stronger after the restoration of Haile Selassie as Emperor of Ethiopia in 1941. Throughout this period, Merrit Bey played an important role in maintaining friendly communication between both churches and countries. Nevertheless, the next two decades were rather more unstable as the Ethiopian Church demanded more independence from the Coptic Church, although the reasonable stance taken by the Egyptian Patriarch led to a certain rapprochement. A protocol signed in 1959 eventually fulfilled some of the Ethiopian Church’s demands, but relations cooled after Mengistu Haile Maryam’s socialist regime took over in 1974, and with President Sadat’s open support of Somalia,12 which was in a state of war against Ethiopia. Within five years of the 1935 invasion of Ethiopia, Italian forces attempted to take control of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. They ordained a new Patriarch, Youanas, in spite of the canon law stating that only the Patriarch of the See of St Mark in Cairo had the right to ordain a Patriarch for the Ethiopian Church. When Emperor Haile Selassie eventually returned to Addis Ababa in 1941, the occupation-ordained Pope Youanas and his colleagues were threatened with excommunication and ordered to refrain from holding religious rites until Pope Cyril VI (Kyrellos), the

Pope of Alexandria and Patriarch of the See of St Mark, could send an Egyptian delegation to negotiate with the Ethiopian Church and government. The delegation to Ethiopia included the former Patriarch of the Ethiopian Church, Sadik Pasha Wahba, Farag Bey Mousa, Merrit Bey and Father Azer, the priest attached to the Coptic Patriarchate. Merrit Bey negotiated with representatives of the Ethiopian Church on several issues, including stripping priests ordained during the occupation of their holy status. The Ethiopian delegation reviewed the Ethiopian people’s opinion, which appeared divided on the matter of the priests. The two parties also considered the recent

A memorandum from Merrit Bey Ghali to the Congregation Council in Cairo containing demands for Copts living in Ethiopia to delegate a monk to cater for the needs of the Coptic community there

The Ethiopian Church delegation leaving the Coptic Church in Clot Bey St, Cairo

Emperor Haile Selassie

President Sadat

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excommunication of Ethiopians who had had dealings with the Church during the occupation, fearing the damage this could cause to the Ethiopian community. Representatives of the Ethiopian Church were keen to raise the issue of independence from the Egyptian Coptic Church. They called for the Ethiopian Pope to be granted the right and authority to ordain archbishops of the Ethiopian Church, a right that had hitherto been reserved for the Patriarch of St Mark’s, according to canon law. The Ethiopian delegation took the opportunity to submit a complaint against the representative of the Egyptian Coptic Church and his entourage in Addis Ababa, explaining that he was unable to master the Ethiopian language, and had in fact made it clear that he had no interest in learning it. If this continued, they stated, there was a risk that the Ethiopian people would take a stance against the Egyptian Pope, as this was considered an act of humiliation towards the Ethiopian people and language. The delegation then met with the Ethiopian Emperor, who called upon the Egyptian Pope to lift the excommunication of the Ethiopian people, and after initially complaining that it was the illegally appointed Pope who was responsible for this problem, the Pope eventually agreed to consider the Emperor’s wish. The demands of the Ethiopian Church to ordain their own Ethiopian archbishop and clergy, reflecting the views of Ethiopian Christians, were supported by the Ethiopian Emperor himself, and were in fact the latest in a long history of Egyptian– Ethiopian talks on granting more powers to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The right of the Ethiopian Church to ordain its own bishop had first been discussed back in the thirteenth century, when Ethiopian-born Bishop Haymanot had served for several years from 1235, demonstrating

that native clergymen were perfectly able to run their own church, both spiritually and administratively. Despite the Bishop’s Chair remaining unoccupied for 170 years, during the reign of Queen Ehudite and King Marhan, the Ethiopian Church grew and developed in the hands of Ethiopian clergy. Furthermore, it was an Ethiopian who was selected by clergymen and tribal heads to run the spiritual affairs of the Ethiopian Church during the Italian occupation, following the return of the Coptic Pope to Cairo. In the absence of an Egyptian response to the Church’s requests, the Ethiopian press took up the cause of its Church, maintaining that it held a prestigious place in Ethiopian society, enjoying the respect of the people through its charitable work. An Ethiopian Church run by a foreign bishop soon loses the trust of its followers, newspapers claimed, as they pressed for ecclesiastical independence. The mission eventually succeeded in convincing the Patriarch and the Holy Synod to lift the excommunications in accordance with the wish of the Ethiopian Emperor, in a meeting with the Holy Synod attended by Merrit Ghali and Habib Pasha Al-Masri. Merrit Ghali and Habib Pasha Al-Masri subsequently met with the Egyptian

Sadik Pasha Wahba

Metropolitan Kyrellos of Ethiopia on his way to Port Said from where he would sail to Ethiopia

Pope Cyril VI

Pope Cyril VI (Kyrellos) of Alexandria and Emperor Haile Selassie

Ceremony to enthrone the Metropolitan of Ethiopia in Cairo

Metropolitan Kyrellos of Ethiopia

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should have an Ethiopian Patriarch. The Holy Synod, forced into a corner, thus issued the following resolutions: 1.

After the Ethiopian Emperor’s mediation, the Holy Synod agrees that the Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church be Ethiopian, though he had earlier been selected from Egyptian monks.

2.

The Holy Synod supports its earlier decision regarding the impossibility of changing canon law. It rather agrees to give the Ethiopian Patriarch the right to ordain bishops.

Pope Cyril VI with the Patriarch of Ethiopia

Prime Minister and Kamel Pasha Sidki to review the results of negotiations and submit the Ethiopian request that Egypt extend sisterly development aid to Ethiopia. However, the Egyptian Holy Synod’s rejection of the other two of the Ethiopian’s three demands, namely that the Ethiopian Patriarch be a native Ethiopian appointed by the Ethiopian Church and that he be delegated the power to ordain bishops in the Ethiopian Church, was not well received, and the Ethiopian press launched an attack on the Patriarch of the Ethiopian Church accusing him of humiliating the dignity of his post in abandoning Ethiopia after the Italian invasion. They failed to recall, however, that he had departed after refusing to comply with the Italians’ demand that he excommunicate occupation resistance forces. The Coptic Pope submitted an angry reply to Emperor Haile Selassie, thus increasing the division between Ethiopian and Egyptian Churches and people, and forcing Emperor Haile Selassie to mediate with the Coptic Pope and Holy Synod on 31 January, 1946, in a meeting in which Merrit Bey strongly expressed his belief that Ethiopia

3. The number of bishops shall be increased from five to seven, including two Egyptians who will undertake to master the Ethiopian language. 4.

The Ethiopian Church shall be represented in the election of the Coptic Patriarch. These representatives shall be the Bishop, archbishops, the Emperor’s representative, ministers and twelve senior personalities at the Kingdom, to be appointed by the Emperor.

5. The Ethiopian Church shall be represented in the Holy Synod. 6. The exchange of missions of monks between both churches shall be assured. 7.

A clerical school shall be established, to be supervised by Egyptian teaching staff. The Ethiopian Emperor expresses his gratitude for the care taken by Egypt regarding the establishment of this school and promoting it to the level of theological college, and the establishment of religious primary schools in Ethiopian provinces.

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8.

The Holy Synod agrees that the Ethiopian Church shall establish a regional synod under the chairmanship of its Patriarch, to solve local problems.

9.

Excommunication shall be lifted from archbishops who accepted titles from Italy during the Italian occupation. Their previous titles shall be restored.

The Ethiopian Church and people welcomed these resolutions reluctantly, since they had hoped

that all their demands would be met, but they at least considered it a step forward. Attempts to satisfy their outstanding demands continued throughout the next decade, until in 1959 a protocol was established governing relations of both churches and signed by their representatives. It included the following important points: 1. The Patriarch of St Mark’s Church shall have supreme authority and sublime spiritual autho rity over both Coptic and Ethiopian churches. 2. A limited number of Ethiopian representatives shall take part in electing the Coptic Pope. 3. The Ethiopian Patriarch shall be selected from bishops, not archbishops. 4. The ordainment of the Ethiopian Patriarch shall be performed by the Patriarch of Alexandria. 5.

The Ethiopian Patriarch shall be entrusted with ordaining priests and archbishops. However, their applications must be submitted to the Patriarch in Alexandria.

6. The Patriarch of Alexandria shall invite the Ethiopian Pope to the Holy Synod to take part in the discussion of important or sectarian matters. 7. There shall be an exchange of students and teachers of religion between both churches.13

A memorandum written by Merrit Bey Ghali on the disagreement between the Coptic and the Ethiopian churches after the Holy Synod’s decision to exempt the Coptic Patriarch Yousab II from duty, and the Ethiopian’s rejection of this decision

This protocol brought to an end temporarily a chain of Ethiopian demands and negotiations spanning two decades, and in 1959 the Ethiopian Patriarch Basilius was consecrated as head of the Ethiopian Church. Merrit Bey had played a major role throughout, and remained one of the most important supervisors of religious students’

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exchange programmes, sponsoring Ethiopian students living at the Patriarchate with financial aid from his own coffers. With the death of Patriarch Basilius in the late 1960s, the need to find his successor became urgent, and led to a serious division within the Ethiopian Church, which was by now suffering from administrative and financial inefficiency. Merrit Ghali, in Ethiopia at that time, wrote a detailed report to the Coptic Church in Egypt, confirming that there was an emerging trend opposed to the selection of a Patriarch from amongst the Ethiopian monks, and which was represented by several bishops, archbishops, ministers, the majority of the country’s youth and many progressive Ethiopian figures. Fuelled by the fact that an Ethiopian monk had declared his wish

A letter from Pope Kyrellos VI, Pope of Alexandria, to Merrit Bey Ghali in which he confirmed his keenness on the unity of the Coptic and Ethiopian churches, and that he would act wisely on the issue of appointing a new metropolitan for Ethiopia

to occupy the post of Patriarch, in line with the 1959 protocol, they demanded that the incoming Patriarch be from the Province of Shewa. The Egyptians’ counter-argument was based on their belief that a bishop, rather than a monk, and preferably from outside Shewa, would be more experienced and flexible, despite this running counter to the 1959 protocol. This stance was supported by old-school ministers, thinkers, clergymen and Orthodox followers, who wanted to maintain legal and traditional ties with St Mark’s Church. Each side submitted its viewpoint to the Emperor of Ethiopia, who referred the issue to a committee, in what Merrit Bey saw as an intention to delay the Patriarch’s ordainment until after Easter.14 A new Patriarch was eventually chosen in 1971: Theophilos, the Emperor’s preferred candidate, a reformist and native Ethiopian who had been Basilius’s deputy up until his death.15 There still remained, however, the problem of the symbolic laying of the Egyptian Patriarch’s hand on the new Ethiopian Patriarch, which many saw as an act of domination. Although the Alexandrian Patriarch was weakened with illness, Merrit Bey believed that it was important that he should travel to Addis Ababa, if only to prevent attempts aimed at weakening relations between the Egyptian and Ethiopian churches. In addition to a report he sent to the Patriarchate, he urged the Egyptian Patriarch to visit Addis Ababa to ordain the Ethiopian Patriarch, assuring him that during his visit, he would be given all possible care from the Ethiopian Church.16 He made a point of stressing the important effect this visit would have on the Ethiopian Emperor and his people. It is likely that Merrit Bey’s intervention played a large part in making Pope Cyril VI aware of the sensitivity of the situation, leading him to write to the Emperor and urge him to choose Pope Basilius’s successor carefully and wisely. He

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also expressed his pleasure that the Emperor had given more powers to the Ethiopian Church, allowing it to operate more efficiently within the fast-modernising African community.17 In the event, Pope Cyril VI was too ill to travel to Ethiopia, and sent his representative to attend the Easter ceremonies before travelling to Addis Ababa to ordain Theophilos, the second Pope of the Ethiopian Church.

The 1961 Deir Al-Sultan Crisis As with many issues in the Boutros Ghali family history, a problem addressed almost 80 years earlier by his grandfather Boutros Pasha landed again on his grandson Merrit’s lap demanding his attention. In 1961 a fresh crisis broke out surrounding the controversial Deir Al-Sultan Monastery in Palestine, as the Jordanian government, at that time in control of the West Bank, transferred ownership of the monastery from the Coptic Church to the Ethiopian Church. When the resident Coptics refused to be removed from the monastery, Jordanian police broke through the doors and seized the monastery keys, which they handed over to the Ethiopians. In the months preceding this action, Merrit Ghali had acted swiftly in trying to preserve unity between the two churches, circulating a memorandum outlining the Ethiopians’ complaints regarding the Coptic occupation of the monastery, which included the following points: 1. In 1951 it was said that the flag hoisted on the monastery belonged to Islamic Egypt, as the Copts in Egypt had no flag of their own. 2. In 1952 an Ethiopian criticised an Egyptian delegate, accusing him of being uncooperative and asked him to leave the country. The



Egyptian Ambassador intervened and stopped the deportation.

3.

In 1953 the head of the Ethiopian community wrote to Egyptian President Mohamed Naguib about the problems facing Ethiopians in the monastery.

4. In 1955 construction was stopped on several buildings the Ethiopians were erecting, under the pretext that they did not own them. On hearing that Anba Philis, the Egyptian Bishop in the office of the Pope, had already addressed the Jordanian government on the issue of sovereignty of the monastery, on 19 November, 1960 Merrit Ghali informed the Patriarch of what was happening, and called for an emergency meeting that included Pope Cyril VI along with various prominent members of Egyptian Coptic society. The conferees concluded their meeting by adopting the following points: 1. Contacting Anba Basilius the Bishop of Jerusalem as soon as possible, to discover the true situation. 2.

Forming a tripartite committee of bishops to be selected by the Patriarch of the Coptic Orthodox Church and representatives of the people, to study all aspects of the issue, propose suitable solutions and submit a report to the conference.

3. Circulating this report, as well as that of Metri Rizk, to the committee members twenty four hours before convening the next session.18 Merrit Ghali, 19 as a member of the newly formed tripartite committee, resolved to commence

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negotiations. He confirmed that the Patriarch of the Coptic Church was keenly aware of the interests of his Ethiopian children, whom he stated were as close to his heart as his Egyptian Coptic children, a point that was reiterated by Pope Cyril VI during his meeting with the Ethiopian Ambassador in Cairo. In spite of the progress made in the negotiations, they did not lead to a comprehensive solution.20 After the Jordanian intervention in March 1961, several protests were submitted to Emperor Haile Selassie, demanding the immediate return of the monastery to the Egyptian Coptic Church. President Nasser intervened personally, addressing the Jordanian authorities in the hope of solving this long-standing dispute, and it was eventually agreed that the keys to the monastery should be returned to the Copts.21 In 1970, in an atmosphere of worsening relations between Egypt and Israel following the Six-Day War of 1967 and the Israeli occupation of Jerusalem, Egyptian Copts filed a lawsuit in Israel, demanding the return of the two churches attached to the monastery, the keys of which had been handed to the Ethiopians by the Israelis whilst the Copts were at prayer. The Israeli Supreme Court of Justice issued a pronouncement giving Copts control over the monastery, and granting them access to the connecting passage between the monastery and the churches. However, the Israeli government postponed indefinitely its implementation, and for many years used it as a bargaining tool with which improve relations with Ethiopia, in direct opposition to President Sadat in the wake of the October 1973 Arab–Israeli war.22

The Ethiopian Revolution In 1974 a violent, radical socialist revolution led by the Ethiopian military erupted against the imperial

President Mohamed Naguib

regime of Haile Selassie, and led to a devastating civil war that lasted until 1991. As the Emperor was toppled, chaos and bloodshed spread across Ethiopia, and many died at the hands of the military. Several members of the royal family were arrested and incarcerated, including the Emperor himself, who died in prison the following year, and his grandchildren, the princesses Seble Desta, Ross Desta and Sophia Desta and also Merrit Ghali who was in Ethiopia at the time. Caught up in events in Ethiopia, Merrit Ghali managed to escape back to Cairo with the assistance of a Dutch diplomat called Mariette van de Loo, knowing that he would be better placed there to help the royal family and the Ethiopian people. Mariette van de Loo remained in Ethiopia, helping the imprisoned princesses and trying to get financial support for them.23 As they stayed in

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constant contact with each other, Mariette was able to inform Merrit Ghali of the latest developments inside the country, so that he could use his political and international relations to notify the world community of the suffering faced by Ethiopians.24 Merrit Ghali contacted the International Committee, which included his cousin Boutros Boutros Ghali, to pass on information he received from Ethiopia, which showed that the Ethiopian people were under the rule of a police state,25 and that more than 2,000 Ethiopian children were now living without a breadwinner. He made it clear that very soon probably no one would be able to communicate with, enter or leave Ethiopia, and that the Ethiopian military authorities were already inspecting Ethiopian diplomatic bags in a crackdown on the spread of information.26 He also contacted the Patriarch of the Coptic Orthodox Church, asking him to urge the new regime to exercise mercy and tolerance of the principles of Christianity,27 so that the Ethiopian Church might be protected. The Patriarch sent his representative Anba Bachomeos to meet with General Andom, the new acting Head of State in Ethiopia, to stress the need to observe human rights while dealing with representatives of the former Ethiopian regime. He also reminded the new leader of Haile Selassie’s hard work in upgrading the position of Ethiopia among African nations and freeing it from Italian fascist occupation.28 The new communist regime set about formulating a constitution that would separate religion from state,29 referring especially to the Orthodox Church, which had hitherto enjoyed an effective role in the political and economic life of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Pope was imprisoned, and another illegally appointed in his place. The Patriarch of the Coptic Orthodox Church immediately convened the Holy Synod, which annulled

the appointment of the new Ethiopian Pope and declared his excommunication. The Coptic Church was, however, keen to maintain channels of communication with the Ethiopian Church and people, and avoided future collisions with the Ethiopian regime. The Ethiopian Church itself, mindful of its vulnerability, defended the new Marxist regime at every opportunity.

Pope Shenouda III hosted by Merrit Bey Ghali at the Society of Coptic Antiquities attached to the Boutrosiya church

Merrit Ghali receives a group of visitors at the Society of Coptic Antiquities attached to the Boutrosiya church

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Whereas the Coptic Church was at pains to smooth the diplomatic waters, President Sadat openly antagonised the Ethiopians with his support of the 1977 Somali invasion of Ethiopia led by Siad Barre. Afraid that the communist revolution might spread to the Sudan and its precious Nile resources, and thus jeopardise Egyptian security, Sadat, under the umbrella of the League of Arab States, provided the Somalis with arms, funds and military-planning resources. Sadat was hoping to kill two birds with one stone: not only would this demonstrate his loyalty to the West by fighting the new communist regime in Ethiopia, but it would also help to break Egypt’s isolation within the Arab world, following Sadat’s long and controversial journey to peace with Israel.30 A cable from Pope Shenouda III, Pope of Alexandria, to the Ethiopian Patriarch checking the conditions of the Church and the Royal Family after the coup d’état and announcing his support to the Ethiopian people in this ordeal

A message from Merrit Ghali to Bishop Samuel, Bishop for Public, Ecumenical, and Social Services, on the latter’s visit to Ethiopia to check the conditions of the imprisoned members of the Royal Family

Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia

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Medals Merrit Bey received the title of Bey in 1938, and was awarded the Order of Merit from the Egyptian Revolutionary Command Council in 1956.31

Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi

Idi Amin shaking hands with an Indian military official

A plaque in the Society of Coptic Antiquities

Senegalese President Leopold Senghor shaking hands with President Sadat

Merrit Ghali at one of the conferences held by the Society of Coptic Antiquities

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His Works Merrit Ghali published several works, including the following:32

Merrit Bey Ghali at a meeting of the Society of Coptic Antiquities



Ghali, Merrit. Developing National Economy (Translated from a French paper by Professor Henry Moniée). First edition, Cairo: 1935. Second edition, Cairo: 1954.



Ghali, Merrit. The Policy of Tomorrow: A Political Economic and Social Program. First edition, Cairo: 1938. Second edition, Cairo: 1945.



Ghali, Merrit and Ibrahim Madkour. The Governmental Tool. First edition, Cairo: 1943. Second edition, Cairo: 1945.



Ghali, Merrit. Agrarian Reform: Ownership, Rent and Labour. Cairo: 1945.



Ghali, Merrit. Agrarian Reform Draft Law. Cairo: 1948.



Ghali, Merrit. Economic and Social Crisis. Cairo: 1952.



Ghali, Merrit. The Social Program of the FiveYear Plan. Cairo: 1952.



Ghali, Merrit. Tradition for the Future. Oxford: 1972.



Ghali, Merrit. Copts in Egypt. Cairo: 1979.

His Death Cover page of Merrit Boutros Ghali’s widely discussed book, which outlined a political and economic reform programme for Egypt

Merrit Bey Naguib Boutros Ghali died on 24 April, 1992.

CHAPTER 6

Gueffrey Naguib Boutros Ghali Background

G

ueffrey Naguib Boutros Ghali was the second and last son of Naguib Pasha Boutros Ghali, and grandson of Boutros Pasha Ghali. He was born on 25 May, 1910 and brought up in the family home in the Cairo district of Faggala. A college certificate of Gueffrey Naguib Pasha Ghali

Gueffrey Naguib Ghali

Early in his career, Gueffrey was well known for his vitality and love of travel, and his accounts of his travels were widely published in the press. In 1934, newspapers featured full-page spreads of photographs he had taken whilst travelling in Syria and Palestine. Alongside his love for travel, Gueffrey was heavily involved in political and public work. In 1941, he was a member of the Society for Helping Ethiopia, which had been established to help Ethiopians during the Italian occupation, supplying them with medicine and food donated by the Egyptian people.1 The society had been founded under the sponsorship of Prince Omar Toson and Pope Youanas, the Patriarch of Orthodox Copts. Its 85-strong membership was made up mainly of senior Egyptian figures, most of whom held the title of Pasha, and included Mahmoud Fahmi Pasha Al-Nokrashi, Hafez Pasha Afifi, Makram Pasha Ebeid and Sheikh Abdel Wahab Al-Naggar. Impressed by Gueffrey Ghali’s public work, Prime Minister Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas invited him to become a member of the Wafd Party leadership. Representing the Wafd Party in the Cairo district of Azbekiya, Gueffrey Ghali was elected a member of the Egyptian parliament in 1945. In 1945 the political situation changed, and when Prime Minister Mostafa Pasha Al-Nahhas Ghaliremoved Bey Nayrouz was from office, Gueffrey was forced to

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Mahmoud Fahmi Pasha Al-Nokrashi

Hafez Pasha Afifi

leave the Wafd Party and change his allegiance to the new Saadist Party headed by Ahmed Maher Pasha.

His Death Gueffrey Ghali died in 1958 at the age of 48, the youngest person to die in the Boutros family.

Some of the family correspondence belonging to Gueffrey Ghali

Ahmed Maher Pasha

CHAPTER 7

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali Background

D

r Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali was born in Cairo on 14 November, 1922, the first son of Youssef Boutros Ghali. In 1946 he obtained the degree of Bachelor of Law from Cairo University, and went on to receive from Paris University in 1949 a diploma in Political Sciences and Public Law and a PhD in International Law. Following his return from France, up until 1977 Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali worked as a professor of International Law and International Relations at Cairo University. He held several other academic positions during that time, including those of Director of the Research Centre at The Hague Academy of International Law from 1963 to 1964, and Visiting Professor in the Faculty of Law, Paris University from 1967 to 1968. In 1978 he was appointed a member of the Administrative Council of Trustees at Paris University and of the Scientific Committee of the Académie mondiale pour la paix (Menton, France). He chaired the Egyptian Society of International Law from 1965, and the Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies from 1975. From 1971 to 1979 Dr Ghali was a member of the ad hoc Committee for Implementing Agreements and Recommendations of the International Labour Organisation, and in 1974 he joined the Central Committee and Political Bureau of the

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali

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Arab Socialist Union, a post he held for three years, going on to become an associate member of the International Affairs Institute in Rome in 1979. Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali was elected a member of the Egyptian parliament in 1987, and a member of the Secretariat of the National Democratic Party in 1980. He was a Minister of State for Foreign Affairs from October 1977 until 1991, when he spent a year as Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs in Egypt. In early January 1992, Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali became the sixth Secretary-General of the United Nations, a post he held for five years. Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali is married to Leia Maria Boutros Ghali, from Alexandria. They have no children. An honorary doctorate granted to Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali from the Academy of Paris

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali shaking hands with the Egyptian President Mubarak after giving the Ministerial Oath in 1991

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The Political Career of Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali played a prominent political part in Egyptian history during the second half of the twentieth century, particularly in Egyptian foreign affairs. Dr Ghali was surprised and not entirely pleased to receive the call in 1977 to become Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, saying, ‘I returned home angry with myself. I was further outraged when my friends were waiting for me and asked me whether I responded to the appeal of authority. I replied that I tried to apologise but I failed. Their reply was: This is what everyone says.’1 He was thus obliged to shoulder the responsibility and burden of a post that fell on him at a critical stage of Egyptian history.

Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali was among those who categorically rejected any belief that President Sadat would visit Jerusalem in 1977 to sign the peace treaty between the two nations. He was, in fact, proved wrong, as Sadat ignored all advice given to him2 and, without hesitation, decided to go to Jerusalem. 3 The then VicePresident Hosni Mubarak asked Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali to write the draft of a speech, stressing its confidentiality, to be given by Sadat in the Israeli Knesset, and which would clearly state that Egypt would not relinquish one iota of its land or of the Arab land occupied by the Israelis in 1967.4 The draft was to be written in English, and was prepared by Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali with the help of his colleague Professor Magdy Wahba, Professor of English Language at the Faculty of Arts, Cairo University, since Dr Ghali was not an English speaker.

No sooner was the speech finished than Dr Ghali was informed of the resignation of Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi. Dr Ghali was appointed as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs and acting Foreign Minister with immediate effect, and was to join the Egyptian delegation in his new capacity, travelling with President Sadat to Jerusalem. Ghali would be severely attacked for his role in the peace talks by the Arab press, which was universally opposed to Sadat’s visit to Jerusalem.5 Several newspapers later announced an open invitation to assassinate Dr Ghali, whom they saw as the engineer of the Egyptian–Israeli peace process.6 Dr Ghali dealt during the visit to Jerusalem with Israeli Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan, whom he came to dislike. Although Dr Ghali explained to Dayan that it was important to reach a comprehensive peace settlement that would appease both Arabs and Israelis and solve the Palestinian problem, Dayan said that it was not Egypt’s place to negotiate on behalf of the Arabs, who held large areas of land on which they could establish a Palestinian state if they wished. He also suggested to Dr Ghali that Sadat should not antagonise Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin by referring to the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in his address. After Sadat had given his speech, on 19 November, 1977 the first round of talks were held, in a meeting including President Sadat, Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Khalil, Dr Ghali, the Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Yigael Yadin, and the Israeli Defence Minister Ezer Weizman,7 whom Ghali took to, feeling that Weizman was genuinely looking to establish peace. Dr Ghali addressed the meeting by explaining Egypt’s seriousness in striving for peace with Israel, and his nation’s importance within the Arab world. Israeli officials noticed during the meeting that Sadat once called Ghali by the name of Peter and once Boutros, and

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The fourth cabinet of Mamdouh Salem in which Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali was a member in 1977

Ceremonies receiving President Sadat at Ben-Gurion Airport in 1977 in which Dr Ghali participated

Dr Ghali during his participation in the lunch given by Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin in honour of President Sadat’s visit to Jerusalem in 1977

President Sadat with Yigael Yadin, the leader of the National Movement for Change, during his visit to Israel in 1977

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President Sadat and Menachem Begin in the King David Hotel in Jerusalem in 1977

that he would call Dr Ghali by his surname when he was pleased with him. The Egyptian delegation returned from the visit suspecting that negotiations would be hard and that the Israelis would place many obstacles in their path. Sadat firmly believed that the Geneva Convention would not be enough to resolve the Arab–Israeli conflict, and therefore suggested holding an international conference in Cairo in just a few days’ time, on 3 December, 1977, to include the Arab–Israeli parties, the United Nations and the United States. Sadat gave Dr Ghali the almost impossible task of preparing a major peace conference within such a short timescale, the preparations for which were not helped by an official visit from the Chilean and Turkish Foreign Ministers to Dr Ghali, and which it was deemed unwise to cancel. Dr Ghali chose as the venue for the conference the historic Mena House Hotel, in spite of objections by the security departments, and invited Dr Usama Al-Baz, advisor to President Sadat, to prepare a draft invitation for the conference. He asked Dr Esmat Abdel Maguid, Egypt’s delegate to the United Nations, to try to engineer a meeting with the Israeli UN delegate, and thus it was arranged that the Dutch UN delegate would invite the Israeli to his room in order to hand

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali next to Moshe Dayan and President Sadat listening to Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin’s welcome speech, during his visit to Israel in 1977

him the invitation to the conference. He also met with Ahmed Sedki Al-Dajani, the PLO delegate to the UN and a senior PLO committee member, explaining to him that a Palestinian presence at the conference would demonstrate Israel’s unofficial recognition of the PLO. He suggested that the PLO might send its representative in the League of Arab States (LAS), or another senior Arab official. Invitations were also extended to the Syrian Relations Bureau in Cairo, the Ambassador of the Soviet Union in Cairo and the Lebanese Chargé d’Affaires.

Mena House Hotel in Cairo

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Despite all of this, Israel and the USA were, in the end, the only nations to accept invitations to the peace conference, and President Sadat reacted angrily and unexpectedly by severing diplomatic relations with all the states that had sent their apologies, closing the consulates of several communist states. Dr Ghali was initially surprised by this decision, but later discovered that it was typical of Sadat’s political style. In the face of this international opposition, a decision was taken to cut down the representation level of countries participating in the Mena House conference, which was delayed until 14 December and downgraded to a meeting of experts, rather than a full ministerial conference. Dr Ghali was forced to field embarrassing questions from the press and in the Egyptian parliament on the subject of the conference and of Sadat’s reaction to the non-attendees. When asked at a press conference about alleged moves by the League of

Arab States (LAS) to remove its headquarters from Cairo, Dr Ghali replied that it could not happen without amending the LAS charter, requiring the approval of two thirds of the League. At the National Security Committee of the Egyptian parliament, he tried to explain that some of Sadat’s decisions were taken without his consultation. Shortly after the Mena House conference, Dr Ghali was informed that Sadat had unexpectedly appointed Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel as Foreign Minister. Kamel had been Sadat’s friend since the early struggles against the British occupation of Egypt, and had assisted him in the assassination in 1946 of Anglophile Amin Osman, for which Sadat was imprisoned.8 The appointment of Kamel was not only provocative towards Dr Ghali, but controversial in many ways, not least because as Egyptian Ambassador to Bonn, he had had very little experience in Arab affairs, and seemed a

Left: Dr Esmat Abdel Maguid, Minister of State for Cabinet Affairs / Right: Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali in conversation with the Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel, Dr Esmat Abdel Maguid and Moshe Dayan

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strange choice, with Egypt so close to signing a historic peace treaty with its arch-foe. Sadat was forced to admit that the appointment of a Foreign Minister who knew little about the Arab–Israeli conflict must seem an unusual one. This would usher in a pattern in Boutros Ghali’s political life whereby he would hold the power but, being Christian, would not be at the forefront of whatever position he was holding. He would remain throughout his ministerial career Minister of State alongside a figurehead full Minister of Foreign Affairs. This state of affairs was customary in all post-revolutionary governments where the token Christian ministers would be appointed as ministers of state. The tradition would only be broken almost exactly 20 years later by his nephew Youssef Boutros Ghali when he would be appointed full Minister of Economy in July of 1997 under President Hosni Mubarak. In a private meeting attended by Prime Minister Mamdouh Salem and President Sadat, Dr Ghali put forward his own conclusions on the Mena House conference. His comments stating that he believed negotiations with Israel would be long and exhausting and could eventually undermine Arab unity angered Mamdouh Salem, who reminded him that he was not lecturing in a university class.9 King Farouk I

A few days later, on 25 December, 1977, talks began between President Sadat and the Israeli Prime Minster Menachem in the city of Ismailia. During the discussions, Dr Ghali tried to strike a balance between the two opposing parties in Israeli politics: the Ministry of Defence represented by Ezer Weizman, a man with whom Dr Ghali felt he could work, and the Foreign Ministry represented by Moshe Dayan. Menachem Begin received Sadat’s agreement to form two committees: a military committee that would hold talks in Egypt, and a political committee that would negotiate in Israel. Fearing that this would weaken the Egyptian position, since Egyptian territory was still occupied, Dr Ghali tried unsuccessfully to combine the two committees. He did, however, manage to extend the political committee into a four-part one that would include Egypt, Israel, the UN and the USA, in a move to prevent Israel securing itself a one-sided peace deal with Egypt. In order that the two committees should work within a general and comprehensive framework, both would come under the umbrella of the Cairo Conference. In spite of Sadat’s approval, the communiqué for the Ismailia negotiations was rejected by Dr Ghali and Foreign Minister Kamel, who believed that nothing would be gained by Egypt from it, and despite the efforts of Dr Ghali, and to his disappointment, President Sadat ruled out the possibility of the presence of any political and military committees.10 It was at the Ismailia conference that Dr Ghali gained his first real insight into the way Sadat operated and into the President’s vision of what the peace should be. While the Arab states bitterly criticised Egypt’s steps on the road towards peace, the success of the peace process became a personal issue for Sadat, who could not accept losing in front of the other Arab nations. He

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President Sadat shaking hands with Begin and President Carter applauding them after signing the Camp David Agreement

believed that he alone was right, and that after regaining the Israeli-occupied land in Sinai, anything else, including the issue of Palestine, was secondary. He refused to accept the validity of the 1977 Geneva Conference rulings, considering that it was instead the Cairo Conference at Mena House in December 1977 that would lead to direct negotiations. Sadat even used his negotiation team as bargaining tools, maintaining that he was opposed by Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel and Dr

Ghali – the Foreign Ministry gangsters, as the Israelis described them – who now and later at Camp David tried to persuade him that any reconciliation that did not solve the Palestinian problem would not last. Meanwhile Menachem Begin continued to move towards a one-sided reconciliation, exploiting Sadat’s short-sighted attitude. Recognising the threat they posed to the Israeli vision of peace, he attempted to drive a division between President Sadat and Ghali and Kamel at the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, which Begin claimed was still loyal to the former deposed Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi.11 On 15 January, 1978 Dr Ghali, Dr Esmat Abdel Meguid and Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel took part in the first meetings of the newly formed political committee in Jerusalem. Dr Ghali prepared the speech to be given by Kamel in the opening session of the committee, using the earlier speech he had prepared for Sadat. The subsequent negotiations worsened relations between Dr Ghali and Moshe Dayan, whom he felt was only cooperating because he was keen for Israel to live in peace with its neighbours.

President Sadat, Menachem Begin and President Carter in conversation in President Carter’s office at Camp David

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President Carter in conversation with Ahmed Maher, Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel and Hassan Al-Tuhami, members of the Egyptian delegation at Camp David resort

Kamel and Ghali were angered by remarks by Begin which seemed designed to provoke the Arab and Egyptian masses against Sadat. They visited him at his office in the Israeli Knesset, asking him to refrain from causing problems that could undermine peace, but just a few minutes later, at a dinner they were all attending, Begin gave a speech in which he mocked Kamel, who became very angry and had to be calmed down by Ghali. When Sadat heard of this incident, he ordered the Egyptian delegation to withdraw immediately.12 On their return, the Egyptian delegation began to prepare for direct negotiations at the Camp David conference facilitated by US President Carter. Neither Dr Ghali nor Kamel had a clear

picture of how the working plan should progress, although President Sadat set general guidelines, such as the necessity for Egypt to regain Sinai completely, as a price for the Egyptian soldiers who had sacrificed their lives on that land. He also stressed the need for Egypt to conclude a comprehensive peace accord with Israel, believing that regaining Sinai would constitute a momentum for the regaining of other occupied Arab lands. Both Dr Ghali and Kamel expressed their concern regarding this, stating that the first step would not necessarily lead to the second. Despite being enthusiastic towards Arab rights, they were not entitled to consult other Arab states during the preparation for the Camp David conference, however.13 Headed by Sadat, the Egyptian delegation travelled to Camp David in the United States to meet with the Israelis for what would turn out to be 13 days of tense negotiations. These took place in an atmosphere of secrecy and hostility in cabins in the grounds of Camp David, with many talks held at round tables, everyone keeping to his seat, and conversation reserved for corridors. Such was the animosity by now between Begin and Sadat that they barely met, President Carter often acting as their go-between.

President Sadat, President Carter and Menachem Begin at Camp David

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President Sadat and Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran

Foreign Minister Kamel refused to stand as a negotiator in the first round of negotiations, due to Begin’s inflammatory opinions about offensive wars that he felt justified the occupation of land, and instead began intense talks with President Sadat, who also seemed disappointed with the attitude of the Israelis. As a result, Dr Ghali was forced to talk alone with the Israelis in order to defend the Egyptian Foreign Ministry’s position. Egyptian delegation members were each involved in specific issues, with no proper view of the whole picture, and President Sadat made no attempt to keep his team informed of the negotiation details. The Israeli and American delegations, however, worked hard to remain aware of progress, so that the Egyptian delegation was forced to learn about developments from the other delegations.14 President Sadat consulted with the Egyptian delegation on a proposed American paper of principles for negotiations which laid good foundations for the withdrawal from Sinai, but was unclear regarding Palestinian rights. Sadat decided at this point that it was necessary to withdraw from the talks, but Dr Ghali refused, stating that Egypt had to continue negotiations. President Sadat was eventually persuaded to change his mind by President Carter, who feared he would not be re-elected if negotiations failed.

Meanwhile, Dr Ghali persisted in trying to convince Ezer Weizman to withdraw from the Palestinian territories, all the while wondering why he was exerting all this effort on individuals who were not in a position to take such decisions.15 Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel continued to be disillusioned with the process, and still refused to sit with Israelis, despite Dr Ghali trying to persuade him to return to the negotiations. Eventually Kamel threatened to withdraw from the conference completely, believing that Sadat had turned the peace issue into a personal one and was prepared to leave the talks with any document at any price. On 15 September, 1978, two days before an agreement was finally signed, Kamel told Dr Ghali that he was submitting his resignation, afraid that he would be later be held responsible by history and the Egyptian people for decisions that Sadat might make without informing him. Dr Ghali, desperate to retain his ally, failed to convince Kamel, who believed that Egypt had already lost the battle, to keep his post. The resulting Camp David Accord was signed on 17 September, 1978 by President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin. In a gesture of compromise, and to halt the stalemate, it was divided into two parts: one dealt with negotiations for reaching an

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali in dialogue with the Israeli Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan during the Sadat– Begin meeting

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immediate peace agreement with Israel, alongside a step-by-step withdrawal from the Sinai; the second, to be dealt with at a later date, included proposals for talks about self-rule for the Palestinians, to be followed by final agreements and resolutions. On his return to Cairo, Dr Ghali’s wife asked him to resign now that he had achieved what he had set out to do. He refused, however, telling her that the battle had just begun, and began preparing for detailed talks in Washington. He discussed with President Sadat a draft peace treaty to be submitted by Egypt, which was edited by Dr Abdullah Al-Iryan and a number of experts. At the outset of the Washington negotiations, Ezer Weizman expressed concern to Dr Ghali that he might not be able to work with the new Egyptian Minister of Defence Kamal Hassan Ali, who was very different from his predecessor Field Marshal Abdel Ghani Al-Gamasy, whom Sadat had removed. Dr Ghali succeeded in placating Ezer Weizman, and continued to press his concern about Palestine, stating that no lasting peace in the Middle East would be possible without solving the Palestinian problem.

Field Marshal Kamal Hassan Ali

He also tried to engage Moshe Dayan in discussion about Palestine, and while Dayan seemed to accept the importance of the issue, he told Ghali that the Israeli delegation was authorised only to negotiate the Egyptian peace treaty, adding that it was impossible to link lasting peace with the Egyptian treaty. ‘Why,’ Dayan demanded of Ghali, ‘do Egyptians want to negotiate on behalf of states that refuse to negotiate?’16 Dr Ghali did eventually succeed in reaching an agreement with Moshe Dayan to attach the Palestinian cause to the Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty in a special appendix. Dr Ghali was in charge of negotiations over the Sinai petroleum file. The Israelis wanted to force Egypt into selling them a part of it, believing that Ghali was responsible for engineering the use of petroleum as a weapon in the October 1973 war. Ghali, however, rejected all such demands and accusations, confirming that Egypt would consume most of Sinai’s petroleum production. Dr Ghali returned to Cairo and consulted his aides and directors at the Foreign Ministry, who appeared indifferent and confused. The eventual

Field Marshal Gamasy with the Israeli Minister of Defence Ezer Weizman

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agreement was published in the Al-Ahram newspaper, and Dr Ghali prepared himself for the oncoming media onslaught, which was vicious, extending to his family and accusing him of treason. The Israelis and Americans announced their initial positions on signing the agreement, but Dr Ghali stressed his opposition to Article 6, which he considered to be catastrophic, and which gave the new Egyptian–Israeli agreement precedence over any other Egyptian obligation, especially the Arab joint defence agreement. He suggested instead inserting Article 50 of the UN Charter, which stipulates the right of states to legitimately defend themselves individually or together in the event that they are exposed to aggression. The Americans immediately objected, since any amendment of agreement either inside or outside of Article 6 would prompt the Israelis to ask for more amendments, and all would have been for nothing. US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance came to Egypt to submit this point to Dr Ghali personally, and on 15 January, 1979 US Envoy Roy Atherton and legal advisor Herbert Hansell

President Sadat receiving US envoy Cyrus Vance

suggested including a definition of aggression in the agreement, whereby the aggressor and defender would be defined. It was proposed that if an Arab state was attacked by Israel, Egypt could stand by that state, but if the opposite happened, Egypt would not support such a state. That proposal was strongly rejected by Dr Ghali, who said that Egypt had the right to define aggression according to the prevailing circumstances. He claimed that negotiating the definition of aggression would lead to open talks aimed at cancelling Egypt’s right to legitimately defend itself either individually or within a group, a right given by the UN charter to all world nations. The US made clear that it understood Dr Ghali’s point of view. Dr Ghali travelled with a delegation headed by new Foreign Minister Mostafa Khalil to further talks with the Israelis. He had initially been disappointed by the appointment of Mostafa Khalil, but accepted that Sadat had been wise to appoint him in the face of the media campaign against Dr Ghali and his family, and that Khalil was at least preventing the post from being taken by persons unqualified. The new Foreign Minister and Dr Ghali soon

Mostafa Khalil shaking hands with Menachem Begin during the former’s visit to Israel in 1977

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clashed with Moshe Dayan, who rejected all ideas of linking the Egyptian peace treaty with the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip or the West Bank, saying that he was not authorised to negotiate this issue with Egypt. Mostafa Khalil then attempted to enter discussions with Menachem Begin, who refused, saying he would not negotiate with anyone other than President Sadat, as it would be he who would have the final say. Dr Ghali was summoned to Cairo to participate in the Arab summit meeting to be held in Kuwait to discuss the aggression against North Yemen by the government of Aden (South Yemen). In spite of his wife’s and Mostafa Khalil’s opposition, fearing for his safety, Dr Ghali insisted on travelling so as to avoid Egypt’s potential international isolation, and refused to concern himself with any terrorist threat made during his visit, since Kuwait had pledged to secure his safety. At the Kuwait conference, the Saudi Foreign Minister

Prince Saud Al-Faisal told Dr Ghali in no uncertain terms that his country would sever relations with Egypt if it signed a peace treaty with Israel, thus underlining the sensitivity of Egypt’s position amongst other Arab states. On 24 March, 1979 Dr Ghali left for Washington to join the Egyptian team that would sign the final draft of the peace treaty. Two days later, a few hours before the signing of the treaty, the US signed the Vance–Dayan Agreement securing further US guarantees to Israel, should Egypt breach the peace treaty. Foreign Minister Mostafa Khalil was furious and prepared a memorandum of objection. Dr Ghali explained to him that this was only to be expected, as the US had always historically supported Israel, adding that instead of objecting to this treaty, they should ask the Americans to give guarantees that the Palestinian section of the peace treaty would be implemented according to the timetable. The US Secretary of

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali listening carefully to a dialogue between Presidents Sadat and Carter

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State tried to defuse the anger by confirming that the US could give the same guarantees to Egypt, but Dr Ghali explained that as a non-aligned state, Egypt could not sign a security deal with a superpower. In the end, Dr Khalil submitted his memorandum, in which he expressed Egypt’s disappointment at the Vance–Dayan Agreement. Although aware of the contents of the US– Israeli agreement, President Sadat chose to take no notice of it and signed the Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty anyway, before being honoured at a party given by the American Congress. In April 1979, an Israeli delegation, headed by Menachem Begin, came to Cairo to exchange documents relating to Jerusalem. Dr Ghali was tasked with heading the mission, and with subsequently accompanying the Israeli Prime Minister on a visit to the Pyramids and the Sphinx, a request he initially turned down, since he did not want to involve his wife, who was expected to President Sadat giving a speech at the American Congress

accompany Begin’s wife, thereby making her a target for Palestinian extremists as the wife of the Egyptian–Israeli peace engineer. His objections were ignored, however, and it was decided by Sadat and Begin that Ghali and Dayan would exchange documents in Jerusalem. Dr Ghali refused, asking Khalil to explain to Sadat that the exchange of documents in Jerusalem would symbolise the Egyptian recognition of Jerusalem as a capital of the State of Israel. Not even the US acknowledged this, Ghali argued. In the end, Dr Ghali succeeded in transferring the venue to an area close to an early-warning station run by Americans, which had been used to separate Egyptian and Israeli forces in Sinai.17 As Egypt’s position within the Arab world sank to a new low, Dr Ghali faced another difficult situation when Arab leaders decided, at their Baghdad summit, to transfer the League of Arab States (LAS) away from Cairo. Dr Ghali strongly

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criticised this decision, stating that the Charter of the League defined the venue. In retaliation, Egypt announced it would retain LAS documents and freeze its bank accounts. On 23 May, 1979 a fresh crisis broke out, when three days after the scheduled withdrawal of Israel from the city of Areesh, there was no evidence of any removal of the occupying Israelis. Sadat sent Ghali to Areesh to meet Dayan, who asked that the Israeli settlers in Areesh be given time to harvest their crops. Ghali turned down Dayan’s request, for fear that it would set a precedent. Final negotiations for the peace treaty began on a ministerial level on 25 May, 1979 in Beersheba, in the Israeli Nagev Desert. Khalil refused to head the delegation because his counterpart,

Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, did not attend the negotiations, so Dr Ghali persuaded Egyptian Minister of Defence Kamal Hassan Ali to take his place. On 5 June, Dr Ghali met with Youssef Borg, Israeli Minister of Interior, chief negotiator and head of the National Religious Party on which the Likud government relied, and asked him to look into the ongoing dispute over the Deir Al-Sultan Monastery, explaining that a resolution would help to smooth the diplomatic waters. Borg agreed, promising to act quickly to find a solution. One final obstacle to the implementation of the treaty was the question of whether the former Soviet Union had decided to veto sending UN forces to Sinai to implement the Egyptian–Israeli

President Sadat shaking hands with Menachem Begin in the presence of President Carter after signing the Egyptian–Israeli Peace Agreement

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peace treaty. Dr Ghali raised this important issue in a press statement confirming that if the UN Security Council did not renew the term of the International Force in Sinai, Egypt would seek to form a non-UN force from neutral states such as Austria, Sweden and Switzerland. However, this did not happen, and the UN sent its forces to Sinai, as laid out in the treaty.

Peace, Non-Aligned States and Africa Peace negotiations with Israel were only one of Dr Ghali’s concerns during the late 1970s. Sadat placed a heavy burden on him when he asked Dr Ghali to protect Egypt’s prestigious position within the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the Non-Aligned Movement, in which Egypt had been a pioneering state. Under the premiership of President Nasser, Egypt had been looked upon as a supreme leader. Sadat, however, neglected nurturing Egypt’s fellow African states, instead single-mindedly pursuing the peace treaty with Israel. Whilst Sadat was holed up with the Israelis and the Americans, the Arab states gradually began to isolate Egypt from all international activities, such as the UN General Assembly, the OAU and the Non-Aligned Movement. It was inconceivable to those on the outside that Egypt should lose or sacrifice its place in those organisations, simply because its President was focused on a peace process with Israel, regardless of international circumstances. Fortunately for Egypt, Dr Ghali, sympathetic to its position within Africa, was the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs at the time, and now that Dr Khalil had assumed the Foreign Ministry portfolio, Dr Ghali was in fact doing the job of a Foreign Minister. In his memoirs, Dr Ghali attributes his interest in Africa to several reasons, one being that his grandfather had been accused of treason for signing the Sudan Agreement in 1899,

which his father Youssef and uncle Wassif saw as the reason for his assassination. Besides this, Dr Ghali came from an aristocratic family: before the 1952 Revolution, these families taught their children foreign languages, and in particular French, which was especially relevant in Africa due to the extensive French colonisation of the continent. Dr Ghali believed that the Egyptian Foreign Ministry was not playing its role in Africa to its best ability, due to the lack of French-speaking diplomats, and because of Egyptians’ superior outlook towards the rest of the continent. The appointment of a diplomat to an African state was considered a punishment, from an Egyptian diplomat’s point of view, as was evidenced by the repeated complaints from Egypt’s Ambassador to Liberia, when Dr Ghali visited there to attend the OAU summit. Dr Ghali was also particularly interested in the relationship of the Egyptian Coptic Church with other African churches, especially the Orthodox Church in Addis Ababa. The Boutros family had always played an important role in the Egyptian Coptic Church and the Congregation Council, and Dr Ghali often remembered a quote from an African American writer about Egypt’s relationship with Africa: Ethiopia witnessed the dawn of Man’s civilisation floating over the surface of the River Nile … Behind Ethiopia, in Central and South Africa, there is gold in Ophir and rich trade in Punt. On this trade, Egypt’s welfare depends. Egypt brought slaves from Dark Africa … It also brought citizens and leaders … When Egypt invaded Asia, it used black soldiers on a large scale. When Asia overcame Egypt, the latter found a resort in Ethiopia, as if a child returned to his mother; and Ethiopia dominated Egypt for some centuries.

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During the Egyptian negotiations with Israel, two OAU summits were held: one in Khartoum in 1978, the other in Monrovia in 1979, and at both of these, Arab rejectionist forces fought to isolate Egypt from the rest of Africa. In spite of the short period separating the two summits, each was held in a very different atmosphere. At the first summit, in Khartoum, the Arab rejectionist states, headed by Libya and Algeria, tried to associate Egypt’s relinquishing of the Palestinian cause with its supportive attitude towards the Western imperialistic camp, and attempted to form a united front of Arab and African socialist states. For three main reasons, this did not come about, however. Firstly, the summit was held in Sudan, which had rejected the idea of isolating Egypt at Arab and African levels. Secondly, Egypt had always attacked Cuba’s intervention in African affairs, and thirdly, Dr Ghali, a fluent French speaker, had made every effort to contact African heads of state and to explain to them Egypt’s stance regarding peace with Israel. Ghali persistently undermined Libyan and Algerian hopes of isolating Egypt and diminishing its standing in Africa. Dr Ghali made the most of Sadat’s short visit to the 1978 Khartoum summit, and upon the President’s arrival, Dr Ghali explained the situation to him, advising him about specific people he should meet with. From the first instant, however, Dr Ghali was aware of the indifference of Sadat’s aides for African affairs and their lack of interest in any meeting not attended by Sadat.18 Undeterred, however, he exploited the President’s brilliant acting abilities, which enabled Egypt to turn things around, gaining the support and sympathy of other delegates. Monrovia, the capital of Liberia, witnessed a very different African summit the following year. By the time of the 1978 summit, African states’

hopes that Egypt would hold back on a peace treaty with Israel were shattered, as it had by now been signed, and as a result, Egypt faced a fierce attack. According to Dr Ghali, 10 July, 1978 was an unforgettable day, because it was the day on which Egypt was branded a traitor and an agent of colonialists and imperialists. Dr Ghali did his best to limit the verbal debate to himself and the Algerian Foreign Minister, in order that the other states might see this as an inter-Arab conflict that did not affect Egypt’s relationship with the rest of Africa. During a speech given by the Algerian Foreign Minister, Dr Ghali was quick to embarrass publicly his counterpart whenever the latter referred to President Sadat. Following this heated argument, Dr Ghali had to work hard in many private meetings to pave the way for President Sadat’s imminent arrival at the summit. These were tense times for the Egyptian premier, and Dr Ghali stressed to Sadat that if he did not attend the summit, Egypt could lose its place as an African nation. When Sadat eventually arrived, again Ghali was ready to inform him of the latest developments and tell him who he should meet.19 During the Monrovia summit, Sadat experienced hostility and blame from many African

President Sadat at the OAU summit in Monrovia, Liberia

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presidents, and realised the extent of the battle he faced to protect his and his country’s reputation, a battle he was determined to win. When he was told by the Nigerian President Obasanjo that the October War was a perpetuated action, Sadat used this accusation as a starting point from which he addressed all the delegations. He pointed out that his own brother Atef Sadat had been killed in the fighting, evidence that the October War was not a perpetuated transaction with Israel. When he shed tears during his impassioned speech, all the delegates clapped their hands and sympathised with him – a fatal strike at those who wanted to isolate Egypt. On 26 August, 1979, only one year after the signing of the Egyptian–Israeli peace agreement, the Non-Aligned Movement summit was held in Havana, Cuba, a communist state that Egypt had previously verbally attacked. Sadat hated communism with a passion, and would never hesitate to say so publicly. This summit proved considerably more difficult than the previous two for Dr Ghali, although he did importantly manage to prevent attacks on Egypt by Syria and Iraq, states eager to sabotage the peace process with Israel. Former President Nasser’s stance against Israel had been seen by the non-aligned states as

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali receiving the Norwegian Crown Prince who attended Sadat’s funeral

a courageous stand against a Western colonialism that sought to control the newly independent states, and Dr Ghali was forced to justify Egypt’s perceived U-turn, explaining why at the Belgrade ministerial conference back in July 1978 it had decided to adjust its position towards a large number of states, especially communist ones such as Cuba.20 He chose not to take a defensive position, but talked about theoretical neutrality, although this was clearly lacking in Cuba, and President Sadat had in fact been quick to criticise Cuba’s intervention in Africa, especially in Angola. All in all, it was beginning to look as though Egypt would be ousted from the movement. It is true to say that President Sadat had saved the day at the OAU summit, but the situation in Cuba, with anti-Egypt states agitating for its expulsion, was extremely difficult, and Sadat was now preoccupied with Israel and the USA. Dr Ghali therefore needed to build his defence on several axes. 21 Looking back to the previous summit, Dr Ghali tried to make clear that any decision that condemned Egypt would contradict the resolutions of the Monrovia summit. Unfortunately, the Liberian Foreign Minister, one of Egypt’s few allies, was weak, and failed to unify the African states behind Egypt, especially in light of breaking news of an Egyptian–Moroccan rapprochement regarding the Western Sahara, which further fuelled anti-Egyptian feeling amongst the African states. Dr Ghali tried and failed to meet with the Cuban President, to secure his assistance, meeting with his vice instead. Although both men were diplomatic and courteous, the interview was not a basis for stopping the relentless attacks on Egypt. The heads of the Arab rejectionist states joined other African presidents in condemning Egypt, and the Egyptian delegation, headed by Dr Ghali, was forced relentlessly to defend its government.

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When President Sadat was discovered to be paying a surprise visit to Israel, the Egyptian position was weakened further, and the attacks increased. At the end of the conference, the Non-Aligned Movement issued a resolution condemning the Camp David Accords, with a majority of 22 member states. There were objections from six states, and abstentions from the others. Egypt remained a member, however, a remarkable achievement under the circumstances, and one that Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali considered a triumph.22

Egyptian Policy towards Africa In the early 1960s, during the Cold War, Africa was an area of conflict between the two superpowers of the USA and the Soviet Union, especially once many African states had gained their independence and formed an important voting bloc in the UN General Assembly. Both powers competed to polarise the African nations, each nation representing a separate battle in the conflict, the eventual outcome of which was a victory for the Soviet Union, whose one-party system dominated even the capitalist states. The situation changed completely in the 1980s and 1990s amidst a détente of the two superpowers, and during the term of US President Ronald Reagan the escalation of the Cold War ended with a Soviet retreat in the late 1980s, which ultimately led to the downfall of the Soviet Union. No longer an arena for world conflict, Africa remained largely ignored in international politics for a while, not only by the superpowers, but also the Arab states, including Egypt; although following the assassination of President Sadat on 6 October, 1981, with Mubarak taking control, Egypt had tried to strike a balance in its foreign policy by returning to the Arab states, whilst being careful

not to breach the peace treaty or damage its relations with the US. Dr Ghali, who had been good friends with Mubarak as Vice-President, brought the new President’s attention to the African continent as an arena for Egypt’s potential strong leadership once more. Encouraged by Mubarak’s apparent interest in the developments in the Ethiopian– Somali war, Dr Ghali hoped that the new President might exercise a different outlook from that of Sadat, who had had a Pharaonic view of the Egyptian personality and culture. Unfortunately, the new President soon became embroiled in economic and political problems and dedicated his foreign policy attention to the Arab rather than African dimension, which he considered the more important.23 Dr Ghali decided to take upon himself the burden of developing African relations, with a view to consolidating the Egyptian presence in the continent after the many attempts aimed at weakening its position. Within a few years he succeeded in developing Egyptian political and economic relations with the majority of African states, and Egypt resumed its historical role of helping occupied

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali receiving President Mubarak during his visit to Ethiopia in 1982

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An Attempt at Rebalancing Egyptian Foreign Policy

of Dr Ghali, who had long believed that Egypt’s multiple identities were not a dilemma; rather they gave Egypt responsibilities and opportunities. He also believed that there was no contradiction in an Egyptian citizen being Egyptian, African, Arab, Moslem or Coptic. Dr Ghali himself had been brought up on the principles of Arab nationalism, which fed his strong relationship with Africa and his vision as a patriotic Egyptian Coptic citizen. During his nine-year period as a Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr Ghali lived through difficult times and witnessed several fatal resolutions, the responsibility for which he bore along with the Foreign Minister and President of the Republic. One such resolution was the return of Egypt to the Arab arena and the supplying of weapons to Iraq during the first Gulf War. Following Israeli aggression towards Lebanon and the 1982 occupation of Beirut, Egypt formally put its name to the Arab cause, and the Egyptian Ambassador was withdrawn from Israel. Egypt resorted to international arbitration and eventually managed to regain Taba in Sinai in 1989. Cairo by now actively supported the Palestinian cause and Arab rights in all international arenas.25

Sadat moved strongly and unnaturally towards the strengthening of relations with the US, believing that Egypt could replace Israel as Washington’s strong ally in the region. This was always going to be difficult, since Israel was attached to the US via a complicated network of religious, economic and political relations, and Egypt’s peace treaty with Israel had isolated Cairo from the rest of the Arab world. When Mubarak took over, he hoped to rebalance Egyptian political foreign circles, allowing Egypt to manoeuvre as a regional force within the Arab world, rather than as a satellite state of a superpower. The President’s vision matched that

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali at a conference of the Mediterranean Basin States in 1986

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, in dialogue with an African Foreign Minister

states such as Zimbabwe and Namibia, raising the issue of their independence internationally, such as at the UN General Assembly. Dr Ghali regularly brought to the attention of the political leadership the importance of the River Nile to Egyptian power within Africa, especially in relation to Sudan and Ethiopia. It cannot be claimed that Egypt ever regained its previous status in Africa, particularly during Nasser’s time, but it at least regained what it had lost during the era of the Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty.24

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Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali with Imran Al-Shafie, Dr Samir Ahmed and Ahmed Sidki, members of the Egyptian UN delegation

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali in dialogue with Elias Freij, the Mayor of Bethlehem and Mohie Refaat, Egyptian Ambassador to Rome

After 14 years as a Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, in 1991 Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali was appointed as Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs, six months before he was elected Secretary-General of the United Nations on 3 December, 1991, the first Egyptian to hold this position.

The United Nations On 1 January, 1992 Dr Ghali officially became the sixth UN Secretary-General for a five-year term. When Dr Ghali assumed his duties as UN Secretary-General, his priority was to consolidate the UN, to enable it to seize opportunities available following the end of the Cold War to achieve peace, development and democracy, goals stipulated in the UN charter.

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali in his office

On 31 January, 1992, Secretary-General Ghali was invited to appear at his first session attended by heads of state and government. The session was aimed at analysing and recommending ways of building the UN capacity in fields of preventive diplomacy, peace-making and peace-keeping. Dr Ghali added a new concept to these, namely peace-building after the end of conflicts. His report entitled ‘A Plan for Peace’ was published on 17 June, 1992 and defined the role and functions of the United Nations in a new era that was witnessing the launch of several peace-keeping and monitoring operations, subject to the Security Council and the leadership of the Secretary-General. The report was translated into 29 languages and discussed extensively. On 3 January, 1995 the UN Secretary-General issued an elaborated appendix to ‘A Plan for Peace’, which gave prominence to fields that had witnessed unexpected difficulties regarding UN

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peace-keeping operations. It reviewed lessons learned and submitted guideline principles to improve such operations in the future. UN peace-keeping operations following the end of the Cold War exceeded in number all operations undertaken over the previous 40 years, and involved the deployment of 70,000 soldiers, military monitors, civil police and civil clerks. Those operations in particular included the UN third mission for verification in Angola, the UN monitoring mission in El Salvador, the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia, the UN operations in Somali and Mozambique and the UN Protection Force in former Yugoslavia. Dr Ghali appointed a number of envoys and special representatives to advise him on preparing the ground for ending aggression and tension and for enhancing peace in different parts of the world. Peace-building was aimed at finding a basis for achieving permanent peace, at trustincreasing measures, reforming and promoting democratic institutions, incorporating war veterans into civil society and reweaving war-torn societies so that conflicts did not break out again. From his first year in office, Dr Ghali was keen to develop the broadening and activation of the UN vision. A series of international conferences were held, the most important of which included the Conference on the Economic Empowerment of Rural Women in 1992, the UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio De Janeiro in 1992 and the International Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993. In May 1994, the UN Conference on National Disasters was held in Yokohama, and in September 1994 an International Conference on Population and Development was held in Cairo, with another version of the same conference held in Copenhagen in March 1995. The fourth Conference on Women was held in Beijing, and the second

Conference on Human Settlements was held in Istanbul in 1996. The UN Secretary-General believed that this series of conferences would offer opportunities to raise awareness and to set

Moslem Serbian war victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina

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Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali in the UN

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rules and criteria. At these conferences and meetings, member states, non-governmental organisations and concerned individuals worked hand in hand to formulate an international commitment to all aspects of development. The UN Secretary-General’s vision of development was defined in May 1994 in a report submitted to the General Assembly entitled ‘A Plan for Development’. In that report, Dr Ghali described peace, economy, the environment, society and democracy as the five principles on which development was based. He examined the multiple factors incorporated in the development process and reviewed his vision of the role assumed by the United Nations in an increasingly complex world. He claimed that the universal respect for and the protection of human rights were an inseparable part of development and stressed the rights of certain categories, such as indigenous populations, women and disabled children, which he saw as

the focus of his interest. Alongside these aims, during his term, the Secretary-General was keen to introduce universal democracy. In February 1995 he published two successive volumes of ‘A Plan for Peace’ and ‘A Plan for Development’ in a similar format. No sooner had the Secretary-General called for a stronger UN role in democratic shift, than the organisation found itself responding to around 40 states asking for help in the organisation and supervision of democratic elections. In April 1994 the presence of more than 2,100 supervisors in various elections made it the biggest electionaiding process carried out in the history of the UN. The UN recognised that democracy is much bigger than just organising free and fair elections, and set other programmes of cooperation in the fields of developing democratic institutions and the sovereignty of law, and in broad popular participation.

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali opening an exhibition by the Pakistani artist Naela Chohan on World Day for Women

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Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali shaking hands with Manfred Wörner, NATO Secretary-General

However, due to member states failing to pay their contributions, and peace-keeping operations being on time, the organisation’s hard work was threatened. The UN Secretary-General ordered studies to be conducted aimed at ensuring that the UN would be able to face challenges it may encounter in the coming 50 years. He decided on a programme of restructure and reform that would reduce high-level general administrative staff by means of decentralisation at decisionmaking level, thereby cutting costs and ending administrative inefficiency. The UN’s ability to tackle widespread operations remained a source of concern to him, however.

In April of 1996, the Israeli army shelled a UN centre where Palestinians had taken refuge. The Israeli army claimed that this was a mistake. However, the Secretary-General despatched a number of experts who stated that in all likelihood the shelling was deliberate and could not have been a targeting error. Boutros Ghali was subjected to intense pressure from both the American and the Israeli governments not to release the report. The evening before its release he received a phone call from Shimon Peres warning him that the publication of the report would jeopardise the Labour government’s chances of re-election which would result in a major setback for the peace negotiations with the Palestinians, something that would not be in the interest of the pro-Palestinian Secretary-General. During his time as UN Secretary-General, Dr Ghali visited more than 50 states, representing the UN and offering his position to help consolidate the cause of peace. In December 1992, he was the first non-Korean to visit the demilitarised zone between Seoul and Pyongyang. Throughout his term in the United Nations, relations with the United States were always tense, often turning acrimonious and confrontational. At the end of his tenure both the American Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, and the UN Ambassador (and candidate for Secretary of State), Madeleine Albright, warned Boutros Ghali not to represent himself for a second term as the United States would object to his reappointment. They offered instead a one-year extension to his current term. Boutros Ghali refused and insisted on submitting his candidacy for a second term. This forced a memorable vote in the Security Council that resulted in 14 votes in favour with one, the United States, against. The motion of his reappointment was thus defeated by a forced veto by the Americans. That evening Boutros Ghali

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met with Henry Kissinger who declared that Boutros Ghali had entered the history books as the first Secretary-General to openly oppose the diplomacy of the United States in the world. Following the end of his term in 1996, Dr Ghali, through his friendship with President Chirac of France, was appointed SecretaryGeneral of the Francophone Organisation from 1997 until 2002. He has remained as Chairman of the National Human Rights Council in Egypt since it was founded in 2004.26

PhD in Law from the Institute of State and Law at the Russian Science Academy in Moscow

Medals and Prizes

PhD from Carlos III University in Madrid, April 1994

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali received medals and prizes from 24 countries, namely Belgium, Italy, Colombia, Guatemala, France, Ecuador, Argentina, Nepal, Luxembourg, Portugal, Niger, Mali, Mexico, Greece, Chile, Tanzania, Germany, Peru, Ivory Coast, Denmark, Central Africa, Sweden, Korea and Malta, where he was made a knight. Dr Ghali was awarded the following honorary PhD degrees and prizes:

PhD from the Political Sciences Institute in Paris, January 1992 PhD from Louvain Catholic University in Belgium, April 1993 PhD from the University of La Vale in Quebec, Canada, August 1993

PhD from the Natural Sciences Academy in Moscow, April 1994 PhD from the Russian Academy for Science, April 1994 PhD from the Foreign Corps College in Georgetown University in Washington, May 1994 PhD from the University of Bucharest, October 1994 The Christian A. Hertz Prize from the World Affairs Council in Washington, March 1993 The Man of Peace Prize from the Supporters of Peace Corporation in Italy, July 1993 The Arthur A. Houghton, Jr Prize, or Star Crystal Prize for Excellence, from the AfroAmerican Institute, New York, November 1993

President Mubarak granting Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali the Nile Scarf

Dr Ghali also published several books in English, French and Arabic.27

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The cover of Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali’s book Le Canal de Suez

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali’s wife, Mrs Leia Maria Boutros Ghali

His Death Dr Ghali divided his retirement between Paris and Cairo, giving lectures and attending conferences in both capitals; he remained busy with writing and speeches. After the election of Abdel Fattah El Sisi as president of Egypt in June of 2014, Dr Ghali advised El Sisi on many issues of political economy and foreign policy. In Cairo he was reappointed by the new president as honorary chairman of the National Human Rights Council. On 16 February 2016, following a fall, he passed away at a hospital in Cairo at the age of 93. His passing was mourned worldwide. Egypt was in shock at the loss of ‘one of the icons of modern Egyptian political life and world diplomacy’. He

was given a national funeral with full military honours, attended by the President, members of the government, the Sheikh of Al-Azhar, high dignitaries and all the diplomatic corp. The funeral mass was held at the Boutrosiya church and officiated by Pope Tawadros, Pope of the Orthodox church of St Mark. His wife Leia received letters of condolence from all world leaders. The United Nations honoured his passing with a day of mourning. Dr Boutros Boutros Ghali is resting peacefully in the crypt of the church near his illustrious uncles and grandfather, as was his wish.

CHAPTER 8

Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali

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nown as Michel, Wassif, the second son of Youssef Boutros Ghali, was born in Cairo on 13 October, 1924. A year after obtaining his BA in Architecture in 1946 from Fouad I University, where he came top in his year, he opened a private architectural engineering practice in Kasr el-Nil Street, Cairo. He designed a variety of buildings including flats, administration buildings, palaces, villas, schools, hospitals and factories; he also designed the annexe to the Boutrosiya church. As well as his architectural work, from early 1949, Wassif spent five years on the board of directors of an insurance company, and in the same year he sat on the urban and rural planning committee of the Ministry of Social Affairs, remaining there until 1956. In late 1966, Wassif Ghali travelled to the Sudan where he established an architectural consultancy that worked on various projects in Khartoum, including cinemas, gas stations and banks, and between 1966 and 1969 it was involved in the construction of a group of villas in Addis Ababa. In September 1969, Wassif Ghali was invited to become a consultant for UNESCO, charged initially with supervising the maintenance and preservation, and later development, of the city of Tunis, and in April and May of the following year assisting with the protection and preservation of

Algerian antiquities. From 1971 until 1985 Wassif Ghali was the senior UNDP technical consultant in the fields of housing, planning and construction for a project in New York City. Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali

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On his return to Cairo, he reopened his engineering office, and in 1988 took over the chairmanship of the Coptic Antiquities Society after the death of his cousin Merrit Ghali, a post in which he remains today. Besides his work in the field of engineering, construction and preserving architectural heritage, Wassif has written a large and varied collection of papers including the following:

Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali shaking hands with Pope Shenouda III, Pope of Alexandria and Patriarch of St Mark’s Coptic Orthodox Church inside the UN corridors

• A collection of essays entitled ‘Cairo Planning’, ‘Bab El Hadeed’, ‘Contemporary Development of Islamic Architecture’ and ‘Islamic Archi tecture’. Most of these papers were published in Planning and Architectural Arts magazine in 1951–2. • A 150-page report published in 1970 by UNESCO about its project to preserve Algerian antiquities. • A 1970 UNESCO report about the Tunis preservation project. • A report on ‘Developing Kinshasa City’, which was submitted to the Government of Zaire in 1973. • A collection of essays on Coptic architecture and art published in the magazine of the Soci ety of Coptic Antiquities. Wassif is also an accomplished painter. Many of his works are exhibited in a number of galleries and homes in Cairo, Paris and New York. Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali is married, with a son and a daughter: Taymour, born in 1955 and Perihan Safia, born in 1960.

Wassif Youssef Boutros Ghali and his son Taymour Wassif next to Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali

Untitled, Acrylic on canvas, 130 x 150 cm

Untitled, Acrylic on canvas, 130 x 150 cm

CHAPTER 9

Raouf Youssef Boutros Ghali

aouf is the third and last son of Youssef Boutros Ghali, and was born on 12 Nov ember, 1927. He was brought up with his brothers Boutros and Wassif in the family house in Faggala, Cairo. He obtained a BA in Agriculture from Cairo University in 1949, and after graduation worked in agriculture managing the vast family agricultural holdings until 1956. After the 1952 Revolution of the Free Officers led by Gamal Abdel Nasser the family was subjected to the Agricultural Land Reforms of 1952, greatly limiting land ownership. Its excess land holdings were expropriated against compensation in government bonds that later proved of little value. The reforms were followed by additional measures and continued harassment of the family members by the military regime which resulted in Raouf ’s gradual decision to abandon agriculture. The family had industrial holdings in Sudan which led Raouf to leave for Port Sudan in 1957, where he stayed for almost ten years managing a cotton oil mill factory. He was also a board member of the Port Sudan Industrial and Trading Company. In 1966, Raouf returned to Egypt, founding a large tourism and travel company, Hapi Tours, of which he is still chairman. His experience within the tourism industry led him to chair the Chamber of the Board of Travel Agents for four terms between 1975 and 1996. He was also involved in politics,

and was a member of the Shura Council for two successive sessions between 1994 and 2006. He was very active in promoting the tourism industry, presenting a number of reports on the sector and proposing several legal amendments promoting the industry. Raouf Youssef Boutros Ghali had two sons with his first wife Tia Farid Abdel Sayed: Youssef (Egyptian Minister of Finance), who was born in 1952, and Boutros, born in 1954. After a divorce, Raouf married Norwegian Britt Bang, and his third son Kareem was born in 1979. After a short illness Raouf passed away on 6 July, 2015. Raouf Youssef Boutros Ghali in his office

Wedding of Raouf Boutros Ghali and Tia Farid at the Boutrosiya church, 1951. The image mirrors that of his father Youssef in the same church 30 years earlier

Raouf Youssef Boutros Ghali

CHAPTER 10

Dr Youssef Raouf Boutros Ghali

D

r Youssef Boutros Ghali was born on 20 August, 1952 in Giza, on the outskirts of central Cairo. He was educated at the Jesuit School in Cairo and the Lycée Chateaubriand in Rome, before studying Economics at Cairo University, where he obtained his BA in 1974. On his graduation he was appointed Lecturer at the Faculty of Economics and Political Science. During the following year he was enrolled in the army for his military service. In January 1976 he travelled to Boston to enrol in the Economics Department of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). He received a PhD in Economics in Cambridge in February 1981. Upon graduation, Dr Boutros Ghali joined the International Monetary Fund, working first in the Middle East Department (MED) and later with the Policy and Development Review (PDR, formerly the ETR, Exchange and Trade Relations) on African, Asian, Latin American and Middle Eastern countries. He gained profound knowledge of the economic problems and policy challenges of countries as diverse as Sudan, the Ivory Coast, Senegal, Ethiopia, the Philippines, China, Brazil, the Dominican Republic and Mexico. In the early 1980s he was involved in research on the Latin American debt crisis. After leaving the International Monetary Fund

(IMF) in 1986, Youssef Boutros Ghali was appointed Economic Advisor to Egypt’s Prime Minister, first Dr Ali Lotfy and then Dr Atef Sedky, and to the Governor of the Central Bank of Egypt (1986–93), and took a prominent role in negotiating Egypt’s 1987 and 1991 standby arrangements with the IMF, working with the Paris Club in arranging first the rescheduling of Egypt’s debt agreements in 1987 and then the 50 per cent debt forgiveness in 1991. The reform programmes he negotiated ushered in a turnaround in the Egyptian economy and laid the groundwork for economic reforms that are being upheld to this day. Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali

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Dr Boutros Ghali’s first ministerial post was as Minister of State for the Council of Ministers and Minister for International Cooperation (1993–6), where he continued to oversee the relationship between Egypt, the IMF and the World Bank. He was subsequently named Minister of State for Economic Affairs (1996–7) in the government of Kamal El Ganzoury, thereafter assuming the position of Minister of Economy (1997–9). It was then the first time since the 1952 Revolution that a Copt would be appointed full minister instead of Minister of State as was customary hitherto. The change was welcomed with great satisfaction in Egyptian society as a sign that discrimination against Christians in government was being addressed by Hosni Mubarak and, for the Christian community, that one of their own had reached a position of trust and responsibility in the government. Henceforth, Copts would routinely be appointed to full ministerial positions and in ministries that had important responsibilities in the country. Following the Ministry of Economy, Foreign Trade would be added to the portfolio (1999–2001), then Minister of Foreign Trade under the Atef Ebeid government (2001–4), and finally Minister of Finance (2004–11). He was Member of Parliament for the East Cairo District of El Maahad El Fanni in Shobra for three sessions from October 2000 to January 2011. As Minister of Economy, Boutros Ghali is credited with having rejuvenated the stock market with a modern regulatory framework, an up-to-date electronic trading platform and the legal infrastructure that allowed for the dematerialisation of all trading in financial assets. He also introduced reforms in the insurance market that paved the way for foreign competition and improved risk management in the country. Similar reforms were also introduced in the banking sector allowing for

full ownership of banks by foreigners and establishing Central Bank independence. A firm advocate of trade liberalisation, Youssef Boutros Ghali, as Minister of Foreign Trade, participated in the Seattle, Doha and Cancun ministerial meetings of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), and played a prominent role in launching the Doha round. He was also instrumental in concluding the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Agreement between Egypt and the European Union in 1998. Through the joint body created by the US–Egypt Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA), he was active in advancing the negotiations on the free trade agreement between Egypt and the United States. He also headed the negotiations that led to the Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) agreement between Egypt, the United States and Israel, established in 2004. His policies for the simplification and promotion of foreign trade in Egypt resulted in a threefold increase in non-oil exports and a reduction in import clearance times from 23 days to 48 hours, both developments that greatly increased the growth potential of the Egyptian economy. On 14 July, 2004, Youssef Boutros Ghali was appointed Minister of Finance in the newly formed Ahmed Nazif government. The new government was dominated by young technocrats and businessmen and would herald a number of far-reaching reforms that would put the Egyptian economy on a path of high growth. At the time Youssef could see the uncanny parallel with his great-grandfather Boutros Pasha when the latter was appointed Minister of Finance some 111 years before. As Minister of Finance, Dr Boutros Ghali headed the Ministerial Economic Committee in charge of overseeing the design and implementation of Egypt’s economic reform programmes. He implemented a series of reforms that helped modernise and reinvigorate the Egyptian economy

Private meeting with Mubarak, February 1996. After a number of years with ministerial portfolios, Mubarak had grown to trust Youssef enough to leave him free to guide the economic reforms of the government

Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali during the signing of a project contract

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Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali during the International Monetary Fund meetings

and deepen its global integration. Chief among these are major income tax and trade and customs reforms, coupled with deregulation and liberalisation in key areas of economic activity. The tax reform programme was hailed as one of the most successful reforms of its kind in emerging markets, and earned Egypt the position of top reformer among developing countries in 2007, as chosen

by the World Bank. In 2009 the income tax reform was followed by an overhaul of real estate taxation that began a process of taxation of the better-off members of Egyptian society. The tax was resisted and fought bitterly by the ruling party and parliament. The support of President Mubarak in the end prevailed and the law was enacted. It would later be repealed after the January 2011 Revolution only to be reinstated two years later. In 2010 Dr Boutros Ghali enacted a farreaching reform of the social security and pension systems in Egypt. He introduced modern concepts of pension systems’ notional accounting of accumulated benefits. The concept, adapted from Swedish pension practices, created for the first time in the Middle East individual pension accounts for all Egyptians, which could be managed and accessed individually, thus establishing a system that would cover all the informal sector and seasonal workforce. He further enacted structural changes to account for the erosion of pension

Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali with participants at a meeting of the Working Team of Rational Administration of Finance in 2005

D R Y O U S S E F R AO U F B O U T RO S G H A L I

benefits and the burden of pension contributions on the national economy. Again the new law was hailed by the World Bank as a model for pension laws for emerging markets. Sadly the interim government in charge after the revolution of 2011 would repeal the law. In September of 2008 Dr Boutros Ghali was elected chairman of the International Monetary and Financial Committee (IMFC), the policy-making body of the International Monetary Fund. He was the first chairman from an emerging market economy in the 64-year history of the institution. During his tenure, member countries worked together to help prevent a global economic collapse and secure a coordinated economic recovery across the globe. In close cooperation with the Managing Director of the IMF, Dr Boutros Ghali has helped improve the surveillance procedures of the Fund, overhaul its lending framework and shepherded the historic agreement on IMF quota and governance reforms. During his chairmanship he reshaped the practices and procedures of the IMFC so as to make it more deliberative, more inclusive and better able to reach consensus among member countries. Youssef Boutros Ghali is the author of various publications on timely topics, particularly on exchange rate and monetary policy, external debt problems and debt-relief issues, IMF programmes, fiscal discipline and exchange-rate market reforms.

Youssef Boutros Ghali in Parliament In 2000 Dr Youssef decided to run for parliament in the district of El Maahad El Fanni, a very poor subdivision of the Shubra district in East Cairo. Both were subdivisions of a district which his family (Boutros Pasha, Wassif Pasha, and Gueffrey

Bey) had represented almost a century before. He won his election in a runoff with the incumbent Medhat Abdel Hadi in an acrimonious battle where Dr Youssef ’s religion was a central issue with the voters. He became the first Copt elected to parliament since the 1952 Revolution. It had been customary hitherto that the only Copts in parliament would be appointed among the 10 seats allowed to the President. After extensive work in his district Dr Youssef ran again in 2005 and won in a landslide victory. He would run again in the 2010 election unopposed. Throughout his tenure Dr Youssef would be popular in his district as he started a number of programmes in healthcare, youth employment, sanitation and assistance for the poor.

Youssef Boutros Ghali and Future Generations Like his great-grandfather, Dr Boutros Ghali has a facility with languages and speaks fluent Arabic, English, French, Italian and Spanish. Youssef Boutros Ghali married Michèle Sayegh from Lebanon in January 1992. They had three children: Naguib, named after his greatgreat-uncle, Nader, and Youssef, named after his great-grandfather. Michèle was greatly involved in the Boutrosiya church, supervising massive restoration work and expansion of its services to the community of Faggala where the church is located. She was involved in a number of charities aimed at protecting the poor and empowering young women and increasing their income-earning capacities. She started, among others, a charity that would expand the work of the Boutros Atelier established in the late nineteenth century by the family, by teaching young women embroidery and providing work that could be completed from their homes, earning them sizeable incomes. The products

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were of a very high standard and were exported to France and the United Kingdom. Michèle was also very active with the Ministry of Culture, and helped revive a number of heritage buildings in greater Cairo. Michèle passed away in London in October of 2011 at the age of 49. Following the January 2011 Revolution in Egypt, Dr Boutros Ghali was subjected to a number of politically motivated accusations by the military and Moslem Brotherhood governments that followed Mubarak’s fall in 2011. He was accused, tried and sentenced in absentia, in three separate trials, to some 65 years in jail, the first trial, where he was sentenced to 30 years, lasting six minutes from start to finish. In July

of 2012, with the election of Mohamed Morsi of the Moslem Brotherhood to the presidency,

Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali with Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Hamed El-Swidi

Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali in parliament presenting the budget for 2007

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Youssef Boutros Ghali chairing the annual meeting of the International Monetary and Financial Committee, October 2008

Dr Boutros Ghali applied to the British government for political asylum. The asylum request was granted on 30 August, 2013, and he is now a permanent resident in the UK. He wrote a book about his time in government: Seasons in Egypt.

Prizes

The International Monetary and Financial Committee, chaired by Youssef Boutros Ghali, gathers for their semiannual meeting at the IMF’s Headquarters on 24 April, 2010 in Washington, DC

Dr Youssef Boutros Ghali was chosen as the best Minister of Finance in the Middle East by the Euro Money Economic Foundation for two successive years in 2006 and 2007 and for Africa in 2008. He received the Emerging Markets award for Finance Minister of the Year for the Middle East region twice (2005 and 2006), and an honorary doctorate from the Heriot-Watt University in Edinburgh on 7 July, 2008.

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Michèle Boutros Ghali, Rome, 2010

CHAPTER 11

The Boutrosiya Church

T

he Coptic church of St Peter and St Paul in Cairo, known locally as the Boutrosiya church, was built by the Boutros Ghali family, and opened on 21 February, 1912, the second anniversary of the death of Boutros Pasha Ghali. 1 The Boutrosiya complex is centred around a two-storey church, the lower floor of which forms an underground crypt containing the tombs of members of the Boutros Ghali family. The ground floor consists of a place for quiet prayer, a chancel and two side chapels. Decorated with mosaics, frescos and marble, it contains the tombs of the family of Boutros Pasha Ghali. Its various annexes include the offices of the Society of Coptic Antiquities.

employed by Khedive Abbas II as Royal Architect (1907–14). He built several palaces and villas in Cairo and Alexandria, especially in the Al-Raml area of Alexandria, including the following:2 • The main building of Banque Misr (Bank of Eygpt) • The Palace of Princess Neamat Kamal El Din (also known as Prince Gamil Toson Palace) in Cairo • The Villa of Mazloum Pasha in Gleem, Alexandria • Lauran Villa, in Lauran, Alexandria • Aiglon Palace in Al-Nabi Danial Street, Alexandria

The Architect of the Church

• Suares Palace in Cairo

Antonio Lasciac (1856–1946), a distinguished architect, engineer, poet and musician who studied in Vienna, left a large legacy of architectural work not only in the Italian city of Gorizia, but also in the major cities of Egypt, where he arrived at the age of 26. His work in Egypt was prolific, and during the period 1883–8 he helped to rebuild Alexandria after it had been destroyed by British bombardment. Antonio Lasciac moved to Cairo in 1897 and was

The Palace of Princess Neamat Kamal El Din in Cairo

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The church is rectangular in shape, 28 metres long and 17 metres wide. It has two square-shaped bell towers, each with a pyramidal top and a cross, and of its four façades, three overlook the papal residence at St Mark’s in Abbassiya, and the southern façade, forming the main entrance, overlooks Ramses Street.

The church is entered through one of seven doors – three on the western side, including the main entrance, and two doors each on the northern and southern sides. The brick façade of the southern side has a ledge above which is set a triangular Islamic-style window. The main entrance to the church, on the southern side, is sheltered by a porch supported by two square columns. A centrally positioned rectangular door leads to the main, central nave, and two further doors lead to the north and south aisles. The interior of the church is divided by two rows of marble columns, each row consisting of five columns supporting six semi-circular arches. The columns support three galleries, with wooden ceilings, kiln bricks and coloured glass windows. Instead of the iconostasis that usually separates a sanctuary from the nave, silk curtains hang between two yellow marble columns. In front of the sanctuary the walls of the apse are decorated with golden mosaic. The main altar consists of a

Alexandria Railway Station

Aiglon Palace in Alexandria / Right: Banque Misr in Cairo

• Prince Said Haleem Palace in Cairo • Prince Ibrahim Helmi Palace in Cairo • Omar Toson Pasha Palace in Cairo • Alexandria train station • Fatima Al-Zahra Palace in Alexandria (the Royal Jewellery Museum) Lasciac spent much of the rest of his life in Egypt, and in 1946 died and was buried in Cairo.3

The Church

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shallow dome of white marble supported by four yellow marble pillars, and there are two side chapels, one of which is the baptistery. The first side chapel, with its iconostasis of ivory inlaid wood, is accessed via four steps from the southern nave. The door leading to the chapel is covered by a semi-circular arch, depicting scenes of the baptism by John the Baptist of Jesus in the River Jordan. To the right of the entrance, an apse is decorated with a mural of a saint. At the front of the chapel a semi-circular marble baptism font stands on four columns of colourful granite and a circular marble base. To the north, steps lead to the church roof, and a further arched entrance leads to the sanctuary. The second chapel was funded by the wife of Merrit Boutros Ghali in memory of her mother Emmy Hoffman, and was designed in 1947 by engineer Hanna Simeeka. The chapel is accessed through the north section of the nave, again via four steps. To the left of the entrance a semi-circular wall depicts a mural of a saint. An iconostasis of ivory inlaid wood and an arched door lead into the chapel, wherein can be seen a mosaic of the

Virgin Mary seated and holding the Infant Jesus. Within the chapel, an entrance leads to the church roof from the southern wall, and a second arched door leads to the nave. A further entrance on the northern wall leads to the church annexes and, in particular, the club.

A general site plan of the Boutrosiya church

A horizontal projection of the Boutrosiya church

The Courtyard and Annexes To the front of the church, the Celestial Courtyard is surrounded by three cloisters that overlook the main courtyard, which houses church offices and allows access to the annexes, which include: • The Society of Coptic Antiquities, 4 a one storey building with an open yard and carved corridors and containing six rooms •

The Lady Safa Memorial Hall, named after the wife of Boutros Pasha Ghali, a rectangular room with a kiln-brick ceiling. In front of the hall is a small area with three steps. The undecorated hall is entered through a fan-shaped arch door, with the date the hall was built, 1961, marked on it

T H E B O U T R O S I YA C H U R C H

• The museum • A garden • The northern courtyard • The Merrit Boutros Ghali Memorial Hall • Church staff dormitory • The social club

Ornamentation and Decoration There are three types of decoration within the Boutrosiya church: mosaic, fresco and marble. The mosaic work was carried out by the Italian artist Primo Panciroli, who was brought from Rome and worked on the commission for five years. Much of the mosaic was made in Venice by Cavalliere Angelo Giannuzzi. The mosaics in the Boutrosiya The courtyard of the church

church are based on depictions of Jesus, and the words ‘Glory to God in the Highest’ are written in Coptic and Arabic script. Mosaics on one side of the church depict St Mark the Apostle, and the other the Virgin Mary. There are also portraits of St Antony, St Athanasius the Apostolic, St Paula and St Cyril, the Pillar of Faith, beautifully portrayed in colourful mosaic against a gold background. In the central apse a mosaic depicting the baptism of Jesus in the River Jordan by John the Baptist is embellished with cruciform-shaped patterns. In the second side-chapel, the mosaic of the Virgin Mary is decorated with plants and the words ‘God’s Mother’ in both Coptic and Arabic script. All around the church can be found various paintings, and the main altar is hung with biblical scenes showing the Apparition of Jesus on Mount Tabor, Saint Mina the Miraculous and Abba Onouphrios (Nofer) the Anchorite.

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The façade of the church prayer place

The entrance to the church

There can be found in the second side chapel a stylised painting of Lady Safa, the wife of Boutros Pasha Ghali, showing the church to the Virgin Mary. Under the painting is written ‘Lady Safa presents the church she built together with her children Naguib, Wassif, Galila and Youssef to St Mary the Theotokos, and to St Peter and St Paul the Apostles, for the Glory of God and in commemoration of her husband Boutros Pasha Ghali. May God have mercy on his soul and rest him in the paradise of joy.’ On either side of this painting are representations of St Anna and St Elizabeth. On another wall of the side chapel hang pictures of the Prophet David, with Coptic Maria on the right side of the entrance and St Barbara on the left. On a third wall, a painting of St Paul the Apostle is embellished with a peacock and floral decorations. The prayer area displays a selection of biblical murals: Isaac, Father of all Fathers, is displayed above one entrance, and on another wall two rows of pictures show Jesus and the ten virgins; the row beneath shows the Archangel Raphael and five of the disciples – Simon, James, the son of Alphaeus, Bartholomew, Andrew and Thaddaeus – together with the Archangel Michael. Their names are written beneath each in Coptic and Arabic. There is also a painting of Jesus holding an open book on which is written in Coptic, ‘The words that I speak to you are spirit, and they are life. To whom shall we go? You have the words of eternal life.’ A nearby picture of St George on a marble plaque shows in Coptic the date of the establishment of the church, and a picture of the Martyr Abu Al Sayfayn has written beneath it in Coptic, ‘My soul longs for the house of the Lord.’ Further paintings over arches and doors depict the Last Supper, the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, the Ascension, the Descent of the Holy Spirit and pictures of the two Evangelists, Mark and John.

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The inside of the church prayer place

One of the aisles is decorated with two rows of pictures of the Birth of Christ, the Flight into Egypt, the Miracle of the Five Loaves and Two Fish, the entrance of Jesus into Jerusalem, and the last two Evangelists, Matthew and Luke. The upper wall shows St Dimiana surrounded by the 40 virgins, and beneath are other angels and saints and the Archangel Gabriel, holding a book on which is written in Coptic, ‘Rejoice, highly favoured one, the Lord is with you; blessed are you among women!’ Other paintings show John the Evangelist holding a scroll on which is written in Coptic, ‘In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.’ A picture of James the son of Zebedee shows him holding a book with the Coptic words ‘Therefore I judge that we should not trouble those from among the

The façade of the main sanctuary

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A mosaic depicting Lord Jesus, the Virgin Mary and Mark the Apostle on top of the temple’s dome

The church pulpit

The baptism apse

The marble dome of the altar

An altar endowed by the wife of Merrit Bey Ghali

Marble baptism font

A dedication plaque of the wife of Merrit Bey Ghali

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Right: The aisle leading to the tombs of the Boutrosiya family

Bell towers

The outside façade of the church

Gentiles who are turning to God.’ In a painting of the Apostle Matthew, he is holding a book on which is written in Coptic, ‘Book of the genealogy of Jesus Christ, the Son of David.’ Also shown are St Thomas the Apostle, St Philip and the Archangel Suriel. Over the door is depicted Abraham the Father of All Fathers, and on either side of the door, acanthus flowers and crosses are carved into the marble crowns at the top of the columns. The foundation of the church is marked on a plaque in Coptic and Arabic.

The Tomb At the end of the far end of the central aisle and in front of the altar, 21 steps lead down to the crypt, where 15 members of the Boutros Ghali family are buried, and where sits a stone bust of Boutros Pasha Ghali. The walls on either side of the steps are covered with coloured marble topped with a band of white marble 80 centimetres high, on which crosses and the letters B and G are engraved. Four steps lead from the right-hand side of the stairs directly to the sanctuary.

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Close to the steps lies the tomb of Boutros Pasha Ghali, resting on two steps of black marble. Made of polished granite and measuring 2.2 x 1.5 x 1.5 metres, it is decorated with colourful marble crosses. Inscribed on the tomb in Arabic and French are the birth and death dates of Boutros Pasha Ghali: 12 May, 1846 to 21 February, 1910, along with his final words:

God knows that I never did anything that harmed my country. A plaque commemorating the dedication of the Boutros Pasha Ghali tomb

The steps leading to the tombs of the Boutros family

A vertical section of the Boutrosiya family tombs

Horizontal projection showing the layout of the Boutrosiya family tombs

Ceremonial Hall as refurbished by Michèle Boutros Ghali

The house of the Boutrosiya church pastor

The Memorial Hall of Lady Safa

The Social Club

St Athanasius the Apostolic

The Memorial Hall of Merrit Bey Ghali

St Paul

St Antonios

The baptism of Jesus by John the Baptist in the River Jordan

The Virgin Mary holding baby Jesus

Bible stories and saints depicted on the walls of the church

The Prophet Jacob

The Apparition of Jesus on Mount Tabor

St Peter the Apostle

The Prophet Isaac

A painting of Lady Safa presenting the church to The Virgin Mary. On the left and right are paintings of St Anna and St Elizabeth

Coptic Maria

Pictures of the saints on the walls of the church

St Barbara

St Bartholomew the Apostle

St James the son of Alphaeus the Apostle

Archangel Michael

St Simon the Canaanite the Apostle

St Thaddaeus the Apostle

St Andrew the Apostle

Pictures of the saints on the walls of the church

St Thomas the Apostle

Biblical paintings

St Paul the Apostle

Archangel Gabriel the Announcer

St Matthew the Apostle

St John the Apostle

St Philip the Apostle

An invitation to attend the second anniversary of Boutros Pasha Ghali’s assassination at the Boutrosiya church

The foundation of the church is marked on plaques in Coptic and Arabic

NOTES

Document references starting with ‘B’ and ‘DM’ refer to unpublished family archives

Daly, ed., The Cambridge History of Egypt, Vol. II, Cambridge University Press, 1998 15. Shafiq Pasha, Ahmed, Mozakiraty Fi Nesf Qarn, General Boutros Pasha Ghali Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1994, Part 1, p.196; Al Raf ’y, Al Thawra Al’Orabia, pp.397–8; Taha, Ahmed 1. Fahmy, Zaki, Safwat Al’Asr Fi Tarykh Wa Rosoom Mashaheer ‘Orabi, pp.260–2; Borg, Wizaret Boutros Ghali, p.20 16. Regal Misr, Maktabet Madbouly, Cairo, 1995, p.588 Bahr, Samira, Al Aqbat Fi Al Hayah Al Siasia Al Misria, 2. Al Helal, March 1910, Vol. 6, Year 18, p.372; Heikal, Maktabet Al Anglo Al Misria, Cairo, 1979, p.25; Taha, Mohamed Hussein, Taragem Misria Wa Gharbia, Dar Al Ahmed ‘Orabi, pp.399–400 17. Ma’aref, Cairo, ND, p.107 Rizq, Yonan Labib, Tarykh Al Wizarat Al Misria, Markz 3. Al Helal, March 1910, p.372 Al Derasat Al Siasia Wa Al Estratigia Bil Ahram, Cairo, 4. Al Helal, March 1910, p.373; Heikal, Taragem Misria 1975, p.136 18. Wa Gharbia, p.108 Rizq, Tarykh Al Wizarat Al Misria, pp.137–8; ‘Awad, Lewis, 5. Al Helal, March 1910, p.373; Heikal, Taragem Misria Tarykh Al Fikr Al Misry Al Hadeith Min ‘Asr Esma ‘il Ela Wa Gharbia, p.108; Fahmy, Safwat Al’Asr Fi Tarykh Thawrat 1919, General Egyptian Book Organisation, Wa Rosoom Mashaheer Regal Misr, p.589 Cairo, 1983, Part 2, pp.150–1 6. 19. Borg, Mohamed Abdel-Rahman, Derasat Fi Al Haraka Rizq, Tarykh Al Wizarat Al Misria, pp.138–40 Al Watania Al Misria (Wizarat Boutros Ghali, 1908–1910), 20. Ibid., p.142 21. 2nd ed., Maktabet Al Anglo Al Misria, Cairo, 1980, p.19 Ibid., p.143 7. 22. Al Helal, March 1910, p.374; Heikal, Taragem Misria Ibid., pp.144–5 23. Wa Gharbia, p.109; Fahmy, Safwat Al’Asr, p.589–90 Shokry, Mohamed Fouad, Misr Wa Al Seiada ‘Ala Al 8. Sharobeem, Mihail, Rakeeb ‘Ala Ahdath Misr (Hawliat Sodan-Al Wad’ Altarykhi Lelmasala, Dar Al Fikr Al Arabi, Misr Al Siasia 1878–1882), Dar Al Ma’aref, Cairo, ND, Cairo, 1946, p.68; ‘Awad, Tarykh Al Fikr Al Misry Al p.81, 95; Alraf ’y, Abdel-Rahman, Al Thawra Al’Orabia Hadieth Min ‘Asr Esma’il Ela Thawrat 1919, pp.378–9; Wa Al Ehtlal Alenglizi, 4th ed., Dar Al Ma’aref, Cairo, Keelani, Mohamed Sayed, Abas Helmy Al Thany A’sr 1983, pp.59–62 Al Taghalghol Al Biritany Fi Misr (1892–1914), Dar Al 9. Sharobeem, Rakeeb ‘Ala Ahdath Misr, p.133; Alraf ’y, Fergany, Cairo, 1991, p.86 24. Al Thawra Al’Orabia, pp.150–1 Mansour, Abdel-Fattah Abdel-Samad, Al’Elaqat Almisria 10. Daly, M.W., ed., The Cambridge History of Egypt, Vol. II, Al Sodania Fi Zel Al Etfaq Althonai (1899–1924), General Cambridge University Press, 1998 Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1993, p.107 11. 25. Alraf ’y, Al Thawra Al’Orabia, pp.266–74; Taha, Samir ‘Awad, Tarykh Al Fikr Al Misry Al Hadieth, pp.381–4 26. Mohamed, Ahmed ‘Orabi Wa Dawrah Fi Al Siasia Al Heikal, Taragem Misria Wa Gharbia, pp.113–14; Diab, Misria, pp.284–6; General Egyptian Book Organisation, Ahmed, Al’Elaqat Almisria Al Sodania (1919–1924), Cairo, 1986, pp.142–51 Selselat Misr Al Nahda, Markaz Wathaeq Wa Tarykh 12. Daly, ed., The Cambridge History of Egypt, Vol. II, Misr Al Mo’aser, Cairo, ND, pp.18–20 27. Cambridge University Press, 1998 Keelani, Abas Helmy Al Thany, p.146 13. 28. Al Raf ’y, Al Thawra Al’Orabia, pp.351–6 Shokry, Misr Wa Al Seaida ‘Ala Al Sodan, p.67 14.

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Rizq, Al Kharijia Al Misria (1826–1937), General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1989, p.57 30. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty Fi Nesf Qarn, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1998, Part 2, p.58 31. Ali, Fateen Ahmed Fareed, Om Al Rashrash Bain Haqaeq Al Tarykh Wa Al Atma’ Al Souhyonia (February 1841– March 1949), Al Megala Al Tarykhia Al Misria, Vol. 42, Al Gam’ia Al Misria Leldersat Altarykhia, Cairo (2004–5), pp.232–3 32. El Komisir is responsible for following up the Ottoman conditions in Egypt 33. Shafiq Pasha, Mozkiraty, Part 2, pp.85–7; Ali, Om Al Rashrash, pp.233–7 34. Ali, Om Al Rashrash, pp.237–47 35. Shafiq Pasha, Mozkiraty, Part 2, p.99 36. Keown-Boyd, Henry, The Lion and the Sphinx: The Rise and Fall of the British in Egypt, 1882–1956, MC, p.61; Marlowe, John, Anglo-Egyptian Relations 1800–1953, London, 1954, pp.168–9; Diaa Al Deen, ‘Esam, Mozakirat Ibrahim Al Helbawy, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1995, p.163; ‘Awad, Tarykh Al Fikr Al Misry Al Hadieth, Part 2, pp.168–9 37. Heikal, Taragem Misria Wa Gharbia, p.117 38. Al ‘Aroosi, Mahmoud Kamel, Ashhar Qadaia Al Eghtialat Alsiasia, Al Zahraa Lel E’lam Al’Arabi, Cairo, 1409 h/1989, p.364 39. Bahr, Al Aqbat, pp.53–4 40. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, p.161 41. Karam, Foaud, Al Nizarat Wa Al Wizarat, Part 1, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1989, p.162 42. Ibid., p.162 43. Heikal, Taragem Misria Wa Gharbia, p.118; Fahmy, Safwat Al ‘Asr, pp.590–1 44. Al Helal, March 1910, p.375 45. Saleh, Soliman, Al Sheikh Ali Yousof Wa Garidat Al Moaid, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1997, Part 2, p.98 46. Heikal, Taragem Misria Wa Gharbia, p.119 47. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, pp.174–5 48. Document B 18 49. Document B 145; Goldschmidt, Arthur Edward, Al Hezb Al Watany Al Misry, tr. by Foaud Dowarah, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1983, p.200; Galal, AlSayed Hussein, Mouamart Mad Emtyaz Sharekat Qanat Al Sewais, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1990, pp.26–33 50. Galal, Mouamart Mad Emtyaz Sharekat Qanat Al Sewais, pp.139–40 51. Bahr, Al Aqbat Fi Al Hayah Al Siasia Almisria, pp.27–8 52. Document B 110 & Document B 120; Rofailah, Ya’qob Nakhla, Tarykh Al Omma Al Qibtia, St Mark Foundation for Coptic History Studies, 2nd ed., Cairo, ND, pp.337–47 29.

Document B 98 Rofailah, Tarykh Al Omma Al Qibtia, pp.361–84 55. Rofailah, Tarykh Al Omma Al Qibtia, p.363; Fahmy, Safwat Al’ Asr Fi Tarykh, p.536 56. Document B 1203 57. Document B 1205; Abdel Sayyed, Moshkelet Deir Al Soultan Bil Qods, Maktaabet Madbooly, Cairo, 1991, p.36; Abdel Sayyed, Antony Soryal, Al ‘Elaqat Almisria Al Ethiobia (1855–1935), Selselat Tarykh Al Misrieen (235), General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 2003, Part 2, p.55 58. Document B 1244; Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, p.55 59. Abdel Sayyed, Al ‘Elaqat Al Misria Al Ethiobia, pp.136–7 60. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, p.52 61. Document B 19 62. Document B 3549 63. Document B 1656, Al Helal, March 1910, p.374; Borg, Wizarat Boutros Ghali, pp.19–20 64. Document B 1639 65. Document B 1643 66. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, p.55 67. Sedqi Pasha, Esma’iil, Mozakiraty, Dar Al Helal, Cairo, 1950, p.9 68. Marlowe, Anglo-Egyption Relations 1800–1953, The Cresset Press, London, 1954, pp.201–3; Keown-Boyd, Henry, The Lion and the Sphinx, pp.64–5; Abo Al Majd, Sabry, Sanwat Ma Qabl Al Thawra, Part 2, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1988, p.82 69. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, p.209; Sedqi Pasha, Mozakiraty, p.10 70. Al Helal, March 1910, p.376 71. Garidat Al Ahram, 22 February, 1910; Fahmy, Safwat Al ‘Asr, pp.592–3 72. Shafiq Pasha, Mozakiraty, Part 2, p.244 73. Fahmy, Safwat Al ‘Asr, p.593 53. 54.

Naguib Pasha Boutros Ghali Document DM-NG 12 Document B 4044 3 Document B 4034 4 Document DM-NG 2, 3, 4, 5 12 5 Document DM-NG 1, 3 6 Document DM-NG 10 7 Document DM-NG 14, Document B 115, 116 8 Document DM-NG 11 9 Document DM-NG 8, 9 10 Document B 2741 11 Document B 2745, Document DM-NG 6 12 Document DM-NG 7 13 Document DM-NG 2746 14 Document DM-NG 4345 1 2

NOTES

Wassif Pasha Boutros Ghali Al Mouti’y, Lam’i, Maouso’at Haza Al Ragol Min Misr, 2nd ed., Dar Al Shorooq, Cairo 1997, pp.639–40 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Ghorbal, Mohamed Shafiq, Tarykh Al Mofawadat Al Misria Al Britania, Maktabet Al Nahdah Al Misria, Cairo, 1952, Part 1, pp.49–79; Gabr, Mostafa Al Nahas, Siaset Al Ehtlal Tejah Al Haraka Al Watanya, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, 1985, p.131 5 Gabr, Siaset Al Ehtlal, pp.134–5 6 Ibid., p.138 7 Ibid., p.172 8 Al Raf ’y, Abdel Rahman, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Dar Al Ma’aref, 4th ed., Cairo, 1987, Part 1, p.49; Gabr, Siaset Al Ehtlal, p.201 9 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 1, pp.50–1 10 Ibid., p.55 11 Ibid., p.56 12 Ibid., pp.90–1; Gabr, Siaset Al Ehtlal Tejah Al Haraka Al Watanya, p.224 13 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 1, p.155 14 Ibid., pp.178–80; Al Hariri, Mohamed Ibrahim, Athar Alza’iem Saad Zaghloul; ‘Ahd Wazaret Al Sha’b, Matba’et Dar Al Kotob Al Misria, Cairo, 1927, Part 1, pp.55–6 15 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, 2nd ed., Dar Al Ma’aref, Cairo, 1989, Part 3, p.18 16 Rizq, Al Kharejia Al Misria, p.102 17 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 1, p.183 18 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 1, pp.223–4 19 ‘Alooba, Mohamed Ali, Zekriat Ejtema’ia Wa Siasia, General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo, ND, p.261; Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 1, p.236 20 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 1, p.243 21 Document B 2275 22 ‘Ezabawy, Abdollah Mohamed, Mofawadat Al Nahas- Henderson, 1930; Derasa Fi Tarykh Al’Elaqat Al Misria Al Britania, Cairo, 1985, pp.25–6 23 Ghorbal, Tarykh Al Mofawadat Al Misria Al Britania, Maktabet Al Nahda Al Misria, Cairo, 1952, Part 1, pp.223–43 24 ‘Ezabawy, Mofawadat Al Nahas-Henderson, pp.118–33 25 Ibid., pp.220–8 26 Al Raf ’y, Fi A’qab Al Thawra Al Misria, Part 3, p.24 27 Ibid., p.24; Mostafa, Ahmed Abdel Reheem, Al ‘Elaqat Al Misria-Al Britania (1936–56), Ma’had Al Bohooth Wa Al Derasat Al ‘Arabia, Cairo, 1968, pp.11–24; Abdel Nasser, Houda Gamal, Britain and the Egyptian Nationalist Movement (1936–52), p.3 28 Ghorbal, Tarykh Al Mofawadat Al Misria Al Britania, Part 1, 1

pp.315–22; ‘Arafat, ‘Alaa, Al ‘Elaqat Al Misria Al Frensia Min Al T’awon Ela Al Twatoa (1923–56), Al ‘Arabi Lelnashr Wa Al Tawzi’, Cairo, ND, pp.119–31 29 Abo Al Majd, Sanawat Ma Qabl Al Thawra, Part 2, p.315 30 Rizq, Al Kharijia Al Misria, pp.223–4 31 Al Mouti’y, Maouso’at Haza Al Ragol Min Misr, p.643 32 Ibid., p.640 Youssef Bey Boutros Ghali 1.

Known as Michel

Merrit Bey Naguib Boutros Ghali Document B 139 Rizq, Al Kharijia Al Misria, pp.525–7 3 Ibid., p.527 4 Document B 139 5 Document B 549 6 Document B 1579 7 Document B 1541 8 Document B 548 9 Document B 1103 10 Document B 1101 11 Document B 493 12 Najeib, Seliem, Al Aqbat ‘Abr Al Tarykh, Cairo, Dar Al Khayal, 2001, p.66 13 Document B 755 14 Document B 1734 15 Document B 736 16 Document B 735 17 Document B 1088 18 Document B 1684 19 Document B 1685 20 Document B 1688 21 Document B 808 22 Document B 743 23 Document B 552 24 Document B 517 25 Document B 591 26 Document B 596 27 Document B 1108 28 Document B 984 29 Document B 1074 30 Document B 1571 31 Document B 2139 32 Ibid. 1 2

Gueffrey Naguib Boutros Ghali 1

Document B 1866

227

228

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

Dr Boutros Youssef Boutros Ghali

Khamsein ‘Am; Al Dawr Al Watany Bain Al Mehwaria Wa Theqal Al ‘Eb’a, Selsalat Qadaia, no. 17, May 2006, p.20 24 1 Ibid., p.25 Ghali, Boutros Boutros, Tarik Misr Ela Al Qods, Markaz 25 Ibid., p.22 Al Ahram Leltarjama Wa Al Nashr, Cairo, 1997, p.16 2 Al Sadat, Mohamad Anwar, Al Bahth ‘An Al Zaat, Cairo, 26 Ghali, Boutros Boutros, Khams Sanawat Fi Baiet Min Zogag, Markz Al-Ahram Leltarjama Wa Al Nashr, Cairo, ND, p.359 3 Zahran, Gamal Ali, Al Siasa Al Kharijia Li Misr 1970–1981, pp.185–209 27 Dr Ghali published the following books in English, Matkabet Madbooly, Cairo, pp.328–44 4 French and Arabic: Ghali, Tarik Misr Ela Al Qods, p.21 5 Vatikiotis, P.J., The History of Modern Egypt From Muhammad Ali to Mubarak, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, Books in English and French London, 1991, p.424 Contribution à 1’Etude des Ententes Regionales, Editions 6 Ghali, Tarik Misr Ela Al Qods, p.27 A. Pedone, Paris, 1949 7 Ibid., p.31 8 Amin ‘Othman: He was an Egyptian politician before the Cours de Diplomatie et de Droit Diplomatique et revolution. He was extremely eager to get a position in Consulaire, Editions Librairie Anglo-Egyptienne, Le Egyptian government or to be its chief. He tried to gain Caire, 1951 the trust of the English occupation emphasising that Le Problème du Canal de Suez (in collaboration with the British–Egyptian relationship is non-separable since Youssef Chlala), Societe Egyptienne de Droit International, Egypt will remain an allied country to the UK and its Alexandrie, 1957 colonies as well. 9 Naf ’a, Hassan, Misr Wa Al Sera’ Al’arabi Al Israeli Min Al Egypt and the United Nations (in collaboration), Carnegie Ser’a Al Mahtoum Elaa Al Taswia Al Mostaheela, Markaz Endowment for International Peace; Manhattan Publishing Derasat Al Wehda, Cairo, 1986, pp.73–84 Company, New York, 1957 10 Abdel Majeed, Waheed, Siaset Misr Alkharijia Fi ‘Alam Le Principe d’Egalité des Etats et les Organisations Motaghaier, Markaz Al Derasat Wa Al Bohooth Al Siasia, Internationales, Academie de Droit International, Recueil Cairo, pp.102–11 des Cours, Tome 100, A.W. Sijithoff, Leyden, 1961 11 Fawzy, Mahmoud, Camp David Fi ‘Aql Wizara’ Kharejeit Misr, Maktabet Madbooly, Cairo, 1993, pp.147–58 Foreign Policies in a World of Change (in collaboration), 12 Sweid, Mahmoud, Min Camp David Ela Al Moahda; Harper and Row, New York, 1983 Khlfiat Alqrar Al Israeli, Mouasasat Al Derasat Al Felistinia, Contribution à une Théorie Générale des Alliances, Beirut, pp.49–59 Editions A. Pedone, Paris, 1963 13 Soliman, Abdel Aziz et al, Diplomasiat Al Salam Fi Al Shark Al Awsat; Mouatamer Camp David Rouaya ‘Elmia, L’Organisation de l’Unité Africaine, Librairie Armand pp.11–18 Colin, Paris, 1969 14 Fawzy, Mahmoud, Camp David Fi ‘Aql Wizara’ Kharejeit Le Mouvement Afro-Asiatique, Presses Universitaires de Misr, pp.147–58 France, Paris, 1969 15 Ghali, Tarik Misr Ela Al Qods, pp.153–4 16 Sweid, Mahmoud, Min Camp David Ela Al Moahda, Les Difficultés Institutionnelles du Panafricanisme, Institut pp.49–59 Universitaire des Hautes Etudes Internationales, 17 Fahmy, Al Tafaoud Min Ajl Al Salam Fi Al Shark Al Awst, Collection Conference no. 9, Genève, 1971 pp.350–7 La Ligue des Etats Arabes, Academie de Droit 18 Abdel Raheem, Modather, Siaset Misr Al Kharijia Fi ‘Alam International, Recueil des Cours, Vol. III, A.W. Motaghaier, ed. by Ahmed Yusuf, Markaz Al Derasat Wa Sijithoff, Leyden, 1972 Al Bohooth Al Siasia, Cairo, ND, pp.407–8 19 Al Sha’rawy, Efriqia Wa Camp David, Markaz Derasat Al Les Conflits de Frontières en Afrique, Edition technique et économique, Paris, 1973 Wehda, Cairo, 1984, p.353 20 Ibid., p.124 21 Egypt’s Road to Jerusalem, Random House, New York, Ibid., p.261 22 1997 Zahran, Gamal, Al Siasa Al Kharejia Li Misr, pp.347–50 23 Qorany, Bahgat, Tahadiat Al Siasa Al Kharejia Al Misria Fi

NOTES

Books in Arabic Al-Salam al-suviety fy Europa al-Sharqyat, Matba’at Gamya’t al-Qahirat, Al-Qahirat, 1954 Dirasat fy al-Madhaheb al-syassyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1956

Al-Tanzym al-dawly fy guzayn: Al-Madkhal li-Dirasal al Tanzymat al-dawlyat, Al-Qahirat, 1956. Dirasat disturyat lil-Tazymat al- ’alamyat, Al-Qahirat, 1957. Publisher: Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat



Al-Madkhal fy’Elm Al-Syassat, co-author: Dr Mahmoud Khayry Issa, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1959; 2nd ed.: 1963; 3rd ed.: 1966; 4th ed.: 1974; 5th ed.: 1976; 6th ed.: 1977; 7th ed.: 1979; 8th ed.: 1981

Dirasat fy al-Mugtama’e al-’araby, co-authors: Dr Mahmoud Khayry Issa and Dr Abdel-Malek’Uda, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat. Al-Qahirat, 1960, 1961 Dirasat fy al-Syassat al-dawlyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1961 Al-Dasatyr al-afryqyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1961 Dirasat fy al-Madhaheb al-syassyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1962 Munazzamat al-Wihdat al-afryqyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1964 Al-Istratigyat wal-Syassat al-dawlyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1967 Azmat al-Diblumassyat al-’arabyat, Dar al-Kitab al-gadid, Al-Qahirat, 1967 Al-Harakat al-afro-asyawyat, Dar al-Kitab al-gadid, Al-Qahirat, 1969 Al-Siyassat wal-Tannmyat fy aryqya, Dar al-Kitab al-gadid, Al-Qahirat, 1970 Dirasat fy al-Diblumassyat al-’arabyat, Maktabat al-anglo al-misryat, Al-Qahirat, 1964 The Boutrosiya Church 1 2

3



Document B11 Awad, Mohamed Fouad, ‘Italian Influence on Alexandria’s Architecture (1834–1985)’, Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research Centre (1990), pp.72–85 Godoli, Ezio et Giacomelli, Milva (dir), Architetti e Ingegneri Italiani dal Levante al Magreb 1848–1945,



Maschietto Editore, Florence, 2005; Volait, Mercedes, Architectes et Architectures de l’Egypte Moderne (1839–1950): Genèse et Essor d’une Expertise Locale, Maisonneuve et Larose, Paris, 2005 4 The Coptic Archeological Association was founded on 24 April 1934

229

Ghali Bey Nayrouz

Amin Pasha Ghali

+ Helana Greiss

im + Semeika

Michel

Michel + Janet Kaldas

Clara + Shafik Mitri

Amin + Suzan Suroor

Rose-Mary + Adel Shafik

Merriam

Amira + Nessim Ibrahim

Mark

Monel

Dora + Azer Derman

Nadia + André Khayat

Dina

Hani

Raouf

Adam

Dina

Etidal (Nina) + Amin Abdel Noor

Mona + Shaheer Al-Zayadi

Madiha

Tamer

Maya + Maher Massoud

Nada

Magued + Suzy Wassef

Nicole + Linda

Georgina + Martin

Benjamin

Gabrielle

Wafik + Jane Hurd

Alexis

Julian

Amin

Rebecca

Mounir + Shahira Doss

Fak K

Fa

Cherif + Dina Ghabbour Mariam

Ol

INDEX

Italic entries refer to images

1919 Revolution, 78–9, 79, 89

Abdu, Mohamed, Sheikh, 55, 56

1952 Revolution, 187

Abu Al-Nasr, Mahmoud, Bey, 91, 92

Agricultural Reform Law, 122, 187

Abu El-Saad, Mostafiya, Lady, 114

2011 January Revolution, 194, 195, 196

Abul Saad, Safa, Lady, 57, 57, 73, 114, 124 Boutrosiya church, 206, 213, 218

A

Afifi, Hafez, Pasha, 93, 147, 148 Ahmed Fouad I, Prince/King, 45, 46, 85, 95, 98, 104 Alexandria:

Al A’azam, Al Sadr, Gawad Pasha, 31, 32

1882 British invasion of, 12

Abaza, Ismail, Pasha, 41, 43

1882 riots, 12

Abbas Helmi, Khedive, 13

Aiglon Palace, 201, 202

Abbas Helmi II, Khedive, 21, 22, 23

European district, 6

1894 visit to London, 21–2

Railway Station, 202, 202

Coptic Church, 50–1, 53

Ali, Kamal Hassan, 162, 162, 166

crisis in relationship with British authorities, 18–19

Alloba, Mohamed Ali, Bey, 85, 91, 93, 100

eastern borders, problem of, 31–2

Almahdi, Sheikh 10–11

Ghali, Boutros, 39, 56–7, 63, 65, 66

Amin, Idi, 143

revival of the Press Law, 42

Awad, Louis, 25

Sudan Agreement, 28

Al-Azhar Mosque, 8–9

Abdel Nour, Fakhri, 91, 92, 97

Grand Mufti/Grand Sheikh of, 11, 70

Abdel Sayed, Tia Farid, 187, 188

letter from Al-Azhar scholars to Boutros Ghali, 56

Abdelhamid, Sultan, 24, 54, 55, 57, 60

232

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

B

167–70 rebalancing Egyptian foreign policy, 171–2

Bachomeos, Anba, Reverend, 130–1, 141

see also Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty

Badawi, Abdel Hamid, Pasha, 110, 116

Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr: UN Secretary-General, 122,

Bang, Britt, 187

152, 172–7, 174, 175, 176

Banque Misr, Cairo, 201, 203

peace-building, 172, 173

Barakat, Mohamed Bahie El-Din, Pasha, 114, 116, 116

‘A Plan for Development’, 175

El Baroudi, Mahmoud Sami, 11

‘A Plan for Peace’, 172

Al-Basil, Hamad, Pasha, 85, 86, 93, 94, 97, 100

UN Conferences, 173, 175

Basilius, Ethiopian Patriarch, 137, 138

UN peace-keeping operations, 172–3, 173, 176

Begin, Menachem, 153, 155, 156, 158, 159–61, 160,

UN reform, 176

159, 163, 164, 165, 166

UN role in democratic shift, 175

Al-Beshri, Saleem, Sheikh, 56

US, 176–7

Borg, Youssef, 166

Boutros Ghali, Galila, Lady, 57, 58, 124

Boutros Atelier, 85, 195

school certificate of, 58

Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr, 118, 121, 122, 124, 151,

Boutros Ghali, Leia Maria, 152, 162, 164, 165, 178

151, 152

Boutros Ghali, Naguib, Pasha, 57, 73, 73

1987 Egyptian parliament, 152

1919 Revolution, 78–9

academic/international relations related work, 151–2

BA in Law Diploma, 76

books, 177, 178

birth certificate, 75

education, 151

charitable work, 85

medals, prizes, 152, 177, 177

correspondence with his father, 58, 59, 73, 81

see also the entries below for Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr

death, 85

Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr: political career, 153–77, 154

education, 57, 73

Chairman of the National Human Rights Council,

family, 76

Egypt, 177

Foreign Ministry, 76, 77, 78

Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, 153–67, 155, 157,

Deputy Foreign Minister, 77, 78, 78

159, 161, 164

High School Diploma, 75

Egyptian Policy towards Africa, 170–1

letter of recommendation, 77

Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, 122, 152, 153,

letter to, 77

157–8, 171–2, 171, 172

medals, orders, titles, 82, 83–4, 85

Palestinian problem, 153, 159, 161, 162, 164, 165, 176

Pasha, 84, 85

Peace Treaty, Non-Aligned Movement, and Africa,

Ministry of Agriculture, 79

INDEX

mixed court, 77

Montreux Accord, 109–10, 110

nationalism, 76, 78

murder of Sir Lee Stack, 102–4

World War I, 77, 78

Palestinian problem, 110–11

Boutros Ghali (Sayegh), Michèle, 195–6, 198, 213

River Nile problem, 104

Boutros Ghali, Wassif, Pasha, 57, 89, 89, 96, 97, 101,

Saad–MacDonald Negotiations, 102

105, 106, 107, 112, 114, 115

Tripoli Refugee problem, 102

1919 Revolution, 89

see also Boutros Ghali, Wassif, Pasha

assassination of his father, 89, 90

Boutros Ghali, Youssef, Bey, 57, 79, 121, 122, 124

charitable work, 115

assassination of his father, 121

death and funeral, 116, 117–18

certificate of military exemption, 121

editor at the Khedive’s Royal Department, 89

death, 122

education, 57, 89

education, 57, 121

Egyptian Delegation, 91–4, 100

family, 121, 122–3

family, 89

Boutros Ghali, Youssef, Dr, 182, 187, 191, 191, 193

imprisonment, 94–5

2005 Working Team of Rational Administration of

letter from Mostafa Al-Nahhas, 99, 100

Finance, 194

letter from Saad Pasha Zaghloul, 96, 97, 99, 103

2011 January Revolution, 196

a man of letters, 111–15

education, 191

books by, 113, 113

Egyptian economic reforms, 191, 192, 193, 194

Wassif Pasha as a Writer, 113, 115

family, 195

Moslems/Christians unity in Egypt, 89–91

IMF, 191, 194, 195, 197

nationalism, 78, 91, 112, 116

Member of Parliament, 192, 195, 196

parliament’s ID of, 98

Minister of Economy, 158, 192

petition to King Ahmed Fouad I, 94

Minister of Finance, 187, 192–3

political retirement, 111

Minister of Foreign Trade, 192

‘Seven Caged Lions’, 94

Minister of State for the Council of Ministers, 192

Suez Canal Board of Directors, 111

Minister of State for Economic Affairs, 192

see also Boutros Ghali, Wassif, Pasha: Foreign Minister

prizes, 197

Boutros Ghali, Wassif, Pasha: Foreign Minister, 95–6,

publications, 195, 197

99, 100, 101, 102–11, 112, 115

social security and pension reform, 194–5

1936 Treaty, 108, 109

World Bank, 192, 194, 197

Henderson negotiations, 104–8

World Trade Organisation, 192

League of Nations, 110, 111

Boutrosiya church, 85, 188, 201

233

234

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

baptism apse, 204, 208

Giannuzzi, Cavalliere Angelo, 205

baptism font, 208, 209

Lasciac, Antonio, 201–2

bell towers, 202, 210

Panciroli, Primo, 205

Boutros Ghali (Sayegh), Michèle, 195, 213

Simeeka, Hanna, 204

chancel, 201

Boutrosiya church: decoration and ornamentation,

courtyard, 204, 205

201, 205–10

dome, 204, 208, 209

fresco/painting, 201, 204, 205, 206–7, 210, 216–22

entrance, 202, 206

marble, 201, 202, 204, 205, 209, 210, 212

first side chapel, 201, 204

mosaic, 201, 202, 204, 205, 208, 214, 215

general site of, 204

Boutrosiya church: underground crypt, 201, 210–12

horizontal projection of, 204

aisle leading to, 211

house of the Boutrosiya church pastor, 213

Boutros Ghali, Naguib, 85

iconostasis, 202, 204

Boutros Ghali, Wassif, 116

internal/exterior structure of the church, 202, 204

Boutros Ghali, Youssef, 122

invitation to second anniversary of Boutros Pasha

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha, 69–70, 85, 212, 212

Ghali’s death, 223

horizontal projection of, 212

main altar, 202, 204, 205

steps leading to, 212

Merrit Bey Ghali, wife of, 204, 209

vertical section of, 212–13

outside façade of, 202, 206, 210

British occupation, 12, 14, 15, 21, 91–2

plaque of foundation, 210, 223

1908 Young Turk Revolution, 38

prayer place, 201, 206, 206, 207

1936 Treaty, 108, 109

pulpit, 208

Henderson negotiations, 104–8

sanctuary, 202, 204, 207, 210

Sudan Agreement, 24–5

second chapel, 201, 204, 206 societal activity at, 130 see also the entries below for Boutrosiya church Boutrosiya church: annexes, 201, 204–5 Ceremonial Hall, 213

C Cairo:

Lady Safa Memorial Hall, 204, 213

1952 fire of, 111, 112

Merrit Bey Ghali Memorial Hall, 205, 214

Bein el-Kasrein Street, 5

Social Club, 204, 205, 214

Ramses Street, 85, 116, 202

Society of Coptic Antiquities, 141, 201, 204

Cairo University, 128, 151, 153, 187, 191

Boutrosiya church: architects, engineers, artists:

Camp David conference, 160–1, 160

INDEX

Camp David Agreement, 159, 159, 161

Cromer, Lord (Baring, Evelyn, 1st Earl of Cromer),

see also Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty

33, 21, 28

Carter, Jimmy, 159, 160, 160, 161, 164, 166

Denshawai Incident, 33, 35, 36–7

Charobim, Michael, Bey, 121

eastern borders, problem of, 32

Charobim, Sophie, Lady, 121, 123, 124

Ghali, Boutros: assassination of, 68

Coptic Charity Society, 55, 115

Jewish settlements in Sinai, 28;

Coptic Church, 50

Khedive Abbas Helmi II/British authority crisis, 18–19

Abbas Helmi II, Khedive, 50–1, 53

Sudan Agreement, 24–5, 26, 28

anointment of Emperor Menelik, 53–4

western borders, problem of, 30–1

Congregation Council, 167

Cyril IV, Pope, 3, 48, 48

Coptic/Abyssinian dispute, 50–3

banishment and reinstating of, 50

Coptic Church/Congregation Council problem,

Coptic Church/Congregation Council problem,

48–50, 50, 51

48–50, 50, 51, 52, 53

agreement between Boutros Ghali and Cyril IV,

letter from Cyril IV, 51

52, 53

letter to Cyril IV, 50

letter to Boutros Ghali, 49

see also Coptic Church

Lay Congregation Council, 48

Cyril VI, Pope, 132, 135, 136, 138–9, 138, 140

Paramous Monastery, 50, 51 Tawfik, Mohamed, Khedive, 49, 50 see also Cyril IV, Pope; Cyril VI, Pope; Deir Al-Sultan Monastery; Ethiopian Church Coptic Girls Faculty, 85

D

Darwish Pasha, 12, 12

Coptic Museum, Cairo, 82, 85

Dayan, Moshe, 153, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 164

Coptic Reform Society, 85

Vance–Dayan Agreement, 164, 165

Coptic Women’s Society for the Education of Children, 76

Deir Al-Sultan Monastery, 50–1, 52–3, 54, 55, 166

Copts, the, 13

1961 crisis, 139–40

attacks on, 38

Abyssinian Coptic Church, 52

Boutros Ghali, Naguib, 85

Coptic/Abyssinian dispute, 50–3

Coptic Community in Ethiopia, 131–2

letter to Boutros Ghali, 54

full ministerial positions, 192

see also Coptic Church; Ethiopian Church

Ghali, Boutros, 13, 21, 56, 57, 67

Denshawai Incident, 33–8

in parliament, 195

the accused, 34 Cromer, Lord, 33, 35, 36–7

235

236

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

defence authority, 35, 36, 37

Carter, Jimmy, 159, 160, 160, 161, 164, 166

execution 35, 69

criticism, 163, 168, 170

fairness of the trial, 35–6, 37

implementation of, 166–7

Ghali, Boutros, 37, 57, 65, 70

Ismailia conference, 158

House of Commons, London, 37–8

Mena House conference, 156–7, 158, 159

letter to Boutros Pasha Ghali, 33, 38

Non-Aligned Movement and Africa, 167–70, 171

list of counts, 36

Palestinian problem, 153, 159, 161, 162, 164, 165, 176

list of those condemned to capital punishment, 37

Sadat, Anwar, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157–9, 159,

Special Tribunal 33–4, 37, 64,

160–1, 160, 163, 164, 165, 165, 166, 170, 171

verdict, 35, 36, 37

signing of, 165, 166 Sinai Peninsula, 159, 160, 162, 167

E

UN Charter, 50: 163 US, 157, 163, 164–5, 171 Vance–Dayan Agreement, 164–5

Ebeid, Atef, 192

Washington negotiations, 162

Ebeid, Makram, Pasha, 105, 106, 110, 116, 147

see also Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr

Egypt:

Egyptian University:

1967 Six-Day War, 140

Board of Directors, 44

1973 Arab–Israeli War, 140

opening of, 46

eastern borders, problem of, 31–3

Elwi, Mohamed, Pasha, 44, 45

tree of Egypt’s eastern borders, 32

Esmat, Toulba, 13, 15

Egyptian Constitution, 38

Estino, Kamal Ramzy, 116, 118

1923 Constitution, 95

Ethiopia, 167

1923 Constitution drafting committee, 98

1935 Italian occupation of, 128, 132, 134, 136, 147

right to self-determination 78, 92;

1974 drought, 130–1

western borders, problem of, 30–1

Ethiopian press, 134, 136

Egyptian Delegation to London (1920), 91–4, 100

Ethiopian Revolution, 140–2

factions, 93

independence of, 128

Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, 153–67

River Nile problem, 104

Begin, Menachem, 153, 155, 156, 158, 159–61,

see also Ethiopian Church; Ghali, Merrit, Bey:

160, 159, 163, 164, 165, 166

Egyptian–Ethiopian relations; Italy

Camp David Agreement, 159, 159, 161, 170

Ethiopian Church, 128, 130–1, 132–9, 141, 167

Camp David conference, 160–1, 160

1959 protocol, 137, 138

INDEX

Ethiopian Church delegation, 133, 134 Ethiopian Patriarch, 136, 137, 137, 138–9, 138, 142 excommunication, 132, 134, 136, 137, 141

G

Al-Gamasy, Abdel Ghani, 162, 162

independence from the Egyptian Coptic Church, 134

El Ganzoury, Kamal, 192

Metaous, Bishop of, 52, 54

gendarmes, 8

letter from, 55

Ghali, Amin 3, 66

see also Deir Al-Sultan Monastery; Ghali, Merrit, Bey:

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha 3, 4, 6, 18, 22, 60, 68

Egyptian–Ethiopian relations

Abbas Helmi II, Khedive, 39, 56–7, 63, 65, 66

Ezzat, Aziz, Pasha, 77, 79

a Christian Copt, 13, 21, 67 raising the Coptic community level, 56, 57

F

civil laws/civil court, 6, 10 diplomacy, mediation, conciliation, 19, 21, 39, 55 education, 3

Faggala, house in, 47, 73, 74, 89, 147, 187

an Egyptian patriot, 19, 21, 39

Fahmi, Abdel Aziz, 100

languages, 3, 4

Fahmi, Ismail, 153, 159

monogram of the name of, 67

Fahmi, Mostafa, Pasha, 13, 15, 22, 31–2, 38, 57

Moslems, relationship with, 55–6, 67, 70

dismissed as Prime Minister, 18, 19

nationalism, 19, 24–5

eastern borders, problem of, 31–2

Orabi, Ahmed, 13

Sudan Agreement, 26

signature seal, 16

third cabinet of, 22

Trade Council, Alexandria, 4

Fahmy, Ali, Bey, 13

virtues, 19, 54–7, 58, 66, 70

Faisal Ibn Abdel Aziz, Prince, 112

see also the entries below for Ghali, Boutros, Pasha

Fakhri, Hussein, Pasha, 13, 18, 19, 22, 38, 97

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: assassination, 40, 42, 47, 64–6, 167

Farid, Mohamed, Bey, 46, 47

assassination scene, 65

Farouk I, King, 158

carriage in which Boutros Ghali was assassinated, 66

Fattah, Abdel, Pasha, 85, 86

enquiry into, 69

Fawzi, Mahmoud, 116, 116, 118

eulogy, 69–70

Fouad, Ibrahim, Pasha, 22, 37

events leading up to, 64

French Hospital, Cairo, 85, 86

nationalism, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69 secret political societies, 69 state funeral, 69 Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: family, 57–9, 66, 89

237

238

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

children’s education, 57

Suez Canal franchise, extension of, 46–7, 65

correspondence with his children, 58, 59, 73, 81

Ghali, Gueffrey, 76, 81, 128, 147, 147

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: Finance Minister, 4, 18, 19, 24,

college certificate, 147

45, 192

death, 148

letter to, 23

Egyptian parliament, 147

Turkish poem praising him, 23

family correspondence, 148

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: Foreign Minister, 13, 21, 22, 24, 39

love for travel, 147

eastern borders, problem of, 31–3

Ghali (Kevork), Anna, Lady, 76, 81

Jewish settlements in Sinai, 29–30, 30

Ghali (Majorelle), Louise, 89, 95, 96, 96, 111, 114

letter addressed to, 23

Ghali, Merrit, Bey, 76, 81, 118, 127, 127, 141, 143, 144

Sudan Agreement, 24, 25–6, 28, 65, 70, 167

archaeology, 127–8

western borders, problem of, 30–1

books, 127, 144, 144

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: medals, orders, titles, 60–3,

Coptology, 127–8

61–3, 69;

curriculum vitae, 129

Amir ul-Umara, 60, 61

death, 144

Bey, 4

education, 127

Ottoman Medal of the Third Order, 6, 69

Foreign Ministry, 127

Pasha, 6, 13

medals, orders, titles, 129, 143

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: Ministry of Justice, 4

Minister of State for Municipal and Rural Affairs, 127

Deputy Minister of Justice, 12, 18, 54

societies and committees, 127

papers signed as, 8

Society of Coptic Antiquities, 127, 141, 143, 144, 182

Islamic jurisprudence, 55

see also Ghali, Merrit, Bey: Egyptian–Ethiopian

see also Denshawai Incident

relations

Ghali, Boutros, Pasha: Prime Minister, 38–40, 57, 66, 89

Ghali, Merrit, Bey: Egyptian–Ethiopian relations, 127, 131

cabinet members, 39, 40

1961 Deir Al-Sultan crisis, 139–40

Coptic Church, 48–54

1977 Somali invasion of Ethiopia, 142

health care and social reform, 45

Coptic Community in Ethiopia, 131–2

law on child labour, 45

Ethiopian Aid Committee, 128–31

Law of Police Supervision 45

Ethiopian Church, 128, 130–1, 132–9, 141

Law on the Publicity of Legislative Council Sessions,

Ethiopian Revolution, 140–2, 142

41–2

memorandum to the Congregation Council in

New Hijri Year Official Holiday, 43–4

Cairo, 132

Press Law, revival of, 42–3, 65, 70

see also Ethiopian Church

INDEX

Goldsmid, Albert, 29

Islamic Charity Society, 115

Gordon, Charles George, 25

Ismail, Khedive 3, 4, 6, 22

Gorst, Eldon, Sir, 38, 41, 42, 46, 47

Ismail Dawood, Prince, 128

Ghali, Boutros: assassination, 64, 65, 66–7

Israel:

revival of the Press Law, 42–3

1967 Six-Day War, 140

Graham, Ronald, 38, 64

1973 Arab–Israeli, 140

Granville, George, Lord, 28

see also Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty

Greenberg, Jacob, 29, 30

Italy:

Grey, Edward, Sir, 37–8, 64

Coptic/Abyssinian dispute, 52–3 River Nile problem, 104

H

Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia, 131, 132, 133, 135, 140, 141, 142 Ethiopian Church, 134, 136, 139 Hanna, Morcos, Bey, 95, 99 Hanna, Sinot, Bey, 93, 94, 204

Tripoli Refugee problem, 102 see also Ethiopia

J

Al-Jazaar, Mohamed Olwi, Bey, 91, 92, 94, 97 Jewish settlements in Sinai, 28–30

Hardinge, Arthur, 19 Harrington, John, Sir, 52 Heikal, Mohamed Hussein, 25–6, 29, 42 Al-Helbawi, Ibrahim, Bey, 34, 34 Helmi, Abdullah, Pasha, 13

K

Kadri, Mohamed, Pasha, 4

Henderson, Arthur, 104, 104

Kamel, Mohamed Ibrahim, 157–8, 157, 159–61, 160

Herzl, Theodor, 29, 30

Kamel, Raouf: Wassif Pasha as a Writer, 113, 115

Heshmat, Ahmed, Pasha, 39, 40

Khalil, Mostafa, 153, 163–4, 163

Al-Hilali, Ahmed Naguib, Pasha, 127, 129

Khayat, George, Bey, 93, 94, 97

Hussein Ben Ali, Sherif and Emir of Mecca, 111

Kitchener, Horatio Herbert, Lord, 25, 26, 28

Hussein Kamel, Prince/Sultan, 41, 41, 69, 85

Kyrellos, Metropolitan of Ethiopia, 135

I

Ibrahim Pasha, 3

239

240

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

L

Mazloum, Ahmed, Pasha, 19, 21, 22

Lampson, Miles, Sir, 107, 108

Mena House Hotel, Cairo, 156, 156

Lasciac, Antonio, 201–2

Mena House conference, 156–7, 158, 159

League of Arab States, 142, 156, 157, 165–6

Menelik, Abyssinian Emperor, 52

League of Nations, 106, 108, 110, 111

anointment of, 53–4

legal system, 42

Milner, Alfred, Lord, 93, 93

civil court, 6, 10, 54–5

Al Moezz, Sultan, 50

mixed court, 4, 77, 109–10

Mohamed Ali, Prince, 3, 30, 69, 85, 86

Montreux Accord, 109–10

Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran, 143, 161

reform of, 4, 6, 10

Mohamed Tawfik, Prince, 67

religious court, 100

Moharram, Othman, Pasha, 105, 105

Legislative Council:

Mokhtar, Ahmed, Pasha, 31, 33

Advisory Council of Laws, 10, 41

Mokhtar, Al-Ghazi, Pasha, 50

Law on the Publicity of Legislative Council Sessions,

El-Mokhtar, Omar, 101

41–2

Moslem Brotherhood, 196

revival of the Press Law, 43

Moslems:

Libya, 30, 168

Ghali, Boutros, relationship with Moslems, 55–6,

Lotfi Al-Sayed, Ahmed, 37, 47, 91, 92, 93, 100

67, 70

lottery, prohibition and criminalisation of, 43

Moslems/Christians unity in Egypt, 89–91

McIlwraith, Malcolm, Sir, 25

Moustafa Fazl Pasha, Prince, 3, 3

M

Mubarak, Hosni, 152, 153, 170, 170, 171, 177, 192, 193, 194 Mussolini, Benito, 104, 104

MacDonald, Ramsay, 101, 102 Madkour, Abdel Khalek, Bey, 93 Maguid, Esmat Abdel, 156, 157 Al-Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmed, 24, 26 Al-Mahdi Revolution, suppression of, 27

N

Al-Nadeem, Abdullah, 13, 55

Maher, Ahmed, Pasha, 110, 148, 148, 160

Al-Naggar, Abdel Wahab, Sheikh, 147

Maher, Ali, Pasha, 93, 93, 94, 100, 111, 116

Al-Naggar, Mohamed, Sheikh, 55

Mahmoud, Mohamed, Pasha, 85, 86, 91, 93, 104

Naguib Boutros Ghali, Gueffrey, see Ghali, Gueffrey

Al-Masri, Habib, Pasha, 134

Naguib Boutros Ghali, Merrit, Bey, see Ghali, Merrit, Bey

INDEX

Naguib, Mohamed, 139, 140

Al-Waqaea Al-Masreya, 44

Al-Nahhas, Mostafa, Pasha, 85, 86, 96, 99, 101, 106, 147

see also press

first cabinet of, 101

Al-Nokrashi, Mahmoud Fahmi, Pasha, 147, 148

Henderson negotiations, 105

Non-Aligned Movement, 167, 169–70, 171

letter to Wassif Boutros Ghali, 99, 100

Nubar Pasha, 4, 6, 7, 21, 22, 22, 76

Montreux Accord, 110 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 122, 169, 171 1952 Revolution, 187 1961 Deir Al-Sultan Crisis, 140

O

O’Connor, Nicholas, Sir, 32

Organisation of African Unity, 167

Omar Toson, Prince, 128, 129, 147

nationalism, 13, 91

Orabi, Ahmed, 11–17, 13, 14, 15, 24

1898, 24–5

banishment from Egypt, 13

1919 Revolution, 78–9, 79, 89

‘Egypt for the Egyptians’, 11

Boutros Ghali, Naguib, 76, 78

Ghali, Boutros, 13

Boutros Ghali, Wassif, 78, 91, 112, 116

Minister of War, 11, 12

‘Egypt for the Egyptians’, 11, 69

nationalism, 11, 12, 42

Ghali, Boutros, 19, 24–5

Orabi’s revolution, 42

assassination of, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69

documents, 16–17

Orabi, Ahmed, 11, 12, 42

Organisation of African Unity, 167

press, 42, 64, 65, 69

1978 Khartoum summit, 168

Press Law, revival of, 42–3

1979 Monrovia summit, 168–9

Suez Canal, 46, 47, 65

Sadat, Anwar, 168–9, 168

Young Egyptians, 65, 69

Ottoman Empire:

see also Orabi, Ahmed

Egypt’s eastern borders 31–3

Nayrouz, Ghali, Bey, 3, 57

Egypt’s western borders 30–1

newspapers, magazines, 79

Sublime Porte, 22, 57

Al-Ahram, 163

Sudan Agreement, 25–6

Al-Hilal, 54–5 Le Journal, 105 Lewa, 42, 64, 65 Masr El-Fatat, 42 Al-Moqattam, 37 La Reforme, 90

P

Palace of Princess Neamat Kamal El Din, Cairo, 201, 201 Palestine, 128, 168, 171

241

242

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

Boutros Ghali, Wassif, Pasha, 110–11 Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, 153, 159, 161, 162, 164, 165, 176

S

Sabri, Yaqoob, Bey, 57, 124

Palestine Liberation Organisation, 153, 156

Sadat, Anwar, 132, 133, 140, 143, 161

Palmer, Sir Elwin, 22

1977 Somali invasion of Ethiopia, 142

politics:

assassination of, 170

cabinet ministers, 21

Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, 153, 154, 155, 156,

complexities of, 21–2

157–9, 159, 160–1, 160, 163, 164, 165, 165, 166,

secret political societies, 69

170, 171

Port Said, 23, 45

Organisation of African Unity, 168–9, 168

press:

Said, Ibrahim, Pasha, 91

censorship, 42

Said, Mohamed, Bey, 39, 40, 42, 99

Ethiopian press, 134, 136

Salem, Mamdouh, 158

journalistic freedom, 42

cabinet of, 154

nationalism, 42, 64, 65, 69

Salisbury, Robert Cecil, Lord, 24, 25, 26

revival of the Press Law, 42–3, 65, 70

Sami, Yaqoob, Pasha, 12

see also newspapers, magazines

Saud Al-Faisal, Prince, 164 Senghor, Leopold, 143

R

Serry, Ismail, Pasha, 39, 40 Shaarawi, Aly, Pasha, 91, 92 Shafik, Ahmed, Pasha, 32, 41, 42, 53, 55

Ragheb, Ismail, Pasha, 12, 12

Al-Shamsy, Ali, Pasha, 85, 86, 106

Raouf Boutros Ghali, Youssef, Dr, see Boutros Ghali,

Sharif, Mohamed, Pasha, 4, 6, 7, 11

Youssef, Dr

Shawish, Sheikh, 64

Raouf, Mohamed, Pasha, 13, 69

Shawki, Ahmed, Bey, 67, 70

Ras El-Teen Palace, 10–11, 49

Shenouda III, Pope, 130, 131, 141, 141, 142, 182

Riadh, Mostafa, Pasha, 4, 7, 11, 19, 21, 69

El-Sherie, Murad, Bey, 94, 95, 97

Rifqi, Uthman, 11

Shukri, Mohamed, Pasha, 33

Rizk, Labib Younan, 28

Sidki, Ahmed, 172

Al-Robi, Ali, Pasha, 13, 15

Sidki, Ismail, Pasha, 64, 67, 95

Rushdi, Hussein, Pasha, 31, 39, 40, 64, 78

Sidki, Kamel, Pasha, 136

Russia, 52–3

Sinai Peninsula: Egypt, eastern borders problem, 31–3

INDEX

Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, 159, 160, 162, 167

Tigran Pasha, 19, 21, 21

Jewish settlements in, 28–30

Al-Tuhami, Hassan, 160

Society of Coptic Antiquities, 127, 141, 143, 144, 182, 201

Turkey: 1908 Young Turk Revolution, 38, 40

Society for Helping Ethiopia, 147 Stack, Lee, Sir, 102–4, 102, 103 funeral of, 104 Strauss-Kahn, Dominique, 196 Sudan, 25, 108

U

UN (United Nations):

Fashoda crisis, 26, 91

UN Charter, 163, 172

murder of Sir Lee Stack, 102–4

see also Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr: UN Secretary-

Sudan Agreement, 24–8, 65, 70, 167

General

Suez Canal, 46

US (United States):

Suez Canal franchise, extension of, 46–7, 65

Dr Boutros Ghali as UN Secretary-General, 176–7

nationalisation, 111

Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, 157, 163, 164–5, 171

nationalism, 46, 47, 65 Suez Canal Company, 45, 46–7 El-Swidi, Hamed, 196 Syria, 31, 147, 169

V

van de Loo, Mariette, 140–1

T

Taitou, Abyssinian Empress, 52, 53 Tawfik Coptic Charity Society, 115 Tawfik, Mohamed, Khedive, 4, 7, 11, 13, 14, 49 Coptic Church, 49, 50

Vance, Cyrus, 163, 163 Vance–Dayan Agreement, 164, 165

W

Wafd Party, 85, 91, 93, 95, 102, 111, 147, 148

Orabi, Ahmed, 11, 12, 13, 42

Wahba, Magdy, 153

Press Law, 42

Wahba, Sadik, Pasha, 132, 134

settling public debts, 4, 6

Wahba, Youssuf, Bey, 48, 48

Tawfikia Canal, opening of, 20

Al-Wardani, Ibrahim Nassif, 64–5, 67, 69

Tawfik Pasha, 32

Wassif, Perihan Safia, 182

Tharwat, Abdel Khalek, Pasha, 64, 95

Wassif, Taymour, 182, 182

Theophilos, Ethiopian Patriarch, 138, 139, 141

Wassif, Wissa, 91, 92, 94, 97

243

244

A C O P T I C N A R R AT I V E I N E G Y P T

Weizman, Ezer, 153, 158, 161, 162, 162 Werner, Manfred, NATO Secretary General, 176 Wilson, Rivers, Sir, 4

Z

Zaafaran Palace, 108, 108

World War I, 77, 78

Zaghloul, Fathy, Bey, 34, 34, 47, 64

World War II, 111, 115

Zaghloul, Saad, Pasha, 40, 123 arrest and exile, 94

Y

cabinet members, 98, 99 Egypt independence, 93 Egyptian Delegation, 91–3, 100

Yadin, Yigael, 153, 155

Egyptian Wafd Party, 95

Yakan, Adly, Pasha, 78, 79, 80, 93

House of the Nation, 90, 94

Youanas, Pope, 132, 147

letter to Wassif Boutros Ghali, 96, 97, 99, 103

Young Egyptians, 65, 69

Minister of Education, 39

Yousab II, Coptic Patriarch, 137

revival of the Press Law, 42

Youssef Boutros Ghali, Boutros, Dr, see Boutros Ghali,

Saad–MacDonald Negotiations, 102

Boutros, Dr

Zaki, Ahmed, Pasha, 85

Youssef Boutros Ghali, Raouf, 121, 122, 187, 187, 188 Chamber of the Board of Travel Agents, 187 death, 187 education, 187 family, 187 Hapi Tours, 187 Sudan, cotton oil mill factory, 187 tourism industry, 187 Youssef Boutros Ghali, Wassif, 121, 181, 181, 182 architectural/engineering work, 181, 182 education, 181 Ministry of Social Affairs, 181 paintings, 182, 183, 184 papers, reports, 182 Society of Coptic Antiquities, 182 UNDP technical consultant, 181 UNESCO consultant, 181