A Compendium of Musical Instruments and Instrumental Terminology 9781845534097, 2008043894

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title
Copyright
Contents
List of Illustrations
Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology
List of Abbreviations
Introduction
Chapter 1 Instrumental music of the Bible
Chapter 2 Plucked stringed instruments
Chapter 3 Wind instruments
Chapter 4 Percussion instruments
Chapter 5 Ambivalent instrumental terms
Chapter 6 Generic and unclear musical terms
Chapter 7 Biblical musical instruments in postbiblical sources and in Bible translations
Appendices
1. List of references to musical instruments in the Bible
2. A typological table of the terminology of biblical instruments
3. Table of the instrumental ensembles in the Bible
4. Synoptic table of references to the musical instruments in the Bible
Abbreviations used in the lists of Bible translations, and historical, literary and patristic sources referred to
List of Bible translations referred to
List of historical, literary and patristic sources
Bibliography
Index of Instrumental Terms
Index of Names

Citation preview

A Compendium of Musical Instruments and Instrumental Terminology in the Bible

BibleWorld Series Editor: Philip R. Davies, University of Shefeld BibleWorld shares the fruits of modern (and postmodern) biblical scholarship not only among practitioners and students, but also with anyone interested in what academic study of the Bible means in the twenty-rst century. It explores our everincreasing knowledge and understanding of the social world that produced the biblical texts, but also analyses aspects of the Bible’s role in the history of our civilization and the many perspectives – not just religious and theological, but also cultural, political and aesthetic – which drive modern biblical scholarship.

Published: Sodomy: A History of a Christian Biblical Myth Michael Carden Yours Faithfully: Virtual Letters from the Bible Edited by: Philip R. Davies Israel’s History and the History of Israel Mario Liverani The Apostle Paul and His Letters Edwin D. Freed The Origins of the ‘Second’ Temple: Persian Imperial Policy and the Rebuilding of Jerusalem Diana Edelman An Introduction to the Bible (Revised edition) John Rogerson The Morality of Paul’s Converts Edwin D. Freed The Mythic Mind Essays on Cosmology and Religion in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature N. Wyatt History, Literature and Theology in the Book of Chronicles Ehud Ben Zvi Women Healing/Healing Women The Genderization of Healing in Early Christianity Elaine M. Wainwright Symposia: Dialogues Concerning the History of Biblical Interpretation Roland Boer Linguistic Dating of Biblical Texts:An Introduction to Approaches and Problems Ian Young and Robert Rezetko

Sex Working and the Bible Avaren Ipsen Redrawing the Boundaries: The Date of Early Christian Literature J. V. M. Sturdy Edited by Jonathan Knight The Archaeology of Myth: Papers on Old Testament Tradition N. Wyatt Jesus in an Age of Terror: Scholarly Projects for a New American Century James G. Crossley On the Origins of Judaism Philip R. Davies Forthcoming: Vive Memor Mortis Thomas Bolin The Joy of Kierkegaard: Essays on Kierkegaard as a Biblical Reader Hugh Pyper Charismatic Killers: Reading the Hebrew Bible’s Violent Rhetoric in Film Eric Christianson A Social History of the Phoenician City-States in the Achaemenid Empire Vadim Jigoulov The Production of Prophecy: Constructing Prophecy and Prophets in Yehud Edited by Diana V. Edelman and Ehud Ben Zvi

A Compendium of Musical Instruments and Instrumental Terminology in the Bible

Yelena Kolyada Translated from Russian by the author with the assistance of David J. Clark

First published in English 2009 by Equinox, an imprint of Acumen This translation is an adaptation of the author’s PhD thesis published in Russian by Kompozitor, Moscow, in 2003. Published 2014 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© Yelena Kolyada 2009 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notices Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility. To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors, assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation of any methods, products, instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Koliada, E. I. (Elena Ivanovna) [Muzykal’nye instrumenty v Biblii. English] A compendium of musical instruments and instrumental terminology in the Bible / Yelena Kolyada ; translated by the author with the assistance of David J. Clark. p. cm. -- (BibleWorld) “This translation is an adaptation of the author’s PhD thesis published in Russian by Kompozitor, Moscow, in 2003.” Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-84553-409-7 (hb) 1. Music in the Bible--Encyclopedias. 2. Musical instruments--Encyclopedias. I. Clark, David J., 1937- II. Title. ML166.K6513 2009 220.8’78419--dc22 2008043894

ISBN­13 978 1 84553 409 7 Typeset by CA Typesetting Ltd

(hardback)

CONTENTS List of Illustrations Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology List of Abbreviations Introduction Chapter 1 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC OF THE BIBLE

vii xi xvii 1

3

Chapter 2 PLUCKED STRINGED INSTRUMENTS

29

Chapter 3 WIND INSTRUMENTS

65

Chapter 4 PERCUSSION INSTRUMENTS

107

Chapter 5 AMBIVALENT INSTRUMENTAL TERMS

131

Chapter 6 GENERIC AND UNCLEAR MUSICAL TERMS

155

Chapter 7 BIBLICAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN POSTBIBLICAL SOURCES AND IN BIBLE TRANSLATIONS

171

APPENDICES 1. List of references to musical instruments in the Bible 2. A typological table of the terminology of biblical instruments 3. Table of the instrumental ensembles in the Bible 4. Synoptic table of references to the musical instruments 4. in the Bible Abbreviations used in the lists of Bible translations, and historical, literary and patristic sources referred to

209 213 215 217 257

vi

Contents

List of Bible translations referred to List of historical, literary and patristic sources Bibliography Index of Instrumental Terms Index of Names

259 267 277 296 298

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Half-title. Miriam dancing accompanied by a frame drum and cymbals. Miniature from the Kiev Psalter, 1397 (St Petersburg, RNB). Title page. A group of Assyrian musicians playing asymmetrical and rectangular lyres, a frame drum, and cymbals. Wall relief from the Northern palace of Ashurbanipal. Nineveh, seventh century BCE (British Museum, London). Terracotta relief depicting a musician playing a vertical harp 1.1. A Semite playing a lyre 1.2. A Canaanite lyre player on an ivory plate 1.3. Alabaster relief depicting three Semite (probably Israelite) lyre players 1.4. Terracotta figurine with a frame drum 1.5. Limestone seal with a lyre player 1.6. Jasper seal with a 12-stringed kinnor 1.7. Jewish trumpets after the destruction of the Second Temple 1.8. Jewish coins of the Bar Cochba period (132–135 CE) depicting lyres (kinnorot) and trumpets (hatsotserot) 1.9. Assyrian musicians playing double reed pipes, double end-blown pipes, lyre and harp 1.10. Elamite musicians playing double reed pipes and vertical and horizontal harps 1.11. Hittite musicians playing frame drums, cymbals, and asymmetrical and rectangular lyres 1.12. Sumerian “gold lyre” from the Royal Tombs 1.13. Sumerian “silver lyre” with stag figure from the Royal Tombs 1.14. Egyptian trumpets from the tomb of Tutankhamun 1.15. Pottery incense burner with ensemble of four musicians (also known as the Ashdod quartet) An Assyrian lyre player. Detail from a bas-relief from the palace of Ashurbanipal, Nineveh 2.1. Zither type instrument (schematic drawing) 2.2. Musician playing a horizontal harp

3 11 12 12 13 13 14 14 15 19 20 20 21 21 22 24

29 31 32

viii

List of Illustrations

2.3. Asymmetrical lyre 2.4. Varieties of the kinnor (schematic drawing) 2.5. Sumerian musician playing an 11-stringed lyre at a royal banquet 2.6. Christ playing a lyre 2.7. David playing a lyre 2.8. Varieties of the nevel (schematic drawing) 2.9. Female figure with a harp 2.10. Angular type of harp, probably of Asia Minor origin 2.11. Harpist Harudsha 2.12. Greek kithara (fragment) 2.13. Greek angular harp trigon Terracotta figurine playing a double reed 3.1. Qeren (schematic drawing) 3.2. (a) Shofar (natural shape of a horn); (b) Shofar (straightened form) 3.3. Hatsotserah (schematic drawing) 3.4. Aulos player 3.5. Bronze figurine, presumably of Phrygian origin, playing an aulos elim(?) 3.6. Ancient Near Eastern single and double reed instruments (schematic drawing) 3.7. Double pipe player from the tomb of Amenemhet III 3.8. Terracotta bell-form figurine, presumably of Babylonian origin, playing a double pipe 3.9. Mashroqita’ (schematic drawing) 3.10. Terracotta figurine of Syrian origin with pan-pipes 3.11. Christ the Good Shepherd 3.12. End-blown flute (schematic drawing)

4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4 4.5. 4.6. 4.7. 4.8. 4.9. 4.10.

Terracotta head of a deity with a rattle on the top of the head Marble female figurine playing a frame-drum Terracotta bell-form female figurine playing a frame drum Goddess playing a sistrum (a, b) Ancient Egyptian sistrums (schematic drawings) Pottery rattles Zoomorphic rattles Bronze bells Horse bell Bronze cymbals from Nimrud Cymbal player

33 35 37 41 42 44 48 48 49 52 55 65 66 69 81 87 88 88 89 89 95 95 96 99 107 108 109 112 113 114 114 116 117 123 124

List of Illustrations

Court orchestra of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus 5.1. Varieties of shalishim (schematic drawing) 5.2. Whistle, presumably of Babylonian origin

7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 7.6. 7.7. 7.8. 7.9. 7.10. 7.11.

ix

131 140 145

Terracotta fragment, probably of a cylindrical drum

155

Moses with a trumpet King David playing a psaltery King David playing a triangular psaltery Musician playing psaltery Miriam dancing accompanied by a frame drum and cymbals Lute player King David playing a harp, and a shawm player “Let everything that breathes praise the Lord” (Ps 150:6): a group of people playing trumpets, drums and a psaltery Miriam dancing accompanied by a frame drum and cymbals King David playing a harp King David playing a harp “On the willows there we hung up our lyres” (Ps 137:2): trumpets and drums

171 184 184 185 185 186 189 190 190 194 195 195

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GLOSSARY OF BIBLICAL AND TALMUDIC TERMINOLOGY ‘Amidah (hdym[/~$mIDAh, lit. “standing”), the main prayer of each of the three Jewish daily services: Shacharit (the morning service), Minchah (the afternoon service) and Ma‘ariv (the evening service). On Sabbaths and at feasts it is also said during the prayers of Musaf, and on Yom Kippur during the final service of Ne‘ilah. ’Amoraim (myarwma/`amVrAim, pl. of arwma/`amVrA, lit. “the one speaking, uttering”), Rabbinic teachers active in the period from the compilation of the Mishnah in the third century down to the sixth century when the Babylonian Talmud was completed. Their main contribution was writing explanatory commentaries to the Mishnah. ‘Aqedah hdq[/~$qEDAh, “binding”, the full expression is qjxy tdq[[/ ~$qEDAT yiCHAq, “binding of Isaac”, Abraham’s offering to God of his son Isaac as a burnt offering (Gen 22). ‘Aruk (^wr[/~ArUK, ‘dictionary’, a lexicon of the Talmud and midrashim compiled in the eleventh century by Natan ben Jehiel ha-Romi. In due course different brief compendia (sePer ha~ArUK hakkACAr) and dictionaries (ZUlhAn ~ArUK/table dictionary) were compiled from it. Ba‘al toqe‘a ([qwt l[b/ba~al tVqE~a, lit. “master of trumpeting”), a man appointed and taught to blow the shofar. Baraita’ (Aram. atyrb/baraytA’, lit. “external”), sayings of the Tannaim which come from different periods. They were not included in the Mishnah and were transmitted as separate units. In the Talmudic period they were joined together in codes. The most authoritative surviving codes are the Tosefta and the Midrashim of the Halakah: these latter relate to the laws contained in the Torah and the Talmud. Berakot (twkrb/b&rAKVT, pl. from hkrb/b&rAKAh, “blessing, benediction”), (1) 18 prayer formulae which contain praises to God. They are included in the prayers that are said in the three daily services: Shacharit (the morning service), Minchah (the afternoon service) and Ma‘ariv (the evening service),

xii

Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology

including the ‘Amidah, the prayer of standing; (2) the title of the first tractate of the Talmud which explains the rules for saying the daily prayers, the blessings before and after meals, etc. Cherethites (ytrkh/hakk&rETI, inhabitants of Crete who among others were bodyguards of King David (2 Sam. 8:18; 15:18; 20:7; 1 Kgs 1:38, etc.). ’Ephod (dwpa/`EPVD, from the verb dpa/`APaD, “to girdle”), the outer garment of priests in the ancient Jewish cultus. It consisted of two pieces of fabric woven from fine twined linen and blue, purple and scarlet wool, with gold thread interlaced. On the shoulders the ephod was decorated with two precious stones on which were inscribed the names of the 12 tribes of Israel (Exod 28:4-14). Gaon (@wag/gA’Vn, lit. “genius”), originally the official title of the higher religious educational institutions (yeshivas) in the Babylonian towns of Sura and Pumbedita. Later, in the gaonate period (end of the sixth – end of the eleventh centuries) this title was conferred on the outstanding experts and commentators on the Torah. Gemara (Aram. armg/g&mArA’, lit. “studying”), the written code of the discussions and analyses of the text of the Mishnah by the ’Amoraim during the third–fifth centuries. It is sometimes used as a synonym for the Talmud. Haggadah (hdga, hdgh/`aggADAh, haggADAh, “legend”, pl. twdga/`aggADVT), the narration of the part of the Oral Law which is not included in the Halakah; the haggadah form was used for different literary genres, such as legends, parables, maxims, sermons, poetic hymns, etc. Hazzan (@zj/HazzAn), a master of the temple ceremonies in the talmudic period who was responsible for keeping order inside the building. Among other duties he had to give the shofar blasts to announce the beginning of the Sabbath or of a feast. Later in the synagogues the hazzan also served as a cantor. Herem (!rj/HErem, lit. “prohibition”), excommunication from the community; one of the most severe punishments given by a Jewish religious court. Jubilee Year (lbwy/yVBEl, “jubilee”), the fiftieth year (following the seven periods of seven years, i.e. 49 years) in which, according to the Bible (Lev. 25:1-16) the soil was not to be cultivated, slaves were to be freed, and property that had been sold earlier was to be returned to its former owner.

Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology

xiii

Kidar (Greek κιδáρις, Heb. tpnxm/miCnePeT, “turban”), one of the garments of the Jewish High Priests: a turban-shaped head-dress made of white linen fabric. A plate of pure gold with the words “Holy to the Lord” engraved on it (Exod. 28:36, etc.) was fastened to its front by a blue lace. Makri, makriz (zyrkm/mAKrIz, lit. “herald”), a man appointed to announce the order of the shofar blasts. Malkuyot (twywklm/malKUyVT, “kingdoms”), one of the closing Benedictions (Berakot) of the ‘Amidah prayer: ten passages from the Tanakh in which God is called the king of the universe. Masorah (hrwsm/mAsVrAh, lit. “tradition”), the code of the rules of the orthography, vocalization and pronunciation of the Bible text; the corpus of all cantillation signs is also included. Menorah (hrwnm/m&nVrAh, lit, “lamp”), a stand with seven candles, one of the sacred artefacts of the tabernacle and later of the Temple. According to the Bible (Exod. 25:9) it was among the items commanded by the Lord to Moses on Mount Sinai. Midrash (vrdm/miDrAZ, lit. “studying”, “interpretation”), (1) a homiletic literary genre, to which belong a number of collections of rabbinic exegetical commentaries: commentaries on Genesis, Leviticus, Lamentations, etc. belong to early collections, whereas Mechilta, Sifre, etc. belong to later ones; (2) a method of interpreting a number of questions relating to the Law (Midrash Halakah), as as well as moral, ethical and historical subjects (Midrash Haggadah). Mishnah (hnvm/miZnAh, from the verb hnv/ZAnAh, “to repeat”), (1) the oldest part of the Talmud compiled by the third century; (2) the code of the tannaitic teachings; (3) each separate paragraph of the tractates included in this code. Musaf (#swm/mUsAP, lit. “addition”), an additional offering or additional prayer which replaces this offering on Sabbaths and at feasts. Ne‘ilah (hly[n/n&~IlAh lit. “closing”, “final”), a complex of closing prayers in the services held at Yom Kippur. It is said between the prayers of the afternoon (Minchah) and evening (Ma‘ariv) services. Nethinim (!ynytnh/hann&TInIm, lit. “those who are given”), the descendants of the inhabitants of Gibeon (Josh. 9:3-8; 10:1) whom Joshua the son of Nun

xiv

Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology

made slaves in the tabernacle. In due course they became temple servants of the lower rank (1 Chron. 9:2; Neh. 3:26; 10:28). Pesah, Passover (jsp/pesaH, from the verb jsp/pAsaH, “to pass by, pass over”), a spring feast in remembrance of the escape of the Israelites from Egypt; it lasted seven days (eight in the diaspora), from the 15th till the 21st (22nd) of Nisan (usually in April, but sometimes in March). Rosh HaShanah (hnvh var/rOZ haZZAnAh, lit. “beginning of the year”), Jewish civil New Year celebrated in the autumn, on the first and second days of the month Tishri (usually in the second half of September, but sometimes the first half of October). Originally only the first day was considered as a feast; later a second day was added because of the difficulties in calculating the new moon. Most likely Rosh HaShanah was introduced after the Babylonian exile in the last third of the sixth century BCE. In the Bible the term occurs for the first time in Ezek. 40:1. At first Rosh HaShanah was celebrated in the spring month of Abib. The ancient rite of its celebration is not known. Rosh Hodesh (vdj var/rO`Z HODeZ, lit, “beginning of the month”), the new moon feast indicating the beginning of a new month according to the lunar calendar. In the Bible the term occurs twice (Num. 10:10; 28:11); more often it is mentioned simply as “hodesh” (lit. “renewal”, Num. 29:6, etc.). Sabbath (tbv/ZabbAT, “rest”), (1) according to Jewish tradition the seventh day of the week, the day of rest. The Bible says that it was appointed by God who had created the universe in six days and rested on the seventh day (Gen. 2:2-3). Therefore any kind of work on the seventh day was forbidden for Jews. Observing the Sabbath is one of the Ten Commandments proclaimed by God to the people of Israel through Moses on Mount Sinai (Exod. 31:1317); (2) the title of the talmudic tractate in which the laws of the Sabbath are discussed. Sanhedrin (@yrdhns/sanheDrIn, Greek συνéδριον), (1) Supreme Court, a political, religious and legislative body that functioned during the Second Temple period. In the Roman period it regulated the social life of Jewish society. After the destruction of the Temple it was abolished; (2) the title of the Talmudic tractate dealing with questions of Jewish legislation, including those under the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin. Shacharit (tyrjv/ZaH$rIT, “morning”), the morning prayer, one of the three obligatory daily services of Jewish worship. It takes place early in the morning, at some point during the first four hours after sunrise, and it often replaced the morning offering.

Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology

xv

Shavu‘ot (tw[wbv/ZABU~VT, pl. from h[wbc/ZABU~ah, “week”), the feast celebrated on the fiftieth day after the Jewish Pesah in remembrance of God’s granting of the Law (Torah) to the people of Israel on Mount Sinai. In ancient times it also signified the bringing of the first-fruit offering to the Temple. It fell at the beginning of the month of Sivan (May-June). Shofarot (pl. twrpwv/ZVPArVT, “Shofars”), one of the closing Benedictions (Berakot) of the ‘Amidah prayer: ten passages from the Tanakh mentioning the shofar. Its blasts symbolized the coming of the messianic era. The word “Shofarot” also means additional prayer formulae (like “Blessed be Thou, O God, hearing the sound of trumpeting”) that were included in the ancient service on fast days. Sifre (yrps/siPr{), a set of commentaries (part of the halakic Midrashim) of the rabbinic teachers on the Books of the Pentateuch. Sukkot (twks/sukkVT, pl. from hks/sukkAh, “tent”), the feast when the Jews, as commanded in the Bible (Lev. 23:42), lived in tents; it was celebrated from the 15th to the 22nd of the month Tishri (usually during the first half of October) in remembrance of the first eight days after the departure from Egypt. Tabernacle (d[wm lha/`Ohel mV~ED, “the tabernacle of the covenant”), a portable sanctuary made by the Israelites after their departure from Egypt. It was the main place for performing cultic rituals until the erection of the Temple. Talmud (dwmlt/talmUD, “perfect teaching”), the code of the religious, ethical and legal norms of Judaism. It comprises the Mishnah and the Gemara. The foundation of the Talmud is the record of the discussions which had been held over a period of eight centuries by outstanding rabbinic teachers (the ’Amoraim and Tannaim). These discussions resulted in the fixing of the oral Torah in two versions: the Babylonian Talmud (third–sixth centuries) and the Jerusalem Talmud (fourth century). Both are founded on the same principles and differ in volume (the Babylonian Talmud has more tractates) and in the manner of presentation. Tanakh (^nt/tanakh), the term by which the Hebrew scriptures are known to the Jews; it is an acronym made up of the initial letters of the the titles of the divisions of the Bible: Torah, Neviim and Ketuvim. Tannaim (myant/tanna’im, pl. of ant/tannA’), several generations of outstanding rabbinic teachers who were active in the period of the formation of the Mishnah (first–third centuries) and took part in its compilation.

xvi

Glossary of Biblical and Talmudic terminology

Torah (hrwt/tVrAh, lit. “instruction”, “teaching”), this term may refer to the complete code of laws on various subjects (Lev. 6:7; 7:1, etc.) or the Pentateuch itself, the five books of Moses (Deut. 4:44; 33:4, etc.). Sometimes the entire Tanakh is called the Torah. Tehillim (!ylht/t&hillIm, lit. “hymns of glorification”, in the Christian tradition known as the Psalter), the first Book of the Ketuvim, the third part of the Tanakh. It contains 150 psalms of various types, the principal one of which, the hymn, gave its title to the whole book. Tosefta (atpswt/tVsePTA’, lit. “addition”), collection of tannaitic sayings which were not included in the main text of the Mishnah. Tosefists (twpswth yl[b/ba~al{ hattVsAPVT, lit. “masters of the tosafot”), the authors of the tosafot (critical and explanatory comments on the Talmud). They represent two twelfth–thirteenth-century schools of the followers of Rashi, one French and the other German. Yom Kippur (rwpk !wy/yVm kippUr, lit. the “Day of Forgiveness”), a term occurring frequently in medieval rabbinic literature; in the Pentateuch it is used in the pl., the “Day of Forgivenesses”, !yrwpkh !wy/yVm (hak)kippUrIm (Lev. 23:28, etc.). In the Western tradition it is known as the “Day of Atonement”. It is the last day of a ten-day period of repentance and it symbolizes the forgiveness of sins. Yom Kippur is the most important of all the Jewish feasts. It is celebrated on the tenth day of the month Tishri (in the second half of September or the first half of October). Yom Purim (!yrwp !wy/yVm pUrIm, lit. the “Day of Lots”, from Akkad. ¼uru, “lot”), the feast in remembrance of the deliverance from death of the Jews who lived in the Persian Empire (Est. 9:20-32). It is celebrated on the 14th (in some regions the 15th) of the month of Adar, the second half of February or the first half of March. Zikronot (pl.; twnwrkz/ziKrVnVT, “Memories”), one of the closing Benedictions (Berakot) of the ‘Amidah prayer: ten passages from the Tanakh that speak about the ‘aqedah.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS A&O ABD AC AfMw AHJ AM AS ASORB AUSS BA BAR BN BR BS BT CM CTM DLD EJ EM EncM EQ HBD HUCA IBD ICTM IEJ ISBE JA JAMS JBL JBQ JCM JHS JQR JRAI JRAS JS KYE MA MAk

Alpha i Omega Anchor Bible Dictionary Antiquité Classique Archiv für Musikwissenschaft The American Harp Journal Archiv für Musikorganologie Assyriological Studies American Schools of Oriental Research Bulletin Andrews University Seminary Studies Biblical Archaeologist Biblical Archaeology Review Biblische Notizen Bible Review Bibliotheca Sacra The Bible Translator Current Musicology Concordia Theological Monthly Dor le Dor Encyclopedia Judaica Early Music Enciclopedia della musica Evangelical Quarterly Harper’s Bible Dictionary Hebrew Union College Annual Illustrated Bible Dictionary International Council for Traditional Music Israel Exploration Journal International Standard Bible Encyclopedia Journal Asiatique Journal of the American Musicological Society Journal of Biblical Literature Jewish Bible Quarterly Journal of Church Music Journal of Hellenic Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal des savants Kratkaya Yevreiskaya Entsiklopediya Music in Art Muzykalnaya akademiya

xviii MB M&L MGB MGG MQ NBD NGD NGDMI NTS NTT OBO OM PEQ PG PL PRMA PTR RA RAAO RevBelg RISM RLAA RQ RR TA UBS UJE VDI VT WZKM ZAW ZE ZMW ZS

List of Abbreviations Mir Biblii Music and Letters Musikgeschichte in Bildern Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart Musical Quarterly New Bible Dictionary The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments New Testament Studies Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Orbis Musicae Palestine Exploration Quarterly Patrologia graeca Patrologia latina Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association The Princeton Theological Review Revue Archéologique Revue d’Assyriologie et d’Archéologie Orientale Revue belge d’archéologie et de l’histoire de l’art Repertoire internationale des sources musicales Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie Restoration Quarterly The Review of Religion Tel Aviv United Bible Societies The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia Vestnik drevney istorii Vetus Testamentum Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Zeitschrift für die alttestamentlische Wissenschaft Zeitschrift für Ethnologie Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft Zeitschrift für Semitik

INTRODUCTION The present publication is the first compendium of musical instruments and instrumental terminology in the Bible. It is at the same time both a reference book and a piece of a serious scholarly research based on historical facts, comparative linguistic analysis, and careful musical study. It is intended for specialists in different spheres of the humanities: musicologists, theologians, historians, philologists and Bible translators, as well as for all those who would like to have deeper understanding of the Book of Books. In investigating the subject of musical instruments in the Bible, various sources have been drawn on, including the main existing translations of the Bible both ancient and modern, the treatises of the rabbinic teachers, the Christian Church Fathers and exegetes, and the works of medieval, Renaissance and present day scholars. This compendium consists of seven chapters of which the first and the seventh are written as historical surveys. Chapter 1 describes the historical background of Hebrew instrumental music, its origins and links with neighbouring cultures (Egyptian, Assyrian, Hittite, Canaanite, etc.), the role of instruments in the religious, social, public and private life of ancient Israel, and the system of musical education. Also presented here are the latest achievements of musicologists (particularly organologists) in the field of Biblical study in co-operation with archaeologists and philologists. Chapter 7 traces the development of the Hebrew musical instruments in post-biblical times. It shows their new symbolic significance in the writings of the Church Fathers, and in the comments of medieval and Renaissance exegetes. These comments reveal numerous, often unexpected, semantic changes in the understanding of the terms for the instruments in translations of the Bible. This is hardly surprising, since these translations reflect differences in the musical cultures of different periods. Chapters 2–6 are organized on the basis of a common classification of biblical musical instruments into five categories. The first three (Chapters 2– 4) present the three main instrumental classes according to the system of C. Sachs and E. M. von Hornbostel: strings, wind and percussion. In Chapter 3, there are separate sections for horns and woodwind instruments, and in Chapter 4, separate sections for membranophones and idiophones. Chapter 5 discusses instruments whose identification is ambivalent, and Chapter 6 generic and unclear musical terms. Here typological ‘diagnosis’ cannot be precise,

2

Introduction

because of the large number of renderings, often disputable and contradictory. Therefore within this group the principle of typological probability seems to be most appropriate. (See the typological table in Appendix 2.) The entries of each of Chapters 2–6 are presented in alphabetical order within each separate section. The titles of the entries are indicated in italics at the first mention in each chapter. Verse numbers are cited according to the fourth edition of Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia published by the Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft in 1990. The difference in the numbering of the Psalms in Hebrew and Greek (following the Masoretic and Septuagint traditions respectively) is indicated by a slash. Where not otherwise stated, Bible quotations in English are taken from the Revised Standard Version (RSV). This compendium includes two appendices containing several charts, and also indices of terms and personal names, a glossary of biblical and talmudic terms, lists of Bible translations referred to, historical and literary sources and a bibliography. Biblical and talmudic terms included in the glossary are marked with an asterisk when occurring in the text. In addition the book contains a complete listing of all the references to musical instruments within the text of the Bible, a table of instrumental ensembles and a summary table of their names as found in different versions of the Bible (in total 36 versions in 20 languages). The compendium is also enhanced by a large number of illustrations (over 60). I would like to express my deep gratitude to several friends and colleagues without whose generous help and support this book would never have appeared. These include Dr David J. Clark, who first encouraged me to consider the translation and adaptation of my doctoral thesis for an English speaking readership, and subsequently gave valuable assistance with the translation and editing of the text. His wife Glenys provided the hospitality that enabled us to work long and fruitful hours during my visit to England in April 2006. Dr Graham P. Dixon gave valuable technical assistance with the overall structure of the book, as well as with instrumental vocabulary. I must also thank my husband Anatoly Morozov for his devoted work on the illustrations that enrich many pages.

Chapter 1

INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC OF THE BIBLE

Terracotta relief depicting a musician playing a vertical harp. Old Babylonian period, ca. 2000–ca. 1550 BCE (Iraq Museum, Baghdad)

Of all ancient literary and historical monuments the Bible contains the fullest information about the musical instruments that existed in those remote times. It accumulated the treasure of musical traditions of several great ancient civilizations including the rich store of their instruments. It came into being at the intersection of different cultures, comprising a vast geographical region from Mesopotamia to Egypt and to the border of Asia Minor. Therefore the Bible could without any exaggeration be called the first encyclopaedia of the musical instruments of the ancient Near East. Musical instruments are mentioned in no less than 25 books of the Hebrew Old Testament1 in a total of 146 verses, as counted by E. Kolari. The concrete realities of ordinary life in biblical times (animals, insects, plants, precious stones, etc.) are often little known, and hard to understand, and musical instruments certainly belong in this category. Though at first sight there are relatively few names, and they seem to refer to similar instruments, neverthe-

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

4

less when studied in depth they turn out to belong to several different families, and in comparison with other ancient cultures, are rather numerous. They form an integral and valuable part of ancient musical culture, and represent the whole range of ancient instruments. The Tanakh (the list of canonical books according to the Jewish tradition) contains the names of about 20 musical instruments. However, despite a large range of information, with rare exceptions it never gives any explanation or comments on their typology, etymology or technical characteristics. That is why the investigation of these questions entails numerous difficulties, and raises problems which are often impossible to solve by the sole means of historical or theoretical musicology. It is necessary to draw on other disciplines, such as archaeology, source criticism, comparative linguistics, and comparative organology. The complex analysis of the Old Testament instrumental terminology based on the principles and methods of research worked out in these disciplines will help in attaining positive results. Thus the class to which an instrument belongs has been defined by modern Bible scholars with some confidence. The main classes are strings, wind instruments, and percussion. The stringed instruments all involve plucking (rather than bowing) and include kinnor, nevel, ‘asor, qaytros, pesanterin and sabbeka’. The wind instruments are divided into three subclasses: natural horns, metallic horns, and woodwind. Natural horns include the qeren and its varieties shofar, yovel and qarna’. The only metallic horn is the trumpet hatsotserah. The woodwind subclass includes halil, ‘ugav and mashroqita’. Percussion instruments are divided into two subclasses: membranophones and idiophones. The only membranophone is the tof. The idiophone subclass includes mena‘an‘im, tseltselim/metsiltayim, metsillot, and pa‘amonim (see Diagrams 1-3). Suita ble English names for the i nstruments will be come apparent in Chapter 2. Strings (Plucked)

qaytros

p esanterin

sabbek a ' Diagram 1. 1. Diagram

kinnor

nevel

‘asor

1. Instrumental music of the Bible

5

W ind

N atural H orns

qeren

M etallic H orns

W oodwind

hatsotscsrah halil

yovel

shofar

‘ugav mashroqUa ’

qarna '

Diagram 2.

Percussion

M em b ra n o p h o n es

Idiophones

ta f

m'na 'an 'im tseltselim/rrftsiltayim rntsillot pa 'amonim

Diagram 3. Along with these there are many terms whose class membership is still debated. Among them are sumponiah, shalishim, mahol, sheminit, nehilot, neginot, gittit and shushan. Their assignment to classes will be discussed later, and suggestions will be made in each case. The first reference to music comes at the beginning of the Bible story, in the passage concerning Jubal, “the father of all those who play the lyre and pipe” (Gen. 4:21).2 The last instrument named is metsillot (Zech 14:20). The historical books of the Tanakh (1–2 Sam., 1–2 Kgs, 1–2 Chr.) and the book of Psalms are the richest sources of references to musical instruments. Some sections are replete with instrumental terminology (1 Chr. 15:16, 19, 20, 24, 28; Ps. 150, Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). Instruments are used both independently (mainly the shofar: Lev. 25:9; Josh. 6:4-6; Judg. 3:27, etc.) and as members of various ensembles. The latter may be homogeneous, comprising either the plucked string group, kinnor (lyre) and nevel (harp) in Ps. 57:8; 71:22, or wind instruments, shofar (horn) and hatsotserah (trumpet) in 2 Chr. 15:14; Ps. 98:6, or percussion, tof (tambourine) and shalishim (sistrum) in 1 Sam.

6

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

18:6. The ensembles may also be heterogeneous, having different combinations of the instruments: kinnor, nevel, tof, mena‘an‘im (sistrum or rattle), tseltselim (cymbals) in 2 Sam. 6:5; kinnor, ‘ugav (flute), tof in Job 21:12; nevel, kinnor, hatsotserah in 2 Chr. 5:12. Occasionally the instruments form a substantial ensemble.3 Such for instance is a band of the prophets (1 Sam. 10:5) which, according to the biblical text, already existed during the reign of Saul (ca. 1030–1010 BCE) and included three “classical” groups of instruments: strings (kinnor and nevel), woodwind (halil: double reed) and percussion (tof). The instruments accompanied the daily procession that took place after the sacrificial rite at the altar. The court musicians of King David (ca. 1010–970 BCE) also contained as an obligatory element of the service the same three instrumental groups: strings (kinnor and nevel), wind (hatsotserah) and percussion (metsiltayim) in 1 Chr. 15:28. The court musicians of King Nebuchadnezzar II (sixth century BCE) included Babylonian analogues to the ancient Jewish instruments (Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15): qaytros, pesanterin, sabbeka’ (strings), qarna’ (brass), mashroqita’ (woodwind). Its sound increased the pomp of the court ceremonies and fitted the orgiastic atmosphere of the pagan rituals. The Hebrew Old Testament contains a good deal of information about the social functions of the instruments. The accompanying of ritual processions, temple services, court ceremonies and cult rites has already been mentioned. Also included was participation in religious feasts and secular festivals (practically all the aforenamed instruments in Num. 10:10; 29:1; 2 Kgs 11:14; 1 Chr. 13:8; Neh. 12:27; Job 21:12; Ps. 33:2), in military campaigns (shofar in Ezek. 7:14; hatsoteerah in Num. 10:9), in greeting a victorious company (tof in Judg. 1:34), in grandiose secular celebrations, such as the ritual of the anointing of kings (shofar in 1 Sam. 9:13; 1 Kgs 1:34), and in the public festivals organized on such occasions (halil in 1 Kgs 1:40; hatsoteerah in 2 Chr. 23:13). Instruments were also used in people’s private lives, when they appealed to God (Ps. 108:2), while celebrating happy family events or funerals (kinnor, nevel, halil, tof in Gen. 31:27; Job 30:31; Matt. 9:23). It is impossible to trace exactly the chronology of the origin and evolution of the ancient Jewish instruments and instrumental music. The main phases, however, are shown in the Bible quite clearly. Thus it is generally agreed that at the early stage, in the Patriarchal period, along with the kinnor and the ‘ugav, the tof was also known. Its lively rhythm enhanced the joyful atmosphere of greetings and valedictions (Gen. 31:27). On particularly solemn occasions simple instrumental ensembles, consisting mostly of strings and percussion (for instance, kinnor and tof in Gen. 31:27) were in vogue. Also used were the shofar (Exod. 19:13, 16, 19) and the hatsotserah (Num. 10:2). In those days the shofar was already perceived as a sacred symbol (the voice of God) and later interpreted as a musical echo of the divine command (Lev. 23:24; Num. 29:1). The hatsotserah was required by God not only to assemble

1. Instrumental music of the Bible

7

the community (Num. 10:2-7), but also to be a sign of mediation between himself and the people (Num. 10:9, 10). As for the other instruments listed above, the Old Testament has no direct information about their social roles. Nevertheless this does not mean that such roles did not exist. One should keep in mind that many things in the biblical text can be understood e silentio. The social life of the period of the United Monarchy (eleventh-tenth century BCE), particularly the role of instrumental music, is represented in many and varied ways. Instrumental performers took part in every significant state, social and religious event. Thus, they were part of the grand procession that followed the Ark of the covenant when it was transferred to Jerusalem (1 Chr. 13:8; 15:16-21, 27, 28). As the sanctification of the first Temple and the installation of the Ark proceeded, they “stood at their posts” (2 Chr. 5:1213; 7:6). The leadership of the prophet Samuel was marked by an extremely important event which determined the direction of the development of ancient Jewish musical art for the next two centuries: from that time until the reigns of David and Solomon the system of musical education began to be formed in Ancient Israel. The so-called nayyot (lit. “huts”), “schools of prophets”4 were the first step on this path. Here young men and older people, both those having a prophetic gift and those with exclusively musical talent, from different families and social strata, were taught music. Their chief duty was to accompany the sacrifices held “at the high places” (1 Sam. 9:12; 10:5; 1 Kgs 3:2; 15:14; 22:43; 2 Kgs 23:5). At certain (probably peak) moments of concentrated spiritual energy the prophets5 gathered in a band and sang, accompanying themselves on different musical instruments, such as the kinnor, nevel, tof and halil (1 Sam. 10:5). The Bible characterizes such emotionally charged singing as prophecy (“prophets prophesying”, hannevi’im nibbe’im: 1 Kgs 22:12; compare 1 Sam. 10:5, 10; 1 Kgs 22:10). In the years of Saul’s reign, along with the “schools of prophets” there seems to have appeared a new organization of musicians, which gradually replaced the schools of prophets and was transformed by Saul’s successor David into a “music academy” (a quaint but appropriate term given by C. Sachs). It gained a permanent status, possibly in the second quarter of the tenth century BCE, during Solomon’s reign (ca. 970–930 BCE). There the Levites, both singers and instrumentalists, who formed the main body of meshorerim (“ministers of music”, 1 Chr. 15:16), received a thorough training in professional performing, with special orientation to the liturgy. After completing such a course they could devote themselves to sacred musical service, first at the sanctuary, and later in the Temple. From the very beginning the organization functioned as a guild, where the interrelations were based on strict discipline including total submission to the rule of the institution. The chief of the guild was responsible directly to the king (1 Chr. 25:2). Considering the age limits of the Levites’ service (from 30 to 50 years old) which had been commanded by God to Moses and

8

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Aaron (Num. 4:2-3) and had been maintained unchanged (1 Chr. 23:3), a young man could become a member of the guild on reaching the age of 25 (Num. 8:24). For the next five years along with proper liturgical knowledge he could acquire the technique of singing and playing instruments in the Temple. The exercises were very intensive (as the Bible says, each training session lasted “day and night”: 1 Chr. 9:33) and were held in special chambers called shahot (Neh. 10:39; Ezek. 40:44) using special methods. This system was gradually elaborated by the Levites, the keepers of the tradition, and was passed on orally from generation to generation. Such a complex but highly effective system of musical education meant a high level of professionalism. However, some modern biblical scholars consider that there is a certain chronological discrepancy concerning some statements in the books of Chronicles. According to this theory, the institution of the guild of musicians should be referred not to the first, but to the Second Temple period, that is, to the end of the sixth and into the fifth century BCE, when, as some scholars maintain, the bulk of the Old Testament canon was completed and edited. However, both the text of the Bible (2 Chr. 29:25, 27, 30; 35:15; Neh. 12:45, 46; Ps. 137:2, etc.) and the Talmudic tractate (m. Mid. 11:5, 6; b. Tamid VII:3) mention repeatedly the permanency and continuity of the liturgical-musical practice. Thus skilful playing on the instruments stated in the Bible6 (1 Chr. 15:16, 19-21; 25:6; 2 Chr. 5:12-13; 23:13), and verified by later commentators (m. Mid. II:6) could have well existed in the early period. In the list of the posts established by David during the “pre-Temple” stage (1 Chr. 15:2-24; 16:14-17; 23:4-32), instrumentalists are mentioned together with singers. Among the Levites the Bible speaks of the priests, the sons of Aaron (1 Chr. 15:24), who were appointed “to invoke, to thank, and to praise the Lord, the God of Israel” before the Ark (1 Chr. 16:4) blowing shofarot and hatsotserot in the ensemble with kinnorot, nevalim, and metsiltayim (1 Chr. 15:28). The Chronicler enumerates about 50 names of musicians (1 Chr. 15:17-21, 24; 16:5-6, 41, 42; 25) often referring to their specialization. Thus, Shebaniah, Joshaphat, Nethanel, Amasai, Zechariah, Benaiah, and Eliezer, the priests, blew the trumpets (hatsotserot: 1 Chr. 15:24; 16:7); Mattithiah, Eliphelehu, Mikneiah, Obed-edom, Jeiel, Azaziah, Gedaliah, Zeri and others “were to lead with lyres” (kinnorot: 1 Chr. 15:21; 25:3); Zechariah, Aziel, Shemiramoth, Jehiel, Unni, Eliab, Ma-aseiah, and Benaiah played harps (nevalim: 1 Chr. 15:20); Heman, Asaph, and Ethan “were to sound bronze cymbals” (1 Chr. 15:19; 25:1). The Chronicler states a kind of hierarchy conditioned by the degree of perfection in performing skill. For example, Asaph, Heman, and Ethan were the top “stars” among the instrumentalists (1 Chr. 15:17) and the rest were in the second rank. Since the ministry of the musicians was inherited, it is very likely that these persons, their sons and younger brothers were to exalt the glory of God (1 Chr. 25:5) in the Temple planned by king David. At first 4,000 musicians

1. Instrumental music of the Bible

9

including a number of instrumentalists (1 Chr. 23:5) were chosen out of 38,000 representatives of the tribe of Levi (1 Chr. 23:3); these were members of certain Levite clans (descendants of Kohath, Merari, and Gershom: 1 Chr. 6:33-47). Then, probably later, 288 more of the best performers were selected out of the 4,000 (1 Chr. 25:7). Their obligation was to provide regular musical accompaniment for all the public worship, that is the morning and evening services (1 Chr. 23:30), and additional sacrifices held during the day, as well as the sacred rites of Shabbat, Rosh hodesh (new moon) and other feasts (1 Chr. 23:31). To provide such constant musical accompaniment a particular order of rotation of the performers was established. They were divided into 24 groups (“divisions”: mishmarot),7 each containing 12 persons and headed by the teachers, the older representatives of the three main Levite families of musicians “the sons of Asaph, and of Heman, and of Jeduthun”8 (1 Chr. 25:1), who are mentioned several times by the Chronicler (1 Chr. 25:9-31; 2 Chr. 8:14-15; 23:18). Each division was prescribed to fulfil their cultic musical duties (singing and instrumental accompaniment of the services) for two weeks a year, though not all at once, but with some intervals. According to Josephus (A.J. VII, 14:7) one ministry period lasted eight days, from Saturday to Saturday. To avoid arguments about priority, the division of the groups and the choice of the leaders were held, so to speak, democratically, that is by lot, retaining equality of age and social status as between teachers and pupils (1 Chr. 25:8). Only one group ministered in any daily rite. That meant an even distribution of the daily roster of responsibilities. However, in the festal services several groups of performers took part. In later biblical history, after the division of the kingdom (last quarter of the tenth century BCE) the role of the musicians, and instrumentalists in particular, in the life of society was not always the same. In the periods when the faith declined and paganism was resurgent, as happened in the first half of the ninth century BCE during the reign of the Israelite kings Jeroboam (1 Kgs 12:28-33) and Ahab (1 Kgs 16:30-33), and later, when Manasseh and Amon (2 Kgs 21:2-7; 2 Chr. 33) were ruling in Judah, or in the years of national catastrophe as, for example, the Babylonian exile (604–537 BCE, in 2 Kgs 24, 25) all Temple services were discontinued, and the posts of the musicians were abolished (Ps. 137:2-4; 2 Chr. 13:9). It could be that some of the musicians turned back to idolatry (2 Kgs 17:9-12; 23:5) or were compelled to worship other gods (2 Kgs 17:8; 1 Chr. 28:25). Nevertheless even in captivity a number of them could fulfil their sacred musical duties in the Jewish holy places erected with the approval of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II near Nippur9 (in the central part of Babylonia, where the Jewish exiles were forcibly settled). There is some information that on the island of Elephantine10 in Egypt a temple existed for about 150 years (from the first quarter of the sixth century–411 BCE). It is

10

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

likely that instrumentalists ministered in the rites held there, though this is not confirmed by the Bible. The need for musicians was manifested again in the periods when religious enthusiasm revived (eighth–seventh centuries BCE), during the reigns of the kings of Judah Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:1-6; 2 Chr. 29) and Josiah (2 Kgs 22:1-4; 2 Chr. 34). It was in those days that the musicians recommenced their ministry “according to the commandment of David” established long ago (2 Chr. 29:25, 27, 30). Among the Levite singers who came back with the first party of returning exiles in 538 BCE (Ezra 2:41 lists 128 musicians whereas Neh. 7:44 has 148) there might have been some instrumentalists, though the Bible text gives no information about this. However, the very fact that the Levites participated in the restoration of the national sanctuary, the Second Temple (Ezra 3:10, 11), and in its dedication ceremony (Ezra 6:16, 18) may be taken as indirect confirmation of the existence of musicians. Josephus (AJ XI: 3, 10) mentions 245 singers among the returnees, but gives no information about the instrumentalists except for the trumpeters who took part in the consecration of the Second Temple. Seventy years later (458 BCE) the second party of exiled Jews returned, having some instrumentalists among them, who joined their colleagues in accompanying the Temple services (Neh. 11:22). However, their number is not reported in the Tanakh. Those of the newcomers who settled in the environs of Jerusalem (Neh. 12:21-29) were also soon involved in the dedication of the walls around the city. The ceremony took place in 445 BCE (Neh. 12:27, 31, 36, 41-42). The participation of the instrumentalists in the worship of the Second Temple possibly continued in later periods, although the Bible gives no direct information about this. It is known however that in order to protect the sacred rites from profane elements associated mainly with instrumental music, the number of the instruments allowed to accompany the services was gradually reduced. By 70 CE, when the Temple was destroyed, only one pair of tseltselim (cymbals) remained, as the Talmud states (m. ‘Arak. II:5). Then all instruments were forbidden in liturgical practice11 apart from the shofar, which until the present day is a sacred symbol of Judaism, the herald of the divine will. The factual store of knowledge about the range of the instruments in the Bible that modern scholarship possesses is not very rich. Since the depiction of human beings and living creatures was forbidden in the Old Testament tradition there is almost no visual material concerning musical instruments. There are very few examples of Jewish origin. These include (1) the “portrait” of the semitic (possible ancient Israelite) lyre-player on the famous wall-painting from the tomb of the Egyptian governor Khnumhotep II (twelfth Dynasty, beginning of the second millennium BCE) found in the village of Beni-Hasan, Egypt (Figure 1.1); (2) the relief representing a ninestringed lyre-player on an ivory plate (13th century BCE, Figure 1.2); (3) a

1. Instrumental music of the Bible

11

lyre painted on a Philistine vase from the last quarter of the tenth century BCE found at Megiddo (Northern Palestine); and (4) a bas-relief depicting three captive Jewish lyre players from the southern palace of Sennacherib in Nineveh (seventh century BCE) (Figure 1.3). The sculptured models of instruments that were forerunners of the ancient Jewish instruments, from Megiddo in the pre-Israelite, old Babylonian period (sixteenth century BCE) and in the Canaanite period (thirteenth century BCE), are also not very numerous. They do however, include a terracotta statuette of a woman holding a frame drum (Figure 1.4), and a bronze figurine of a girl playing a double reed instrument. In addition to these there are a few ancient Jewish items preserved, such as (1) the Tel Batash seal (twelfth-tenth centuries BCE) with a symmetrical rectangular four-stringed lyre (Figure 1.5); (2) the bronze scarab seal (tenth-eighth centuries BCE) with a player holding the same kind of lyre and a standing woman accompanying him with a tambourine; and (3) a seventh-century BCE Jerusalem jasper seal of Ma‘adanah, the king’s daughter, with a 12-stringed lyre (kinnor, Figure 1.6).12 Post-biblical architectural monuments also provide a certain amount of information. Such is a first century CE bas-relief on the pediment of the Triumphal Arch of Titus in Rome, where Jewish long trumpets13 (Figure 1.7) can be seen among the booty seized by the Romans after the capture of Jerusalem. Another well-known example is on Jewish coins belonging to the period of the Bar-Kochba revolt (132–135 CE), found at the excavations in the caves of the Judaean desert. The coins depict the trumpets (hatsotserot) and a lyre (kinnor),14 both symbolizing “freed Israel”15 (Figure 1.8).

Figure 1.1. A Semite playing a lyre. Fragment of a wall painting from the tomb of Khnumhotep II. Beni-Hasan, Egypt, ca. 1900 BCE

12

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Figure 1.2. A Canaanite lyre player on an ivory plate. Megiddo, thirteenth century BCE (Rockefeller Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem)

Figure 1.3. Alabaster relief depicting three Semite (probably Israelite) lyre players. Nineveh, seventh century BCE (British Museum, London)

1. Instrumental music of the Bible

13

Figure 1.4. Terracotta figurine with a frame drum. Old Babylonian period, ca. 2000–ca. 1550 BCE (Iraq Museum, Baghdad)

Figure 1.5. Limestone seal with a lyre player. Tel Batash, eighth century BCE (Jewish University, Jerusalem)

14

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Figure 1.6. Jasper seal with a 12-stringed kinnor, seventh century BCE (Israel Museum, Jerusalem)

Figure 1.7. Jewish trumpets after the destruction of the Second Temple. Fragment of the relief from the Arch of Titus, 70 CE, Rome

1. Instrumental music of the Bible

Figure 1.8. Jewish coins of the Bar Cochba period (132–135 (kinnorot) and trumpets (hatsotserot) (Israel Museum, Jerusalem)

15

CE)

depicting lyres

One can form judgements about ancient Jewish instruments mainly by comparing the abundant and well-presented instrumental stock of the neighbouring peoples of the Near East and Asia Minor regions with the evidence from the Bible. Cultural exchange within this large area had been vigorous and mutually enriching even at an early stage. Three great civilizations, the Egyptian (and the Phoenician closely connected with it), the AssyrianBabylonian (including the preceding Sumerian),16 and the Anatolian (primarily Hittite) had a significant influence on the formation of all ancient Jewish art. The Jews adopted, assimilated and adapted from this musical treasury that had been accumulating for centuries primarily those items corresponding to their own traditions, including instrumental music and the inventory of instruments itself. On the one hand, there was direct borrowing of the majority of the Egyptian instruments, strings (lyres17 and harps), brass (trumpets), woodwind (the double reed type) and percussion (sistra). This was only to be expected considering the long sojourn of the Israelites in that land. However, the lute that was widespread in Egypt did not take root in Israel, judging from the complete silence of the Bible and the lack of any pictorial material or archaeological findings.18 On the other hand, in addition to adopting alien instruments the Jews, as the Tanakh states, also retained the semitic horn shofar (possibly of Jewish origin). Though in the aforementioned cultures the forms of musical practice were similar, and the instruments used were almost identical, the latter often underwent significant modifications because of different circumstances. Such circumstances arose from varying contexts of use, local conditions, social needs in instrumental music and levels of professionalism. Constant work was being done to develop the technical and acoustic qualities and the design of the instruments.19 This is why new instruments and new varieties of instruments appeared in due course.20 This procedure reflected a much deeper transformation, namely the crystallization of the

16

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

principles of national identity. This was the main pivot in the long process of the formation of the nation, around which the unity and uniformity of its art was being created. With the ancient Jews the strengthening of such a pivot was brought about chiefly by the introduction, rise and development of a new ideological platform. This was distinguished by a gradual removal from paganism (Exod. 23:20-25; Lev. 18:21; 19:31; 20:2-6; Deut. 12:31; 18:10; 2 Kgs 16:3; 17:17; 23:10; 2 Chr. 28:3-4; 33:6; Jer. 7:31, etc.), when the idea and ideals of monotheism in its lofty spiritual manifestation (Exod. 29:45-46; Lev. 19:37; 20:8, etc.)21 were brought into being. Because of this, music, including instrumental music, had not only a ritual status (which existed also in the pagan cultus of the Assyrians and Babylonians), but also a specifically Jewish liturgical status (2 Chr. 7:6; 8:14), something essentially different. The final goal of this change was the affirmation of a new character and style of singing and instrumental performance. It is impossible to assert when these transformations took place because of the lack of reliable information and thus of criteria for evaluation. However, it would be fair to assume that there existed certain presuppositions manifested through the accumulated acoustic experience of instrumental performance in the preceding eras. Judging from plentiful evidence in the Bible (Gen. 31:27; Exod. 32:18-19; 1 Chr. 15:16; Isa. 30:29; Ezek. 26:13, etc.) the ancient Israelites as well as the majority of their neighbours (Egyptians, Assyrians, Hittites and others) at a certain stage acknowledged music as an art by means of which thoughts, feelings and moods were conveyed (Gen. 31:27). Moreover, it occupied a fixed place in human spiritual life, having developed from a utilitarian sphere of activity into an independent branch of aesthetics. It comprised three components, inseparably connected with each other, namely singing, playing instruments and dancing. Here instrumental performance appears to be a bridge between singing and dancing, since instruments are used to accompany both of them. Quite often in the combination of vivid singing and instrumental performance, or dancing and instrumental performance, veiled metaphors express various emotional states. These include the following: 1. mirth (“O virgin of Israel…you shall adorn yourself with tambourines and shall go forth in the dance of the merrymakers”: Jer. 31:4); 2. the rapture of love (“Return, return, O Shulammite…that we may look upon you…as upon a dance before two armies!”: Song 6:13a); 3. disappointment and rejection (“A senseless, a disreputable brood …now I have become their song…”: Job 30:8-9; “My lyre is turned to mourning, and my pipe to the voice of those who weep” in Job 30:31);22 4. sorrow (“my heart moans like a flute”: Jer. 48:36; “the young men [have quit] their music. The joy of our hearts has ceased; our dancing has been turned to mourning” in Lam. 5:14-15).

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Music is even linked with specific prophecies, as in the following examples: “You shall have a song as in the night when a holy feast is kept, and gladness of heart, as when one sets out to the sound of the flute to go to the mountain of the Lord” in Isa. 30:29; “And every stroke of the staff of punishment which the Lord lays upon them [the Assyrians] will be to the sound of tambourines and lyres” in Isa. 30:32; “And, lo, you are to them like one who sings love songs with a beautiful voice and plays well on an instrument” in Ezek. 33:32; “On that day the mourning in Jerusalem will be… great” in Zech. 12:11 (mourning was normally accompanied by music). It is symptomatic that the syncretism typical of ancient thought often acquires a real “instrumental” image, and is expressed by concrete notions associated with instrumental music or with the instruments themselves.23 Thus, it is reckoned with good reason that the profession of a musician is reflected in the very name of Jubal (Gen. 4:21), the initiator of instrumental performance, who himself personifies the sacred horn yovel.24 The description of music in the same verse (“of all those who play”) is associated with the “live” instruments, the kinnor and ‘ugav.25 Sometimes there appears a symbiotic or etymologically ambivalent terminology, unusual in modern perceptions, but typical in ancient ones. Such terminology asssumes semantic extrapolation. The definition of the stringed group by the phrase “kele-shir” (lit. “instruments of singing”; 1 Chr. 15:16; 16:42; 2 Chr. 7:6, etc.)26 represents an example of symbiotic terminology, whereas etymologically ambivalent terminology is revealed in the use of the word “mahol” (Exod. 15:20; 32:19; Judg. 11:34, etc.) with two possible meanings: dance and woodwind instrument.27 The Bible on the face of it contains scattered and unsystematic information about the religious (both theoretical and ritual), social, customary and aesthetic aspects of playing instruments and giving practical performances. But in fact the data is quite extensive and diverse. Nevertheless, the classification, construction and methods of playing the instruments are not stated. As a result, in later sources there are numerous divergences in the definitions and descriptions of the biblical instruments. These sources include talmudic literature, the writings of the early Church Fathers (Jerome, Augustine, John Chrysostom), the Byzantine theologians (Clement of Alexandria) and Church historians (Eusebius of Caesarea), the treatises of western theologians (Isidore of Seville, Hilary of Poitiers), the works of Jewish historians (Flavius Josephus, Philo of Alexandria), religious teachers (Sa‘adia Gaon, Ibn Ezra, Moses Maimonides) and ethnographers (Abraham da Portaleone). Modern scholarship in the form of the co-operation of specialists from different disciplines has to be called in to help resolve the accumulated contradictions and to fill in the lacunas. During the last two decades knowledge about ancient biblical musical instruments has increased significantly thanks to important discoveries in

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history, biblical studies (the sphere of music in particular), archaeology, linguistics (primarily comparative studies), and cultural anthropology. Quite often the breakthroughs were possible only when scholars from different countries (dealing with both theory and practice), from different fields of science and different schools of thought combined their efforts to contribute to the study of the subject. Their laborious work finally enabled them to decipher written sources, to find and describe pictographical materials, artefacts, and authentic samples of instruments that were discovered at excavations. Thus, the transcription of the Sumerian, Assyrian, Akkadian, and Hittite cuneiform tablets and Egyptian hieroglyphic monuments helped to ascertain the etymology and lexical borrowings of the instrumental terminology of the ancient world. Musical texts written on cuneiform tablets from the Sumerian city of Ur (U. 3011, U. 7180, CBS 10996, VAT 10101) were transcribed and published by the Assyriologists B. Landsberger and A. D. Kilmer (USA), O. R. Gurney (Great Britain), H. Kümmel (Germany), E. Laroche (France) and Sumerologist E. Sollberger (Great Britain), in collaboration with the Hittitologist H. G. Güterbock (USA). This allowed the musicologists M. Duchesne-Guillemin (Belgium), D. Wulstan (Great Britain) and R. L. Crocker (USA) to announce an audacious hypothesis that in early times a complicated theory of tuning instruments based on mathematics had been invented and fixed in the so called Nabnitu syllabaria, the first “clay” treatises in the history of music.28 With their research taken into account, actually playable replicas of the instruments (the lyre in particular) have been made. The following are some of the better known findings, the “material evidence” left by the biblical peoples. 1. A group of instrumental players (on the lyre, harp, double-reed pipe, and end-blown pipes) depicted on the bas-relief from the palace of the Assyrian king Sennacherib (705/704–681 BCE; Figure 1.9). 2. An Elamite band (with horizontal and vertical harps, and a doublereed pipe) found among graffiti from the palace of Sennacherib’s grandson Asshurbanipal (669–ca. 633 BCE) in Nineveh, discovered by the English archaeologists A. H. Layard and O. Rassam during their excavations in the middle of the nineteenth century (Figure 1.10). 3. An instrumental ensemble (asymmetrical and rectangular lyres and frame drums) on the relief from the fortress of the Hittite king Barrakub (ca. 730 BCE) close to the deserted Kurdish settlement at Zincirli in Turkey, opened by the German archaeologists K. Humann and O. Puchstein at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth (Figure 1.11).

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4. A bronze figurine of a girl playing a pipe from the ancient Israelite town of Megiddo (ninth century BCE) found by G. Schumacher, a member of the German Palestine Society in the first third of the twentieth century. 5. The famous lyres from the royal cemetery (part of the huge necropolis) at Ur (Figures 1.12, 1.13) revealed in 1927 by the expedition under the guidance of the outstanding English scholar Sir Leonard Woolley. 6. Finally, the Egyptian trumpets from the tomb of Tutankhamun (eighteenth Dynasty, fourteenth century BCE) discovered in 1922 by the British archaeologist H. Carter in the Valley of the Kings not far from Thebes (Figure 1.14).

Figure 1.9. Assyrian musicians playing double reed pipes, double end-blown pipes, lyre and harp. Relief from the palace of Sennacherib, Nineveh, seventh century BCE (British Museum, London)

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Figure 1.10. Elamite musicians playing double reed pipes and vertical and horizontal harps. Graffito from the palace of Ashurbanipal, Nineveh, seventh century BCE (British Museum, London)

Figure 1.11. Hittite musicians playing frame drums, cymbals, and asymmetrical and rectangular lyres. Relief from the fortress of Barrakub, San‘al (Zincirli), eighth century BCE (Archaeological Museum, Istanbul)

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Figure 1.12. Sumerian “gold lyre” from the Royal Tombs. Part of the necropolis at Ur, mid-third millennium BCE (Iraq Museum, Baghdad)

Figure 1.13. Sumerian “silver lyre” with stag figure from the Royal Tombs. Part of the necropolis at Ur, mid-third millennium BCE (Pennsylvania University Museum, Philadelphia)

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A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Figure 1.14. Egyptian trumpets from the tomb of Tutankhamun, Thebes, fourteenth century BCE (Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

The investigation of these monuments has borne fruit in the study of music in the Bible. The literature on biblical instruments is quite voluminous. Since the time when the first books of Abraham da Portaleone, M. Prätorius, A. Kircher, G. B. Martini, A. Calmet and A. F. Pfeiffer came out beginning about 300 years ago, a considerable amount of research has been done, based on the works of scholars from many countries.29 In the 1930s there appeared detailed publications by the American scholar S. B. Finesinger and by British researchers F. W. Galpin and H. G. Farmer, the latter being a great expert on Arabic and Near-Eastern music as a whole. At the same period C. Sachs, an eminent German musicologist, the founder and doyen of modern organology started his activity. His contribution to the study of the musical culture of ancient civilizations is enormous. In fact the following generations of musicologists (among whom were such celebrated people as H. Avenary, E. Wellesz, E. Kolari, E. Werner and H. Hickmann) used and still use the classification of instruments devised by C. Sachs and

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E. M. von Hornbostel. In the 1960s great scientific interest in the music, especially instrumental music, of the peoples who had once inhabited “the biblical hills” increased everywhere. Thus, in Germany individual volumes in the unique series “Musikgeschichte in Bildern” were dedicated to the music of Egypt (H. Hickmann) and Mesopotamia (S. A. Rashid). These volumes cover both the surviving iconographic and sculptured monuments, and the “live” samples of musical instruments (or their fragments) discovered at excavations. In the same decade the Israeli musicologist B. Bayer issued new materials on the range of instruments of Palestine based on archaeological data. The French scholar A. Parrot introduced important information about Mesopotamian musical culture unknown earlier, and the German researcher W. Stauder published up to date facts on the musical culture of Sumer, Assyria and Babylonia. A distinguished contribution is the fundamental, historically accurate and academically rigorous work of the HungarianAmerican author A. Sendrey. The weighty articles of J. Braun, a competent organologist, are also reliable and must be taken into account. During the last few decades due to the rapid development of ethnomusicology there has been considerable progress in identifying instruments representing different national cultures congruent with that of the Bible in typology and genetics.30 Some of the scholars (both musicologists and linguists) include T. C. Mitchell, R. Joyce, W. H. Shea, C. H. Dyer and E. M. Yamauchi. They have concentrated on specific items, such as studying the instrumental composition of the orchestra of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II mentioned in Daniel 3. Others have devoted themselves to the problem of the relation to the biblical instruments of statements in Patristic literature (W. M. Green, J. W. McKinnon), or to a specific contemporary tradition of the interpretation of the ancient Jewish instruments in the Scriptures, such as that in the Maghreb (M. Bar-Asher), and in Slovenia (E. Škulj). However, despite the large range of information, with rare exceptions it never gives any explanation or comments on their typology, etymology or technical characteristics. That is why the investigation of these questions entails numerous difficulties, and raises problems which are often impossible to solve by the sole means of historical or theoretical musicology. It is necessary to draw on other disciplines, such as archaeology, source criticism, comparative linguistics, and comparative organology. The complex analysis of the Old Testament instrumental terminology based on the principles and methods of research worked out in these disciplines will help in attaining positive results. The present volume is intended to give much up to date information about the instruments mentioned in the Bible, and thus to form a contribution to the discipline of biblical musicology.

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Figure 1.15. Pottery incense burner with ensemble of four musicians (also known as the Ashdod quartet). Ashdod, tenth century BCE (Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem)

Endnotes 1. Musical instruments are also mentioned in the deuterocanonical texts, such as Judith and 1 and 2 Maccabees. There are a few references in the New Testament as well (Matthew, 1 Corinthians, 1 Thessalonians and Revelation). 2. Instrumental music is included in Genesis as one of the three main spheres of activity of ancient man alongside cattle breeding and metalwork (Gen. 4:18-22). This is evidence of the important, if not paramount role of music in the life of those times. In this passage obvious parallels with the cultures of other times and peoples can be seen, including the invention of musical instruments. Thus, one can find similar subjects both in pre-biblical and in post-biblical literature, for instance, in the mythology of the Sumerians (the epic about Dilmun, the land of the immortals, analogous to the biblical Eden) and in the early Islamic Arabic legends. These include hadiths about the origin of the ‘ūd, or lute, which was made by Lamak, the biblical Lamech, and about the miz‘āf, probably the harp or lyre, that came into being by the inspiration of Lamech’s daughter Dalil/Dilal. A modified “divinized” version of the Old Testament account is reflected in a medieval Jewish legend, according to which the instruments were created by the angels, but when they revolted against the Almighty and fell from heaven, the instruments were broken. This made the angels feel sad. Then Jubal put the broken pieces together again and restored the instruments as they had been before. By contrast, in the early Islamic tradition there existed a “satanized” version of the invention of musical instruments. Here Satan made them because he was envious of the beautiful voice and masterly skills of young Da’ud (the biblical David: Farmer, 1973). In the same tradition (as stated by alTabari in the tenth century) it was not Lamech but another biblical character Tubal/ Tubul, one of the descendants of Cain, who was considered to be the inventor of differ-

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ent instruments, such as the lute (‘ūd), the tambourine (daff/duff), and the flute (nay). According to a tradition known in Syria, musical instruments were invented by the daughters of Cain, whereas his descendant Jubal composed the first song, an elegy on the death of Abel. 3. The existence of such instrumental ensembles in the Near East in biblical times has been proved by archaeological findings. Such is for instance the well known Ashdod group of musical figures (ca. 1000 BCE) playing a lyre, a double reed pipe, a frame drum, and probably an idiophone. This ensemble is known as a Phoenician quartet (Figure 1.15). 4. The first school of this kind was founded, so far as is known, by Samuel in Ramah. Its popularity grew rapidly, and later it became a prototype of the similar institutions that appeared in a number of ancient Jewish towns such as Gibeah, Bethel, Mizpah, Gilgal and others. 5. In the Tanakh the term “prophet” (nāºî`/aiybn “call for”, cognate with Akkad nabu, to speak, to call for) is referred to charismatic individuals, mediators between God and people, who have a special gift to perceive and proclaim the divine will, “the word of God”. As a rule, they prophesied in an ecstatic state (1 Sam. 19:20-24), often intensified by the playing of musical instruments (1 Sam. 10:5; 2 Kgs 3:15). 6. The quality of the sound received a high aesthetic estimation in the well known passage 2 Chr. 5:12-13. This gives a vivid and colourful description of a composite ensemble of singers and instrumental performers including 120 trumpeters. They all sang and played together “to make themselves heard in unison in praise and thanksgiving to the Lord”. 7. The establishment is ascribed to King David both in the Old Testament (1 Chr. 23:6; 2 Chr. 8:14; Neh. 12:44-46) and in the later historical sources (Josephus, A.J. VII:12:3; 14:7). This, however, opposes the aforementioned view that the groups (as well as the system of organization of the musicians) were formed in the Second Temple period, in the time of Nehemiah (fifth century BCE), and probably later. 8. The last name stands possibly instead of Ethan, as in 1 Chr. 15:17, 19. Some scholars, however (for example, Sendrey, p. 78), think that Ethan and Jeduthun are one and the same person. 9. This is a town in Southern Mesopotamia, in modern Iraq. 10. This is an island and an ancient town of the same name, situated on the Nile, near the first cataract, opposite the modern Aswan. The historical Egyptian name is Abu, meaning “ivory”, the same as Elephantine in Greek. 11. The prohibition on playing musical instruments on Sabbaths and at feasts is confirmed by the later code Shulhan-Aruk (an eleventh century reference book). 12. The authenticity of this piece has been challenged by such scholars as B. Bayer and J. Braun. 13. Some scholars such as C. Sachs and J. Braun doubt whether these instruments are actually Jewish trumpets. 14. The lyres depicted on the coins are considered by B. Bayer and J. Braun not to be authentic instruments of the Second Temple period, but to be typical Hellenistic and Roman descant and bass lyres, perhaps corresponding to the biblical kinnor and nevel respectively. 15. The inscription on the coins depicting lyres says, “The first year of the liberation of Israel”, and those with the trumpets on them say, “The second year of the liberation of Israel”.

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16. Since Assyrio-Babylonian musical art was influenced by the earlier Sumerian civilization, so did it influence ancient Jewish music. 17. It is known that Egyptians in their turn borrowed the lyre (knnr) from the Phoenicians, who are reckoned to be its inventors. The Egyptians however developed the instrument and made many varieties of it. 18. The complete absence of any data about the lute among ancient Israelite musical instruments has not yet been satisfactorily explained. It is likely however that the answer should be sought in the religious, ethical and/or aesthetic norms of the Israelites. In Egyptian musical culture the lute was one of the instruments favoured by the élite. The shape and probably the sound were associated with beauty and perfection, and these qualities were even reflected in Egyptian hieroglyphics. The sign (nfr), meaning “beautiful, perfect, good” (in the plural nfrw, “beauty, perfection, goodness”) has a striking similarity with the shape of the instrument. Together with the common physiological rendering as “heart, windpipe,” an alternative musical interpretation, as shown for instance in the depiction of the harem of Akhenaten (also known as Ikhnaton, fourteenth century BCE) in his palace in Akhetaton (present day Amarna), also seems possible. It should be remembered that the Egyptian name for the lute has still not been identified. At the same time the lute, judging from the depiction of sexual scenes, was often associated with the pleasures of love. This may be one of the reasons why the lute was never accepted by the Israelites. 19. Both pictographic material and samples of the instruments found during excavations confirm this process. Such for instance, is a boat-shaped lyre-harp from Ur (U. 121198). It is a hybrid instrument from the point of view of modern organology. Its construction combines elements of the lyre (two arms and a crossbar) with those of the harp (the shape of the sound box and the diagonal stretching of strings of different lengths). 20. The variety of types of the instruments is impressive. There are Egyptian harps and lutes, Phoenician zithers and Babylonian cymbals. Also amazing is the diversity of their sizes, the number and disposition of the strings and the shapes of the sound boxes. Thus, portable lyres found in Megiddo existed along with the large harps, almost 1 m high, like those depicted in the tomb of the Pharaoh Ramesses III. The number of the strings ranged from two on Sumerian lutes (sinnitu) up to 20 on Egyptian harps (bnt). Their disposition could be symmetrical or asymmetrical. As for the shapes of the sound box, there were rectangular, triangular and trapezoid lyres and zithers, angular, arched and boat-shaped harps and even experimental transitional constructions, such as the lyreharps from Ur mentioned previously. 21. Monotheism developed after the revolutionary change in people’s minds as a result of the reforming activity of Moses (thirteenth century BCE). But in the opinion of the majority of scholars it was finally established in Israel only after the return from the Babylonian exile (late sixth century BCE). 22. The musically figurative character of this book is so striking and expressive that the legend of Job being a patron of musicians, absent from the Tanakh, was widespread in post-biblical times. It originates from the late Jewish apocryphon “The Testament of Job”, written in Greek. This first appeared in Egypt around the turn of the millennium among an ascetic group called the Therapeutae, and was influenced by the T. 12 Patr. and by classical Greek literature. According to this apocryphon Job had six psalteries and a ten-stringed lyre. By playing them he consoled the poor widows so that “they could glorify God”. He also admonished his complaining servants “reminding them that God

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would provide a future atonement for his wrath” (14:1-5). Despite the fact that this apocryphon was banned in 496 by Pope Gelasius, the idea of Job as a musician became very popular in fourteenth-century western art and persisted until the seventeenth century. There are numerous examples, among which two famous altars, one by the Master of the legend of St Barbara (1485, Köln, Wallraf-Richartz Museum), and the other by Albrecht Dürer, the so-called Jabach Altar (1503–1504, also in the WallrafRichartz Museum.). The ivory carving on the reliquary from the Cluny Museum (Paris), a medal of Brabant origin (in fifteenth-century Brabant Job was particularly venerated) and illuminations in Greek and Latin manuscripts (14th-15th centuries, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale) are also worth mentioning. 23. The Sumerian name of the lyre sammîm (giš ZА.MН) is written with the same combination of ideograms as the name of the genre of praise songs (the primary meaning of the determinative is “eulogistic”). This genre in its turn could contextually mean “singing” or even “music” in general. The graphic depiction of the verb hul (“to rejoice”, and also “to dance”) has the contours of a harp. The name of the Hittite lyre hun innara appears to be a compound lexeme borrowed from the Hittite (hun means “big” and inar “singing” or “music”). 24. Two other sons of Lamech were Jabal, “the father of those who dwell in tents and have cattle” (Gen. 4:20) and Tubal-Cain, who was “the forger of all instruments of bronze and iron” (Gen. 4:22). These are personifications of their professions (the word qain in Arabic means “forger”, whereas ’abil from which the name Jabal derives, means “shepherd”, “camel drover”). The name of Lamech’s daughter Naamah (nā amā/hmu[n “pleasant”) is associated with singing, since it originates from one and the same Hebrew verb nā am/![n. Along with the sense “to be pleasant” it can also signify “to create a melody”. Numerous parallels to this phenomenon can be found in other cultures. For instance, even the term “music” (μουσικ) itself is connected with the name of the nine Muses (Μοσαι) who personify different branches of art in ancient Greek mythology. 25. Here the names of the instruments are probably examples of synecdoche, the names of the individual instruments standing for the whole class of which they are members. In this context that would allow the kinnor and the ‘ugav to be regarded as representing two categories (strings and percussion respectively). The combination of both terms in one unit makes possible their interpretation as standing for playing on the instruments, or even more broadly as music in general. Such an interpretation existed already in the Middle Ages, both in the Eastern and in the Western traditions. Among the former are included the Jewish poets and philosophers Moses Ibn Ezra (ca. 1055– after 1135), the Italian Emmanuel ha-Romi (1261–before 1336), and among the latter the Biblical exegete Hugh of St Cher, a Dominican cardinal (1200–1263). Hugh of St Cher assumed that instruments were invented a lot later (“longe post inventa fuerunt”, Postilla to Gen. 4:21) than music itself. In music science the concept of the origin of music and musical instruments also has quite a peculiar appearance. Thus, the invention of singing and playing instruments is ascribed not only to Jubal/Tubal in the antediluvian period (in Renaissance treatises on music as well as in historical translations of the Bible, Jubal is often called Tubal), but also to Moses, who restored the art after the flood. This idea is found in the treatises of some significant scholars, Dutch (Johannes Valendrinus/Hollandrinus, fifteenth century, “Opusculum monochordale”), Italian (Franchino Gafurius, 1451–1522, “Teorica musicae”), German (Nicolaus Vollick, 1480–1541, “Opus aureum musicae”) and Polish (Sebastian z Felsztyna, ca. 1480/1490–1544, “Opusculum musicae noviter congestum”). According to the German theorist Sebastian Vir-

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dung (ca. 1465–?, “Musica getutscht”), instruments were invented by the biblical character Jubal, who “was the first to measure their proportions” and by the historical person Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius (ca. 480–524), a Roman philosopher and writer on music who fixed “the divisions of the pipes of the organs and of the flutes”. 26. A similar perception of the “singing” (sīr-ru) stringed instruments is presented in Hittite monuments. 27. The interpretation depends on the choice of the original root. It can be either “dance” (from the verb ûl/lwj “to whirl”, “to spin”, “to dance in a circle”: an association with the Sumerian root hul, referred to in note 23, is possible) or “a woodwind instrument”, a synonym of “halil” (from the verb ālal/llj “to be void”, “to pierce”, “to make holes”). A non-musical rendering of the term as “sorrow” or “illness” (from the verb ālā/hlj, “to grieve”, “to be ill”) is also possible. The radical consonants that occur in the headings and in some of the psalms are semantically polyvalent as well, and therefore are difficult to explain. Among them are selah (Pss 3:9; 4:3; 7:6, etc.), nehilot (Ps. 5), and ‘alamot (Ps. 46). They all belong to the category of termini dubii. Such polyvalence is characteristic of the Semitic languages, partly due to the unstable consonants, and partly because of the rich homonymy of these languages. 28. However these attempts to identify the cuneiform text as musical notation should, in the opinion of many scholars, be treated with great reserve. 29. These scholars include J. L. Saalschütz, P. J. Schneider, J. N. Forkel, A. W. Ambros, F. J. Fétis, C. Engel, E. K. A. Riehm, J. Weiss, J. Stainer, A. Z. Idelsohn and H. Riemann. 30. Some publications are specifically produced for Bible translators. Such, for instance, are the highly informative articles by the English Bible scholar I. H. Jones (1986), which contain a typological classification and a survey of the data about biblical musical instruments.

Chapter 2

PLUCKED STRINGED INSTRUMENTS

An Assyrian lyre player. Detail from a bas-relief from the palace of Ashurbanipal, Nineveh, seventh century BCE (British Museum, London).

‘ASOR, nevel ‘asor (Heb. neºel @aśôr/rwc[ lbn, from the numeral @ǎśarā /hrc[, ten), an ancient Jewish stringed instrument, similar to the ten-stringed zither, probably of Phoenician or Assyrian origin. Judging from the depiction on two ivory caskets in the British Museum in London, it consisted of a frame with ten strings stretched transversely. It is unclear whether the frame was wide, narrow or deep. The performer played the ‘asor with the fingers, holding the instrument in front of himself. ‘Asor is mentioned in the Bible three times, all in the Psalter: Pss 33:2; 92:4 and 144:9. In two cases (Pss 33:2 and 144:9) the word is used as an adjective related to the noun “nevel”.1 The LXX in Ps. 143:9 and in Ps. 32:2 in PsHebr translates it as ν ψαλτηρí δεκαχóρδ (LXX Ps. 143:9 and 33:2) and the Vulg. (PsHebr) as “in psalterio decacordo” (in Ps. 143:9 and in Ps. 32:2 in PsHebr) and “in psalterio decem cordarum” in Ps. 32:2 in PsGal. In

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the Hebrew text of Ps. 92:4 the conjunction “and” between the words “asor” and “nevel” (@ǎlê-@aśôr wa@ǎl©-nāºel/lbnAyl[w rws[Ayl[) seems to imply two instruments. This terminological differentiation is maintained in early Bible translations, for instance, in Aramaic2 and Ethiopic. Later the Vulg. also presents ‘asor as an independent instrument in PsHebr: in decacordo, et in psalterio (LXX has δεκαχóρδον ψαλτριον as in the other two cases). Further versions on the whole follow the LXX interpretation. Some render ‘asor as a generic term, “ten-stringed instrument”: ‘ašārī (Taf),3 “instrument de dix cordes” (LyB), “instrument а dix cordes” (GenB),4 “nástrog o desyti strunach” (KrB), “instrument of ten strings” (BpB, DouB, KJV, ASV, TEV), “instrument o dziesięciu stronach” (BP), “atsimiani” (GCB). Others define its type, so that it appears (1) as a psaltery (that is, a zither), or (2) as a harp, or (3) as a lyre, or (4) as a lute. Examples of each category are as follows: (1) sautrie (WyclB), psaltery (DouB, ASV), psalterio (BIM), Psalter (LB), salterio (SBE), sapsalmune (GB), santur (KMT); (2) harp (RSV, TEV, CEV, BNBG), harpe (BFC), arpa (BILC); (3) lyre (NJB, NIV); (4) @ud (LL),5 lute (MofB, RSV), liuto (BILC), luth (BFC). In many cases the number of the strings is indicated: mazmur zaašartu ’awətarihu (EthPS), “zaltarz o desyeti strunach” (PrB), “psalter der zehen saytten” (NüB), “Psalter van tien Snaren” (BgvW),6 “psalter van thien snaren” (BNvW), “taslarani sałmos” (EAB), “taselar taviłov sałmos” (WAB), “atzali sapsalmuni” (GB) (the last three all mean a tenstringed psaltery), atsimiani ebani, atsimiani čangi (GCB) (these two both mean a ten-stringed harp), nablum decachordum (BLJ),7 qītāra dāti @ašara, kīnār dāti @ašara (LPsA), ten-stringed lute (Mof), ten stringed harp, harp of/with ten strings (RSV, NASB, NIV, CEV), harfa deseti strun (SSP). The majority of the Church Slavonic and Russian Bible translations8 render ‘asor as jàëòèðü ägñ#òîcòðóííûé (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete copies: JoachB, SidB, UvarB, and also SkorB, OstB, MoscB, and ElizB), jàëòèðü ! ñòðqííûé (SimPs) ïñàëòèðü ägñ#òîñòðóííàÿ (SkorB), èíñòðóìgíò w ägñ#òè còðóíàõ (AFPs), ägñ#òîñòðóííîg îðóäig (AmPs), псалтирь десятиструнная (SynB), лира десятиструнная (WCBT), десятиструнная арфа (the Russian text in the interlinear TanJer). In Ps. 91:4 (MT 92:4) however, a generic term десятиструнник (a ten-stringed instrument) is used: ägñ#òîñòðóíig (AmPs), десятиструнный (SynB), десятиструнная (TanJer). It does not show the typology of the instrument. Some recent editions chose the same principle, such as the Dutch BNBG (tiensnarig instrument), Armenian WAB (taselar nvagaran) and Turkish KMT (on telli saz). In one instance the translator invented a compound expression ägñ#òîñòðóííîg ïhíig (a ten-stringed singing: AmPs). The majority of scholars (F. J. Fétis, C. Engel, C. Sachs and A. Sendrey) also think that the ‘asor and the nevel were different instruments. Some, however, (J. Weiss, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen) consider they were

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one and the same instrument, and differed only in size (the ‘asor being bigger) and in the number of the strings (the nevel had 12 strings). As for the origin of the ‘asor there are several hypotheses. According to one (Sachs, Sendrey, H. Avenary) it was of Phoenician provenance. This point of view is supported by the text of the “Ad Dardanum epistola” by Pseudo-Jerome (ninth century) where “psalterium decachordum” coincides exactly with the Phoenician zither (Figure 2.1). The author finds a symbolic sense in the construction of the instrument. The ten strings, he states, mean the ten commandments,9 and the four sides of the square shape symbolize the four Gospels. Some Bible scholars (F. W. Galpin, S. H. Langdon) assume that the term ‘asor is a dialectal variant of the word @ǎšôr/rwv[ spelt incorrectly. So the ‘asor could be an Assyrio-Babylonian harp, borrowed by the ancient Jews. Furthermore the origins of the instrument may be even earlier. The ten-stringed horizontal harp is known to have existed in the Sumerian and Babylonian cultures. It was called eshirtu (eširtu, second millennium BCE). It accompanied the ritual love songs iratu (literally “songs of the breast”). This theory seems to be reliable not only from the linguistic point of view (it gives the right etymology), but it is also confirmed by archaeological findings from Nimrud (Figure 2.2). According to other hypotheses ‘asor was the Egyptian arched harp related to the ancient Greek sambuke (F. J. Fétis), the Syrian angular harp (C. Engel), the ancient Greek magadis (J. C. Harenberg),10 the lyre with a rectangular sound box (C. Sachs), or an instrument similar to the qaytros of the Hellenistic period mentioned in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15 (E. Werner). In Modern Hebrew the word ‘asor retains only its numerical sense, the number ten.

Figure 2.1. Zither type instrument (schematic drawing)

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Figure 2.2. Musician playing a horizontal harp. Terracotta relief. Old Babylonian period, ca. 2000–ca. 1550 BCE (Musée de Louvre, Paris)

KINNOR (Heb. kinnôr/rwnk, pl. masc. kinnōrîm/!yrnk, pl. fem. kinnōrôÓ/ twrnk; the only name of an ancient Jewish musical instrument having two plural forms): (1) presumably a generic term for all representatives of the stringed group; (2) a plucked stringed instrument of the lyre type, probably asymmetrical. The kinnor is similar to the ancient instruments of other Semitic and Iranian peoples. Among them are the Egyptian knnr, the Syriac kenarā/kinarā, the Arabic kinnarāt (the word is fem. pl.), the Ethiopian krar/kerar (Amharic) or kissari (Ge‘ez), the Coptic kinera, and the Middle Persian (Pahlavi) kannār (Figure 2.3). The etymology of the word “kinnor” is not clear. The triliteral root knr is present in the vocabulary of practically all languages of the ancient Near East, as well as in early Indo-European languages (for instance, “kinnari” in Sanskrit, also in Dravidian languages). It was also found in the cuneiform tablets discovered in Ebla, an ancient Syrian city state now known as Tell

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Mardikh (2400 BCE) and in one of the letters of the Mari archive (eighteenth century BCE; here, as kinaratim, a plural form of kinaru). It also occurs in Assyrian, Hurrian, Hittite (kinirtalla), Ugaritic and Egyptian texts.

Figure 2.3. Asymmetrical lyre. El-Medina, New Kingdom, 950–730 BCE (Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

One hypothesis, that of T. C. Mitchell, relates the word “kinnor” to the name of the Ugaritic god Kinarum (knr) mentioned in Akkadian cuneiform tablets. This god personified some kind of wood, obviously of a valuable kind. According to another theory, that of H. Gressmann, the word “kinnor” derives from the Syriac kenarā/kinarā and the Arabic and Persian kunār, the ancient name of a plant, possibly the nettle-tree (celtis australis) or persimmon (diospyros lotus).11 Its wood may be the material from which the musical instrument was made.12 The advocates of a third view, such as A. Sendrey, believe that the term originates from the name of the instrument that belonged to Kinyr, a character in a Phoenician epic, or from his personal name.13 It may well be that later on Kinyr appeared in Greek mythology as a

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high priest of Aphrodite, and the first musician (Pindar, 518–438 BCE, “Pythian Epinichion”, 2:15; Strabo, ca. 64 BCE–ca. 24 CE; “Geography”, XVI:18/755). He was revered in Cyprus, Lebanon, Phoenicia, and particularly in Biblus. This town, as Strabo states, was considered “the royal capital of Kinyr”. Through contacts with the Phoenicians and other neighbouring peoples the name of this mythical personage, and probably his instrument also, entered Jewish culture, bringing the name of the kinnor. The text of the Torah* confirms this, albeit indirectly, in that the kinnor, the only representative of the stringed group, is associated with the Syrian Laban, Jacob’s father-in-law (Gen. 31:27). There is one more tradition in which the word “kinnor” is connected with the Sea of Chinneroth (yām kinnərôÓ/twrnk !y, Josh. 12:3), or with the town of the same name situated on its shore. Its citizens were skilful performers or makers of the kinnor. The Sea of Chinneroth appears to have a shape similar to that of the kinnor, though in fact it resembles a harp rather than a lyre. C. Sachs thinks that the kinnor was similar to the lyres/kitharas of the Mycenaean culture of Crete that had existed in the third to second millennia BCE. He based his theory on the historical books of the Bible (2 Sam. 15:18; 20:7; 1 Kgs 1:38), where the (Cretan) Cherethites* (hakkərēÓî/ytrkh) are mentioned among the bodyguards of King David. They may have brought the instrument to Israel. Opinions on the construction and the shape of the kinnor expressed by early authors and by later scholars differ considerably, since neither the biblical text nor archaeological findings in the territory of the ancient states14 give any information. However, most sources both ancient and modern consider that it belonged to the chordophone group, except for F. K. Movers (nineteenth century), who relates the kinnor to the woodwinds. Thus, Isidore of Seville (ca. 560−636; “Etymologiae” III:21) talks about two kinds of kithara (that is, the kinnor). The first is “the foreign kithara” (“cithara barbarica”). Its shape resembles the Greek letter ‘∆’,15 as in his opinion does the psaltery (see Nevel). The second is the “Doric kithara” (“cithara dorica”), which “initially…was similar to a human chest” (“ab initio…similis fuisse… pectori humano”). This comparison would appear nine centuries later in the “Short Compendium” (“Vocabularius breviloquus” of 1481) by the German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455−1522). According to the Jewish philosopher Abraham Ibn Ezra (1092–1167; “Commentary on the Book of Daniel”), the shape of the kinnor resembled that of the menorah* (mənôrā/hrwnm).16 Some later authors identified the kinnor with the harp (Abraham da Portaleone, L. Haupt) or with the ancient Greek trigon (F. J. Fétis, A. W. Ambros). Yet others regarded it as a kind of lute (A. F. Pfeiffer, P. J. Schneider, C. F. Keil, F. J. Delitzch, J. Stainer, G. Diachenko). Then there were a few scholars such as A. Calmet, who

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identified the kinnor with the kithara. The eighteenth century Moroccan commentaries (Sharh) on “The Studied Language” (ləšōn lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by Rafael Bergudo consider the kinnor to be a qîtrā (a local variety of lyre). But in the oral Sharh tradition of the Moroccan Jews (ShTaf), the kinnor is associated either with the percussion membranophone děf (Arabic daff, see Tof), or is given a generic definition “instruments for playing” (məl@ēb). On the basis of new historical and archaeological data, and using the insights of twentieth-century comparative linguistics many scholars (C. Engel, J. Weiss, K. Benzinger, S. B. Finesinger, C. Sachs, B. Bayer, A. Tomaschoff, L. Koehler, A. Sendrey, T. C. Mitchell, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen and others) came to the conclusion that the kinnor was very much like the Greek lyre (or kithara).17 The shape of its sound box varied over the course of time and at different periods was both symmetrical and asymmetrical, either trapezoid or rectangular or u-shaped. The size of the instrument would normally be about 50–60 cm although smaller examples (about 25-30 cm) also occur among archaeological finds. At the top of the sound box there were two arms, usually of different length, connected by a cross-bar. Consequently, the strings were of different lengths (Figure 2.4). Presumably the kinnor had an alto range. This is confirmed by experiments with Egyptian examples.

Figure 2.4. Varieties of the kinnor (schematic drawing)

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The strings (see ch. 6, Minnim), unlike those of the nevel, were fastened above the sound box in order to obtain the best “singing” sound, as Jerome (ca. 345−ca. 419) said in his “Breviarium in Ps. 32”. They were stretched either in parallel to each other, at an angle of 90° to the bottom of the sound box (though that was quite rare), or more commonly they would come to one point at the bottom part of the frame, thus forming a fan-like contour (as in the Ethiopian krar). For stretching, special pegs niqtimon/niqatmon (niqÓimōn/ @mtqn) were used. This term is not mentioned in the Bible, and is probably of later origin, occurring in m. Šabb. VI:8; m. Kelim XV:6. The strings were often made of sheep’s intestines, and in Talmudic sources (m. Qinnim III:36; b. Qinnim 25a) they are called “the sons of the sheep intestines”. Sometimes however, plant fibres were used. Strings made of metal were unknown in ancient times. Consequently the copper (χαλκóς) strings mentioned in patristic writings (Basil the Great, 330−379; Ομιλíα ες τòν πρẃτον ψαλμòν) seem to reflect the practice of a later period. If a string happened to break, the Talmud* (m. ‘Erub. XI:13) prescribes to tie it up again only in the Temple, before starting to play. It should be released at the bottom and wound around the niqtimon in order to avoid a knot in the middle, since “that will not let the sound come out clearly” (y. ‘Erub. 103a). The number of the strings of the kinnor varies in different sources, from six (Jerome, “Breviarium in Ps. 32”) to 47 (Abraham da Portaleone, 1542– 1612, “Shields of the Mighty”: šiltê haggibbôrîm). The latter, however, describes the contemporary instrument, presumably a psaltery. Josephus talks of a ten-stringed kinnor (A.J. VII, 12:3), and the Talmud (tb. ‘Arak. 13b) and Isidore of Seville (Etymologiae, III:21, referring to Virgil) of the sevenstringed kinnor. On Jewish coins of 132–135 (Chapter 1, Figure 1.8) there are mainly three, but sometimes five or six strings. Perhaps there existed several types of kinnor that were of different sizes and had different numbers of strings, ranging from three to ten. The expression bəÂinnōrôÓ @al-haššəmînîÓ/ tynymVhAl[ twrnkb in 1 Chr. 15:21, according to Sendrey, probably refers to eight-stringed kinnors. The shorter phrase @al-haššəmînîÓ/tynymVhAl[ in Pss 6:1; 12:1 could also carry this implication. According to the Bible in the times of King David cypress was the main material for making the kinnor (2 Sam. 6:5). However, later the valuable almug wood (possibly sandalwood) was chosen for making kinnors for the Temple (1 Kgs 10:12). Josephus says that both the kinnor and the nevel were made of electron, a special alloy of gold and silver (A.J. VIII, 3:8).18 It could evidently be used for decorating the instruments, particularly in the period of the kings. To improve the quality of the sound the arms of the frame were left hollow. In addition at one side of the bottom of the sound box an extra resonator was attached. It had the shape of the head of a bull or was a figurine of a deer or a human being.19 At the same time these resonators served as decoration (Figure 2.5; see also Chapter 1, Figures 1.12 and 1.13).

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Figure 2.5. Sumerian musician playing an 11-stringed lyre at a royal banquet. Part of the inlay on the “Ur standard”. Ur, mid-third millennium BCE (British Museum, London)

When playing on the kinnor the performer held it in the upright position, but slightly inclined. One arm of the instrument he pressed under his left armpit. The Tanakh describes the method of producing the sound with the verbs niggēn (@gn, “to pluck with the fingers” in 1 Sam. 16:16; Isa. 23:16), zimmēr (rmz, “to sing”, “to praise by singing” in Ps. 71:22; 98:5; 149:3 and others) and with the expression mašmi‘îm…kinnōrôÓ (twrnkw !ylbnb !y[mvm, “loudly sounding kinnor”, “noise-making kinnor”; 1 Chr. 15:28). In Talmudic sources the verb hiqqîš (vyqh, “to touch”, “to strike”) occurs. In ancient Greek literature (Aristoxenus, fourth century BCE; Athenaeus, second century CE) similar verbs were chosen, πλκτρω or κροúω (“to produce the sound with a plectrum” or “to strike”). The manner of playing is called “κιθαρδíα” (“singing with the accompaniment of the kithara”). Latin authors such as Cicero (106−43 BCE) convey this with a phrase “foris canere” (lit. “to sing from the outside”). The majority of ancient writers such as Josephus and Jerome, and medieval writers such as Nicholas of Lyra (1270−1349), as well as scholars of the twentieth century (S. Krauss, Sachs, Sendrey) agree that the kinnor was played with a plectrum. This was made either of a quill, of wood or of

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metal. The Bible, however, often says that King David “played on the kinnor with his hand” (niggēn bəyāÄô/wdyb @gn, 1 Sam. 16:16, 23, etc.; hence the erroneous rendering of the kinnor as “the harp of King David”). This specific indication could imply either an unusual manner of performing or the intention of the narrator to point out the solo performance (without singing), untypical in those days. Augustine seems to have followed this passage when stating that the kinnor “is carried and played with the hands” (Enarrat. Ps. 42). Some of the researchers of the last century (Krauss and others) think that this new manner of playing existed in folk culture, and that the Levites maintained this ancient tradition of playing with the fingers.20 The kinnor is mentioned in the Old Testament over 40 times. Its invention, as well as that of the woodwind ‘ugav is ascribed to Jubal, son of Lamech by Adah (Gen. 4:21).21 Both the kinnor and the ‘ugav are symbolic prototypes of the biblical instruments. Of these two the kinnor was undoubtedly the more popular and highly esteemed. The Bible gives a very favourable evaluation of its sound. It is characterized as “sweet” (nā@îm/!y[n, Ps. 81:3), “festive and solemn” (higgāyôn/@ygh, Ps. 92:4). The Talmud also describes it as “sweet” ( allā/hlj). There is a story about the kinnor made in the days of Moses that was kept for a long time on the altar of the Jerusalem Temple. It had an amazingly gentle timbre, which was lost when the instrument was damaged, and never regained, even after it was mended by the Alexandrian masters (m. ‘Arak. 10b).22 Isidore of Seville likens the timbre of the kinnor to the voice coming from the human chest (“Etymologiae” III:21). A. Calmet states that the instrument had a “moaning sound” (“Commentarius” vol. 5, and Isa. 14:11).23 In the Temple orchestra the kinnor played the leading role. The Tanakh (1 Chr. 15:21) lists the names of the performers on the kinnor, whose part was “to direct the music” (ləna ēa /jxnl). These were: Mattithiah, Eliphelehu, Mikneiah, Obed-edom, Jeiel and Azaziah. The instrument was intended mainly to accompany the Levite singers (1 Chr. 25:6; 2 Chr. 29:25). The musicians were probably trained especially in the skill of accompanying the liturgy (2 Chr. 5:12). According to the Talmud (m. ‘Arak. II:5), normally not less than ten instruments took part in the service, and when necessary “their number could increase without limit”. Both the kinnor and the nevel are called “vessels for singing” (kəlê-šîr/ryvAylk, 1 Chr. 16:42; see ch. 6, Kelim). This confirms the function of the kinnor as the instrument that accompanies singing. The kinnor was not only a religious, but also a secular instrument. Both in the Temple and elsewhere its sounds symbolized joy and merriment for society as a whole, as well as for individuals (Job 21:12). In times of sorrow it was not used (Isa. 24:8; Ezek. 26:13; Ps. 137:2). The ability of the kinnor to intensify an ecstatic state of prayer is especially indicated in the biblical text.

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At such moments it became a mediator between God and the individual (1 Chr. 13:8; Pss 33:2; 81:3; 150:3 etc.) and could avert an evil spirit from a person (1 Sam. 16:16). It was also considered to be the instrument of the prophets (1 Sam. 10:5). The kinnor was played at the dedication of Solomon’s Temple (2 Chr. 5:12) and of the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. 12:27), in religious processions and at the transfer of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem (1 Chr. 13:8; 15:16). It was heard at the solemn ceremonies that celebrated victory over the enemy (2 Chr. 20:28), during exuberant royal banquets (Isa. 5:12), public festivals (2 Sam. 6:5; Neh. 12:27) and family celebrations (Gen. 31:27). It was used in different social strata, from kings (King David was the most famous kinnor player, 1 Chr. 13:8) to shepherds (1 Sam. 16:16) and prostitutes (Isa. 23:16). In the course of time the kinnor probably became more and more secular, and that change was perceived negatively by the Talmudists, because for them it remained “the vessel for songs to God” (kəlê-šîr hā’ělōhîm/!yhlah ryvAylk, 1 Chr. 16:42). In the religious sphere of life the kinnor became the symbol of praise to the Almighty. It is witnessed by the “Thanksgiving Scroll” (Mə©illāÓ ha ôÄayôÓ/twydwjh tlgm, not earlier than the first century BCE), a collection of hymnic poetry found among the Dead Sea Scrolls (1QH, XI, 22-24). It was compiled in imitation of the biblical psalms. There the kinnor is mentioned metaphorically together with the nevel and the halil: “Then shall I lay on the kinnor of help and on the nevel of joy … and on the halil of endless praise”. Some Jewish haggadahs also tell about its magic qualities. Such is the haggadah about King David’s kinnor, which sounded by itself at midnight, when the north wind started blowing (b. Ber. 3b; Sanh. 16a; y. Ber. 1:1; Midr. Num. 15:16, etc.).24 Doubtless the Old Testament kinnor was a prototype for the “kitharae of God” (κιθáραι το Θεο) in the description of the apocalyptic visions of John the Divine (Rev. 15:2, cf. Rev. 5:8; 14:2).25 The image of the kinnor as a symbol of praise to God together with human voices was maintained in Biblical exegesis (Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla super totam Bibliam). In the early Greek (LXX, Aq., Symm. and Theod.), Latin (Vulg.) and Syriac (Syr.) Bible versions the kinnor is rendered in various ways. In LXX it is rendered equally often as “kithara” (κιθáρα, Gen. 4:21; 31:27; 2 Chr. 9:11; Job 21:12; Pss 32:2; 56:9; 150:3; Isa. 5:12; 16:11, etc,) and as “kinyra” (κινúρα,26 1 Sam. 10:5; 16:16; 2 Sam. 6:5; 1 Kgs 10:12; 1 Chr. 13:8; 15:16, 21, 28; Neh. 12:27, etc.). Several times it becomes “psaltery” (ψαλτριον, Gen. 4:21;27 Pss 48:5; 80:3; 149:3; Ezek. 26:13). Aq., Symm. and Theod. give either “kithara” or “psaltery”. In Syr. the terms “kinara” (kenarā/kinarā) and “qitara” (qītarā) occur. In the Targums there are “kinnor” (kinnôr/rwnk, Isa. 5:12), “kinnora’” (kinnôrā’/arwnk, Gen. 4:21, 1 Sam. 16:16, 23), and “kinnara’ ” (kinnārā’/arnk) in the rest of the places. Just once (Tg. Onq.,

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Gen. 31:27) the name of the post-biblical stringed instrument “hinga’” ( ingā’/agnj, possibly a late variety of the kinnor or nevel) appears. In the Vulg. the term “cithara” is dominant (Gen. 4:21; 31:27; 1 Sam. 10:5; 16:16; 2 Sam. 6:5; 1 Chr. 13:8; 15:28; 25:1, 3, 6; 2 Chr. 5:12; Job 21:12; 30:31; Pss 32:2; 91:4; 107:3; Isa. 23:16; 24:8, etc.) except in five cases, “psalterium” (Pss 48:5; 149:3),28 “cithara pro octava” (1 Chr. 15:21), and “lyra” (1 Chr. 15:16; 16:5).29 In the Ethiopic Bible the kinnor is rendered by the word masonqo/masenkq/masanqo,30 except in Ps. 136:2 (EthPs) where it appears as ’enzira, a generic term meaning simply “a musical instrument”. Sa‘adia Gaon (882-942) gives various interpretations of the term in his Arabic translation of the Tanakh, but each time within the stringed group: “qitar” (qī ār), “tunbur” ( unbūr), “ ‘ud” (@ūd) and “sanj” ( anN).31 Two different names: “qitara” (qītāra) and “kinar” (kīnīr) are found in the sixteenth-century Arabic Psalter (LPsA). Numerous English versions of the sixteenth to twentieth centuries show the same inconsistency in rendering kinnor: “harpe, sauter, sautre, sautree” (an old spelling of “psaltery”) in WyclB; “harp, psaltery, cittern” in DouB; “harpe/harp” in BpB and KJV; “lyre, harp, lute” in MofB; “lyre, harp” in RSV, NASB, NIV and TEV; “harp, stringed instrument” in CEV. Other traditions also show a broad terminological spectrum. Thus, for the German tradition typical renderings are: “harfe/harpfe/harpffe, leyre, psalter, orgel” (NüB), “Harffe, Geige” (LB) and “Zither” (BEBD); for the Dutch: “chytare/ cithare, lire/liere, cytole, harpe” (BB), “Harfe, Vedele” (BGvW), “herpe, cyther/chiter, liere, psalterspel” (BNvW) and “citer” (BNBG); for the French: “harpe” (LyB), “violon, harpe, psalterion” (GenB)32 and “guitare, lyre, harpe” (BFC); for the Italian: “cythara, cittera” (BIM) and “cetra, arpa” (BILC); for the Spanish: “arpa, citara” (SBE); for the Czech: “hausle/husle/huslij, lutny, hudczy” (PrB), and “harfa, cytara” (KrB); for the Polish: “harfa, lutnia, cytra” (BP) and for the Slovenian: “citre, harfa” (SSP). Armenian and Georgian texts in many cases have similar terms. So “k‘nar” (MtsB, WAB and EAB)33 and “knari” (GB) obviously derive from the Hebrew word “kinnor”. In the Church Slavonic tradition (in the original MS of the GennB, and in its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, OTC 1, 2 and 3, as well as SkorB, OstB, MoscB and ElizB) the term ãóñëè predominates (Gen., Sam., Kgs, Chr., Neh., Job, Pss and Isa.). Sometimes it is replaced by the names ïhâíèöà, ñèòàðà, jàëòèðü, êiívðà, and just once, perhaps by mistake, by êvìâàëû (1 Chr. 15:21 in ElizB). The only exception is Ps. 136:2, where the majority of Church Slavonic versions understand kinnor to be a generic term for all stringed instruments and render it as “орган” (like the Greek ργανον and the Latin “organum”). This generic rendering reflects the general meaning of the term “kinnor” as a stringed instrument.34 In Russian editions (SynB and WCBT) together with the

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rendering гусли (Gen., 1 Sam., Neh., 1 Kgs, Ps. and Isa.), there occurs цитра (2 Sam., Job, Isa. and Ezek.), and just once арфа (Ps. 136:2). The biblical kinnor had an effect on Eastern Christian iconography and hymnography (including Old Russian). The word гусли is normally used to render kinnor, no doubt because the kinnor was its prototype. This usage was prevalent in the texts of the hymns in the Chant manuscripts (Sticheraria) such as the stichera for the Nativity of the Theotokos, for St Ambrose of Milan and so on. In the fifteenth-century Byzantine tradition the term “kinnyra” used to characterize the peculiar features of the “melos” of Manuel Chrisaph, an outstanding hymnographer, who imitated the sound of the instrument in his works (called “kratimae”). There exists a literary and iconographic subject “Christ playing on the lyre”, for instance in the writings of Clement of Alexandria, originating partly from the ancient Greek Orpheus myth (the latter, for example, is to be seen in a mosaic in the Roman villa at Brading in the Isle of Wight (fourth century CE). An example is found in an early Christian wall-painting preserved from apostolic times in a small chapel of the Four Evangelists in the Roman catacomb of St Domitilla (Figure 2.6). The principal source of this theme is the traditional image of King David, who was a renowned kinnor player. However, he may appear as Orpheus, as for example in the most ancient synagogue in Dura Europos (third century CE),35 or in the mosaic floor of the sixth century CE synagogue at Gaza (Figure 2.7). In Modern Hebrew the word “kinnor” means “violin”.

Figure 2.6. Christ playing a lyre. Wall painting at the church of Four Evangelists. Rome, catacomb of St Domitilla, third century CE

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Figure 2.7. David playing a lyre. Fragment of the floor mosaic from the synagogue in Gaza, sixth century CE (Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem)

NEVEL (Heb. neºel/lbn, pl. nəºālîm/!ylbn), an ancient Jewish plucked stringed instrument, most probably of the angular harp type, or according to the latest theory, a bass lyre. It belonged to the category of “vessels for singing” (kəlê-šîr/ryvAylk, see ch. 6, Kelim) and was used for accompanying both solo and choral singing. The root nvl has two possible vocalizations according to J. Braun, nevel and naval. It is not clear whether the meaning of these words is the same or different. There are also two possible etymologies: (1) Hebrew, Ugaritic and Syriac nevel, meaning “a jug, a leather skin for holding liquids” from the verb naval, meaning “to inflate, to fill, to bulge”; (2) Hebrew and Akkadian root naval, meaning “to degenerate, to be ritually unclean, obscene, a corpse”. The nevel is found mainly in the books related to the period of the monarchy (eleventh–sixth centuries BCE; 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 Kings, 1 and 2 Chronicles). In 2 Sam. 6:5 it is mentioned as an innovation in connection with the preparation of the erection of the first Temple (tenth century BCE). Perhaps it was one of the artefacts borrowed from pagan cultures by the first kings when organizing their courts. The nevel could have been brought from Cappadocia, as stated by Eusebius of Caesarea (ca. 265−ca. 339, “Praeparatio Evangelica”). There the instrument was constructed on the model of Assyrian samples from Phoenicia according to Athenaeus (Deipn., second century CE). To be more precise he claims that it came from the Phoenician town of

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Sidon, which was known in the ancient world for its rich musical traditions. This view is supported by such modern scholars as E. Werner, C. Sachs and A. Sendrey. They refer to 1 Sam. 10:5, and their opinion is also supported by pictographic material such as the Assyrian bas-reliefs (see Chapter 1, Figures 1.9, 1.11) and indirectly by Talmudic data (b. Šabb. 56b). There is a story there of the Pharaoh’s daughter, the future wife of King Solomon, who brought with her from Phoenicia “a thousand kinds” (’ele¼ mînê/ynym #la) of Egyptian musical instruments. It is also known that by Solomon’s contract with Hiram King of Tyre Phoenician carpenters came to Israel. Harp makers could well have been among them. There are different theories concerning the construction of the nevel. According to Jerome (ca. 345−ca. 419; “Enarratio in Ps. XXXII, XXXIII”) and Augustine (354−430; Enarrat. Ps. XLII, LXII, CL) the nevel had a vertical wooden sound box, either trapezoid or triangular, and a shape resembling the Greek letter delta (∆) turned upside down (like the Assyrian harp). The size of the instrument was half the height of a man. It had sound resonators and a belly, somewhat bulging and covered with skin. Many ancient writers (Hippolytus of Rome, third century, Haer.; Cassiodorus, ca. 477−ca. 570, “Praefatio in Psalterium,” IV; Isidore of Seville, ca. 560−636, “Etymologiae”, III:21;36 Bede, ca. 673−ca. 735; “Interpretatio Psalterii artis cantilenae”) share this point of view. In the “Ad Dardanum epistola” (Pseudo-Jerome, ninth century) the nevel is said to have “a square form” (“forma quadrata”) so it can be regarded as a psaltery. Another popular interpretation (y. Sukkah V:6) is based on the metonymic use of the etymology of the word “nevel” (Heb. nēºel/lbn means a “jug”, a “water-skin”, from the verb nāºal/lbn, “to inflate”, “to fill up to the top”, “to bulge out”). Thus the nevel may have had a bottle-like sound box and a belly covered with animal skin (the Tanakh implies this in Amos 6:5, and the Talmud points it out directly in y. Sukkah V:66). The contours of the instrument would then have resembled the outer edge of the pinna of a human ear. There is one more speculation of Abraham da Portaleone (1542–1612) who states that the nevel was a type of lute (“Shields of the Mighty”, šil ê haggibbôrîm, ch. 5). However in his description of the exterior and of the construction of the instrument one can easily recognize a theorbe (chitarron), an Italian bass lute of his own day. Some twentieth-century scholars (Sachs and Sendrey) came to the conclusion that the nevel was a portable vertical angular harp of different sizes, different numbers of strings and different methods of tuning (Figure 2.8). Sendrey does not exclude the possibility that the word itself could also be a generic term for a specific stringed family. This hypothesis seems quite possible considering the phrase “the vessels of the nevels” (kəlê nəºalîm/!ylbn ylk), 1 Chr. 16:5; see ch. 6, Kelim).

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Figure 2.8. Varieties of the nevel (schematic drawing)

Josephus says that the nevel had 12 strings (A.J. VII, 12:3). The Bible however mentions a ten-stringed instrument “nevel ‘asor” (neºel @āśôr/dwv[ lbn; Pss 33:2; 144:9). The strings were of different lengths and were stretched underneath the sound box, coming through the lower part of the frame at an oblique angle. According to Talmudic sources they were made of the large intestines of sheep (me@ayîm/!y[m; m. Qinnim III:6), and not of the small intestines like the kinnor. Therefore the sound of the nevel was louder (b. Sukkah 13b). Talmudic authors (y. Sukkah V:6) acknowledge the superiority of the nevel over other stringed instruments. They use an expressive comparison, the verb hiÂlā/hlkh (“to put to shame”, that is, the nevel put to shame the rest of the strings). This was due to its larger number of strings and also to its louder sound. The strings of the Temple nevel were longer and its sound more powerful than that of the secular instruments. In post-biblical literature the sound of the nevel is characterized as “breathing” and “rumbling” (Athenaeus, Deipn). This can be partly explained by the tubular structure of the nettle-tree37 wood that the additional resonator was made of, and partly by the position of the resonator in the upper part of the rib of the frame, rather than in the lower part as in the kinnor. In the time of King David the instrument itself was made of cypress wood (2 Sam. 6:5), but later the most valuable almug wood (possibly sandalwood) was chosen for the Temple nevel (1 Kgs 10:12). The performer held the nevel vertically pressing it to his chest and plucking the strings with the fingers (in Amos 6:5 this manner of playing is conveyed by the verb pāra /frp (lit. “to pick up the fruit”): ha¼ōrə îm @al-pî hannāºel/lbnh ypAl[ !yfrph). The Roman poet Ovid (ca. 43 BCE–17 CE) notes that the nevel player touched the strings with both hands “making merry” (Ars, III:325). Ancient Greek authors (Euphorio, third century BCE;

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Apollodorus, second century BCE; Athenaeus) state that the mode of playing was the same as that conveyed by the verb ψáλλω (“to touch the strings with the finger”). Josephus uses the verb κροúω (“to strike”). The medieval exegete Nicholas of Lyra (ca. 1270−1349; “Postilla super totam Bibliam”) also writes about playing the instrument with the fingers. As for the interval tuning of the nevel there is no reliable information. Referring to ancient Greek sources (Aristoxenus, Aristotle, Philetas of Delos, all from the fourth century BCE) quoted by Athenaeus (Deipn.), scholars of the twentieth century (Sendrey among them) assume the possibility that it was tuned in a way similar to that of the ancient Greek stringed instrument magadis.38 The functions of the nevel coincide in many aspects with those of the kinnor. First and foremost it was the “instrument for praise” (“Ad Dardanum epistola”). Hugh de St Cher (1200–1263) in his “Postilla universa” translates it by the adjective “laudatorium” (“laudatory”). The nevel produced “melodies for blessing” (Nicholas of Lyra, “Postilla super totam Bibliam”) and was included in different ensembles. Thus it was played in the ensembles of the Temple (1 Chr. 15:16; 23:5; 2 Chr. 5:12) and of the court (2 Chr. 20:28), as well as in the band of the prophets (1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Chr. 25:1). It was also used on state occasions (2 Sam. 6:5) in the secular ensembles that were played during folk holidays (Isa. 5:12; 24:8). The nevel accompanied solo singing, mainly songs praising God (Pss 33:2; 57:9; 92:4; 150:3). The Bible does not give any information about King David playing the nevel (except in the deuterocanonical Ps. 151). However it remains quite possible, as some scholars maintain (D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen). Perhaps there existed a smaller nevel intended for women’s singing, judging from the phrase nəºālîm @al-@ǎlāmôÓ/twml[Al[ !ylbn, “nevels for the girls” in 1 Chr. 15:20 (see ch. 6, ‘Alamot). According to the Talmudic tractates (m. Kelim XV:6) such non-cultic instruments “for women singers” (šārā/hrv) were “unclean”,39 whereas the nevel for the “sons of the Levites” (that is, for liturgical use) was considered “clean”. Nevertheless both varieties of the instrument had the same purpose. Unlike the kinnor that mainly duplicated the melodic line, the nevel had a secondary, merely accompanying, role. Among the musicians of the Temple ensemble the Bible mentions some nevel players by name: Zechariah, Aziel, Shemiramoth, Jehiel, Unni, Eliab, Maaseiah, and Benaiah (1 Chr. 15:20). The nevel is mentioned in the Bible 27 times. The principal translations interpret it almost unanimously as a stringed instrument, though of different types. The LXX has four types: νáβλα/νáβλη/νáβλιον (navla/navle/navlion, 1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Chr. 13:8), ψαλτριον (psalterion, Neh. 12:27), κιθáρα (kithara, Ps. 81:3) and ργανον (Amos 5:23; 6:5; in this context, a stringed instrument). In the Vulgate the nevel is represented mainly as “psalterium”

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(psaltery, 1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Chr. 25:1; 2 Chr. 9:11; Ps. 57:9), sometimes as “lyra” (lyre, 2 Sam. 6:5; Isa. 5:12; Amos 5:23), “nablium/nablum” (1 Chr. 15:28).40 In the Peshitta the most common terms are: qītarā (1 Sam. 10:5; Ps. 57:9; Isa. 5:12), and kenarā (Isa. 11:14); twice only nablā occurs (1 Chr. 13:8; 15:16). In the Targum the Aramaic lexical analogue niºlā’/albn is the normal rendering, except for neºel/lbn (2 Sam. 6:5; Isa. 5:12). In the ancient Armenian MtsB nevel is defined as a harp (“tavił”). In the Ethiopic Bible it appears as mazmur.41 The first Italian version contains several names: “psalterio, leuta, violeta” (BIM). Similar terminology, “psalterion”, “luc”42 and “viole”, can be found in the LyB published a century later. In the German pre-Luther editions (NüB in particular) the rendering is also unstable. Nevel appears either as a psaltery (“psalteri/spalteri”), or as a lyre (“leyr”).43 Luther’s Bible and its Dutch counterpart BGvW show the most consistent approach. In both the nevel is interpreted as a psaltery (“Psalter”), except once (“Harffe” in Isa. 14:11). In the first Dutch translation (BB) the picture is confused. Along with the common names harp, lyre, psaltery and nablium (“harpe, lyere, psalterie, nabli”), a rather unusual term “sauctorie/sanctorie/ santorij” is the most frequent. It could probably be considered a kind of psaltery.44 The Prague incunabulum of 1488 also regards the nevel as a psaltery (“zaltarz”, PrB), whereas in the Kralice Bible it is called a lute (“lautna”). In the Geneva Bible the nevel is assigned to the woodwind group and is presented as a bagpipe (“musette”, GenB),45 though in some places it is explained in the marginal note as “psalterion”. In the English versions there are no less than six renderings: “sawtre/sautre”, “psautrie”, “gittern”, “harpe” (WyclB), “viole” and “psaltery” (BpB), “psaltery”, “lyre”, “harp” and “lute” (DouB), “psaltery” and “viol” (KJV and ASV), “lute” (MofB), “harp” (ASV, RSV, NASB and CEV), “lyre” and “harp” (TEV and NIV), and “lyre” (NJB). A number of recent translations chose the following renderings: harp (“harpe” in BFC, “arpa” in BILC, “harp” in BNBG, “harfa” in SSP, “tavił” in EAB and WAB), psalter (“Psalter” in BEBD, “salterio” in SBE, “sapsalmune” in GB), lute (“lutnia” in BP, “lute” in MofB), lyre (“k‘nar” in EAB, “knari” in GCB) and zither (“santur”, nowadays a struck zither, in KMT). The Church Slavonic tradition (in the original MS of the GennB and in its complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, as well as OstB, MoscB and ElizB) is very inconsistent in its rendering of the nevel. Here it is related to the stringed group: íàâëèñ, íàáëîì, jàëòèðü, ïhâíèöà, ïðgãóäíèöà, ñìûöû and îðãàí. It also appears as a woodwind instrument: ñîïhëü, ïèùàëü and ñâèðhëü. In the Russian Synodal Bible nevel is represented mainly as a psaltery (псалтирь, SynB), whereas the modern WCBT edition identifies it with the lyre (лира), the harp (арфа) and the gusli (гусли).

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Since ancient times the phrase hemyaÓ nəºāleÂā/]^ylbn tymh (“the noise of your nevels”, Isa. 14:11) for some reason was not associated with music. But the range of its interpretation was very wide, from “your great joy” ( πολλ σου εφροσúνη in LXX) to “your corpse” (“cadaver tuum”, Vulg.).46 Some of the later translations picked up Jerome’s idea (for instance, WyclB, DouB or SynB). The interpretation of the nevel among Bible scholars and commentators is also very diverse. In the early sources (commentaries on the psalms) the most common view was that the nevel was identical with the Greek psalterion (Jerome, Eusebius of Caesarea, Hilary of Poitiers, all fourth century; “Suidas”, a Byzantine lexicon of the Greek language, tenth century). Some authors even pointed out its sub-type, that of the vertical psalterion (“orthopsallium/orthopsaltium” in the “De lingua Latina” of Varro, ca. 116−28 BCE; however, a different spelling, “orthopsalticum”, implies “the high tuned psalterion”). The nevel was also likened to the sabbeka’ mentioned in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15 (“Commentary on the Book of Daniel” by Sa‘adia ben Nahmani, 1194–1270). In later exegetical literature such as the commentaries (Sharh) of the eighteenth century Moroccan scholar Rafael Bergudo on “The Studied Language” (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) the term rbâb means the Maghreb variety of lute.47 Different ideas on the origin of the nevel have coexisted in the study of biblical music over the past two centuries. Many scholars consider it to be a harp (P. J. Schneider, J. L. Saalschütz, E. K. A. Riehm, F. J. Delitzsch, J. Weiss, C. Sachs, T. C. Mitchell and G. Diachenko). This has been the majority opinion until recent times. Others regard it as a lyre (A. F. Pfeiffer, J. N. Forkel, J. Jahn and K. H. Cornill) or its variant, the frame lyre reminiscent of the ten-stringed ‘asor (J. Wellhausen), the tenor or bass lyre (B. Bayer). Some researchers are confident that the nevel was a lute (C. Engel, following Abraham da Portaleone, F. Behn, E. Gerson-Kiwi, H. Avenary, O. Kinkeldey, A. Sendrey, H. Seidel),48 or a bagpipe (M. Prätorius). A. W. Ambros identifies it with the dulcimer. His hypothesis arose from the erroneous interpretation of a bas-relief of the seventh century BCE from the palace of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal at Nineveh (see Chapter 1, Figure 1.9). T. Reinach refers to Aristotle and assumes that the nevel was a trigon, a small Greek harp. Finally there are several ambivalent renderings, according to which the nevel could be either a lyre or a harp (J. Kitto), a lute or a harp (J. Benzinger), a harp or a psaltery (A. Tomaschoff). J. Braun shares Bayer’s point of view. He also doubts whether the nevel could belong to the harp type, since in the whole area from the eastern Mesopotamian seashore to Anatolia there is no archaeological material later than the famous Megiddo stone with the drawing of a harp player (nineteenth layer, end of the fourth millennium BCE; Figure 2.9) until the Hellenistic period. Greek authors such as Sophocles and Philemon, deuterocanonical texts (Ps. 151, Sirach, 1 Maccabees) and the

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Qumran scrolls (1QS, 1QH) all fail to support the idea that the nevel was a harp. Finally, a stone of the Roman period found recently at Dion by the Greek archaeologist D. Pandermalis offers indirect evidence that the nevel may have been a lyre. The stone bears the text of a hymn, with a lyre next to it in relief bearing the inscription “nabla”.

Figure 2.9. Female figure with a harp. Stone etching from Megiddo. Late fourth millennium BCE (Israel Museum, Jerusalem)

Figure 2.10. Angular type of harp, probably of Asia Minor origin. New Kingdom, fourteenth century BCE (Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

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Figure 2.11. Harpist Harudsha. Wooden stele from the necropolis at Thebes, late period, twenty-fifth dynasty, seventh century BCE (Egyptian Museum, Cairo)

There are a great many convincing witnesses that the nevel was a stringed instrument. They are presented both in biblical and post-biblical sources, as well as in the data of ancient Egyptian (Figures 2.10 and 2.11) and Assyrian findings. Despite this some ancient authors (Artemidorus and Didymus, as quoted by Athenaeus) and a number of later commentators classify the nevel as a flute. This view is followed by Abraham Ibn Ezra (1092−1167) because of his wrong interpretation of Josephus. The nevel is even identified as a bagpipe49 by M. Prätorius (seventeenth century; “Syntagma musicum”); G. A. Villoteau (nineteenth century; “Description de l’Egypte”), and A. Z. Idelsohn (twentieth century). The reason for such statements may be that these authors did not understand adequately the opposition of the terms χορδαí (“strings”), applied by Josephus to the kinnor, and φθóγγοι (“sounds”) used by him for the nevel. It seems likely that Josephus merely intended to convey the quality of the sounds produced by the two instruments: a sharper sound by the kinnor because it was played with a plectrum, and a flatter sound by the nevel, because it was played with the fingers. Another reason may be an erroneous interpretation of the word λαρυγγοφẃνος in the comedy “The Gates” by the Greek writer Sopater (quoted by Athenaeus). It is mistaken as “a sound produced by a pipe”, whereas it simply means “deep sounding”. In Modern Hebrew the word “nevel” signifies the harp.

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PESANTERIN (Aram. pəsantērîn/@yrtnsp, apparently only pl. in form), one of the stringed instruments mentioned as part of the ensemble of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II (Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). Together with the qaytros and the sabbeka’ it makes up the strings group. The majority of Bible translators and commentators associate the pesanterin with the ancient Greek psalterion because of their phonetic similarity. The psalterion in its turn is likened to the ancient Jewish nevel. As a result the erroneous theory has arisen of the identity of the pesanterin and the nevel. This is obvious in different versions: Greek νáβλα (LXX), Latin “psalterium” (Vulg. and CastB), English “sautrie” (WyclB), “psalterie” (BpB) and “psaltery” (DouB, KJV, ASV and NASB), Italian “psalterio” (BIM), German “psalteri” (NüB) and “Psalter” (LB), Dutch “sanctorie” (BB)50 and “Psalter, psalter” (BGvW and BNvW), French “psalterion” (LyB and GenB), Czech “zaltarz” (PrB), Slovenian “psalter” (SSP) and Church Slavonic jàëòèðü (ElizB). The same idea is expressed in the “Commentary on the Book of Daniel” by the Jewish scholar Sa‘adia ben Nahmani (1194–1270) and later in the works of the scholars of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (A. F. Pfeiffer, J. Wetzstein, J. Weiss and A. W. Ambros). However, there existed other renderings both in translations and in exegetical studies. In translations renderings include: a lyre (kenarā in the Syr.); “knari” in the Georgian GCB; лира in the interlinear of the Russian TanJer), a harp (“tavił” in the Armenian MtsB, WAB and EAB; “harfa” in the Polish BP; “harp” in the English MofB, RSV, NJB, NIV and TEV), dulcimer (san îr/ sin îr in the Arabic KMA), lute (“lautna” in the Czech KrB; “lute” in the English MofB), ïð+ã@äíèöà/ïðhã@äíèöà/ïðgãqäíèöà (in the Church Slavonic DanCyr, DanMeth, DanSim, SkorB, OstB, and MoscB), ïhñígíèöà/ ïhñíüíèöà (in the original MS of the GennB and its complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, also in OstB) and гусли (in the Russian SynB).51 As for exegetes, M. Bar-Asher thinks that the term ang in the early Arabic Bible translation of Sa‘adia Gaon (882–942) is erroneous, since it implies an interpretation of the pesanterin either as an idiophone or as a plucked stringed instrument of the harp type. The theories that appeared in biblical and musicological studies in the past two centuries are also divergent. The pesanterin is presented as a Greek psalterion (S. A. Rashid, E. M. Yamauchi), an Arabic ‘ud (Rafael Bergudo), a woodwind instrument (the ShTaf compilers),52 a triangular-shaped stringed instrument (T. C. Mitchell and R. Joyce, R. Hammer, L. Wood), a zither (E. Kolari, J. Rimmer), a lyre (Mitchell, D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer, E. Werner), a dulcimer (J. Stainer, F. W. Galpin, C. Engel), a horizontal harp (E. Wellesz, C. H. Dyer) and an angular harp (J. Braun). Dyer believes that the pesanterin could be a multi-stringed harp tuned in the octave, though he himself admits that such an instrument is mentioned nowhere in his sources.

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M. Wegner relates the pesanterin to the idiophones and defines it as a kind of sistrum. Mitchell quotes the hypothesis of the archaeologists that the pesanterin was a vibro-frame instrument, like the wash-board which is used in many cultures and is often heard in modern pop music. This hypothesis however is unconvincing. A. Sendrey and E. Kolari suppose that the pesanterin had an Arabic or Persian origin (from Arabic pi-san īr, that is, “little dulcimer”) and was borrowed by the Jews together with the term.53 Sendrey and S. A. Rashid also think that the instrument had already been known to the Assyrians. A stone plate dating from the seventh century BCE was found in Nineveh, the capital of the Assyrian state. Depicted there is a musician holding a stick and playing on an eight-stringed instrument resembling the pesanterin. It was perhaps from Assyria that the pesanterin was brought to Greece, where it was developed significantly. According to Athenaeus (second century CE) a famous Ephesian musician called Alexander added more strings to it, and Epigonos changed it into a vertical psalterion (Deipn. IV, 138 c-d). Later the pesanterin was returned to the Near East. G. A. Villoteau, F. J. Fétis, Galpin and Sendrey share this point of view, though now it is disputed: the instrument depicted on the plate may be regarded as a horizontal harp being played with a long plectrum. So the pesanterin may have been a stringed dulcimer-like instrument, perhaps with eight to ten strings stretched over a square or trapezoid sound box, and played with sticks. Or else it could have been a plucked instrument of a zither or harp type. In that case the performer would have held the instrument in front of him, and would have played it with the fingers, judging from the meaning of the Greek verb ψáλλω, “to cause movement by touching”. A. Sendrey maintains that like the other instruments of the court orchestra of Nebuchadnezzar II (qarna’, mashroqita’, sumponiah) the pesanterin was deliberately chosen by the compiler of the book of Daniel in order to contrast the exotic character of the pagan ritual with the high spirituality of Jewish culture. However it seems more likely that the instrumental terminology of Dan. 3 simply reflects the musical practice of the region.54 In Modern Hebrew the word “pesanter” (¼əsantēr/rtnsp), derived from e p santerin, means a piano. QAYTROS, qitros (Aram. qay¨rôs/swrtyq, probably from the archaic Greek κιθáρις; in such a form it occurs in Homer Il. XIII:731 and Od. I:153), an Assyrian stringed instrument, most likely plucked. Many scholars (S. Krauss, C. Sachs, A. Sendrey and J. T. Collins) share the view that it was one of the adapted varieties of the ancient Greek kithara (Figure 2.12).55

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Figure 2.12. Greek kithara (fragment), hellenistic period, fourth–third century (Archaeological Museum, Istanbul)

BCE

The kithara in its turn, as shown by archaeological discoveries, is considered to have been brought to Greece from the cultures of Asia Minor, especially Mesopotamia. It was then returned, developed in construction and bearing a Greek name (E. Wellesz, C. Engel, W. S. Smith, M. DuchesneGuillemin, A. D. Kilmer and E. M. Yamauchi). The qaytros seems not to have been known in the musical culture of Israel (at least during the period of the first Temple, tenth to sixth centuries BCE). It is mentioned in the book of Daniel which reached its final form during the Second Temple period (third to second centuries BCE; Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). Together with the pesanterin and the sabbeka’ the qaytros represents the stringed group in the court orchestra of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II. Sendrey accepts the idea that like other alien instruments (qarna’, mashroqita’ and sumponiah) the qaytros is referred to by the compiler deliberately in order to outline the contrast between the liturgical music of the Jews and the exotic music of the pagan Babylonian cult. However, it seems more probable that the Aramaic instrumental names repeated four times in Daniel 3 reflect the musical practice of the region in the Hellenistic period.56

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The rabbinic scholar Abraham ibn Ezra (1092−1167) identifies the qaytros with the kinnor in his “Commentary on the Book of Daniel”. The scholastic theologian Nicholas of Lyra (ca. 1270−1349) describes the qaytros as having a triangular shape and being played with the fingers. In this way he imports the instruments of his own culture anachronistically into the biblical text. The LXX, evidently influenced by the assonance with the Greek word “kithara”, rendered qaytros as κιθáρα and the Vulgate followed this with “cithara”. The Peshitta uses the form qītarā, cognate with the original Aramaic word.57 The “historical” Bibles maintain the interpretation of the Vulgate. Thus the Italian BIM has “cithara/cytara”, the Czech KrB also has “cytara”. Most of the Slavonic translations present qaytros as гусли: “husli” (PrB), ã@ñëè, ãóñëè (DanCyr, DanMeth, DanSim, GennB in its original MS and in its principal complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, as well as SkorB, OstB and ElizB), and цитра (the Russian SynB and WCBT). In the majority of more recent editions the qaytros is interpreted as a lyre: “k‘nar” (Armenian WAB), “knari” (Georgian GB) and “lyre” (MofB, RSV, NASB, TEV and NJB). There are, however, other variants: a harp (“harpfe” in NüB, “Harffe” in LB, “Harpe” in BGvW, “herpe” in BNvW, “harpe” in LyB and GenB,58 “harpe/harp” in BpB, DouB, KJV, ASV and CEV), a zither (“zither” in NIV, “citre” in SSP), a lute (“lutnia” in BP), and even a membranophone, the tambourine (daff in Taf, “t‘mbuk” in EAB and “bobyani” in GCB), and the tambourine or hand drum (“tamboril” in SBE). In Modern Hebrew the term qaytros spelt slightly differently as qa¨rôs/ swrtq means a guitar. SABBEKA’ (Aram. sabbəÂā’, śabbəÂā’/akbs, akbc; the word is related to the Greek σαμβúκη, ζαμβúκη, Lat. “sambuca”), a plucked stringed instrument, probably a type of angular harp popular among ancient Semitic peoples. It is mentioned in the Bible as part of the court orchestra of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). Like other instruments of this ensemble (qaytros, pesanterin and mashroqita’) sabbeka’ belonged to the Assyrio-Babylonian pagan culture, and was not known in Jewish usage. A. Sendrey reckons that the compiler of the book of Daniel lists several exotic instruments, the sabbeka’ among them, probably in order to emphasize their incompatibility with Jewish spirituality. However, there are two significant points that he overlooks: (1) part of the book of Daniel (vv. 2:4b–7:28) is written in Aramaic; (2) the events narrated took place in the sixth century BCE whereas the book is usually dated approximately in the second century BCE. These facts lead to the conclusion that the enumeration of these four instrumental names reflects the musical practice of the Hellenistic period in this region.59 Different etymologies of the term sabbeka’ have been proposed. C. Engel, J. Kitto, C. Sachs and A. Sendrey share the view that it originates from

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“sambuq” (sambûq/qwbms, “elder bush”). The combination with an intrusive nasal -mb-/-bm- at some point replaced the original double b/b changing it to to -μβ- and -mb- in Greek and Latin respectively after these languages had borrowed the Semitic word. The dry and firm wood of this plant is suitable for making musical instruments. Similar extensions of the name of the material to the name of the object, such as a musical instrument, manufactured from it occurred quite often in ancient times. According to another view (W. Gesenius) the noun “sabbeka’ ” derived from the Hebrew verb sāºaÂ/^bs (“to weave, braid, interweave”). That would associate it with the twisted strings of the instrument. However this hypothesis seems less plausible. Finally R. K. Harrison finds the origin of the word “sabbeka’ ” in the name of the Akkadian seven-stringed lyre šabitu (the Sumerian variant is sabitu). The sabbeka’ was very popular in antiquity. It is mentioned by many ancient writers, both Greek (Plato, ca. 428–ca. 347 BCE; Aristoxenus, fourth century BCE; Euphorio, third century BCE; Strabo, ca. 64 BCE–ca. 24 CE; Athenaeus, second century CE) and Latin (Vitruvius, ca. 90–ca. 20 BCE; Quintilian, ca. 35–ca. 95 CE; Arnobius the Elder, 284–305 CE). However their opinions on its origin differ. Athenaeus, for instance, thought that the sabbeka’ had been invented by the Greeks (Deipn., IV:175e). Others (Aristoxenus, Euphorio and Strabo) speak of its “barbaric”, that is, Asiatic origins. Arnobius considered the instrument frivolous, and associated with prostitutes. Plato also regarded the instrument as vulgar and unfit for use in the ideal state (“Republic”, 3:339d). Despite the great number of ancient witnesses, later commentators disagree on the identification of the sabbeka’. Isidore of Seville, a Spanish historian and theologian (ca. 560−636) defines the sabbeka’ as pan-pipes (“Etymologiae”, III:20) derived from the “symphonias”60 (see ch. 5, Sumponiah). Medieval scholars also regard it mainly as a woodwind. The Talmudic teacher Abraham Ibn Ezra (1092−1167) likens it to the mahol. His successor Sa‘adia ben Nahmani (1194–1270) states that the sabbeka’ was the ‘ugav. Rafael Bergudo, a Moroccan exegete (eighteenth century; LL) holds a similar opinion. He calls the sabbeka’ səbbaºā (a local variety of flute).61 Nicholas of Lyra (ca. 1270– 1349; “Postilla super totam Bibliam”), referring to the author of “Ad Dardanum epistola” (Pseudo-Jerome, ninth century), considers the sabbeka’ a reed pipe. There existed other interpretations as well. Thus the compilers of the “Suidas”, a Byzantine lexicon of the tenth century, follow Athenaeus and describe the sabbeka’ as a triangular kind of kithara (μουσικá ργανα τρíγωνα) that had once been invented by Ibycus of Rhegium (ca. 560–525 BCE) But according to the “Suidas” it also belongs to the trigon harp family (Figure 2.13), so the classification does not match the description. Johannes Marchesini (1455–1522; “Mammotrectus super Bibliam”) calls the sabbeka’ a lyre made of elder wood, and like Isidore of Seville, reckons it as “the sym-

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phony” (“species est simphonie”). However, he regards it as a stringed instrument, not as a woodwind.

Figure 2.13. Greek angular harp trigon. Vase painting, sixth century Museum, Athens)

BCE

(National

Since the nineteenth century the scholars relate the sabbeka’ mainly to the stringed group. Gesenius, for example, identifies it as the nevel, H. Avenary as the ‘asor, C. Engel and J. G. Landels as a harp or a lyre, and J. H. Worman claims that it was similar to the “Assyrian dulcimer” (for the contradiction of such a rendering see Pesanterin above). E. K. A. Riehm proposes a hypothesis that the sabbeka’ was similar to the Egyptian boat-shaped harp. He supports this view on the basis of the similarity of the shape of the sabbeka’ to the shape of the ancient siege mechanism called sambuke mentioned by Athenaeus (Deipn. XIV:634b). F. O. Gevaert associates the sabbeka’ with the ancient Greek “Phoenician lyre” (λυροφονιξ). Several musicologists (C. Sachs, A. Sendrey, T. C. Mitchell and R. Joyce, J. W. McKinnon, C. H. Dyer) having analysed a large number of ancient sources came to the conclusion that in the court orchestra of Nebuchadnezzar II the sabbeka’ was a horizontal angular harp. It had short strings, a high register and a sharp timbre, like the four-stringed sambuke of the ancient Greeks. D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen share this theory too, but they think that judging from Assyrian bas-reliefs the number of strings may have been more than four.

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In the majority of Bible translations the sabbeka’ is regarded as a stringed instrument. In the LXX and Vulgate it is presented as σαμβúκη and “sambuca”62 respectively, and in the Peshitta as kenarā. The English versions have diverse renderings: a harp (“sambuke” in WyclB, “harp” in MofB, “trigon” in RSV, NASB63 and NJB); “lyre” (NIV) and “zither” (TEV). Luther’s interpretation is unusual. He designates the sabbeka’ as a violin (“Geige”), a bowed instrument, new in his time. This rendering is echoed in the sixteenthcentury Dutch version (“Vedele” in BGvW), in the nineteenth-century Polish edition (“skrzypiéc” in BP) and in the recent Armenian WAB (“djyutak”). The Prague incunabulum of 1488 (PrB) uses once (Dan. 3:5) the term “kobos” (a variety of lute with a short neck). A century later the Kralice Bible relates sabbeka’ to the bowed group, presenting it as “husli”. Skorina shows a similar comprehension ñìûòöû. In the Armenian (MtsB and EAB) and Georgian (GB and GCB) Bibles the sabbeka’ is translated as “k‘nar” and “samviki”64 respectively. In modern versions in other languages it appears as a harp (“harfa” in SSP, “arpa” in BILC and SBE), a lute (“luit” in BNBG), and a sambuke (“sambuque” in BFC). In two cases it is even associated with the percussion: a drum ( abl in the Tafsir by Sa‘adia Gaon) and a tambourine (“tambure” in the first Dutch “Biblia belgica”, and “tabourin” in the French LyB). Once (in GenB) the sabbeka’ is referred to an aerophone (“sacqueboute”).65 A number of Bible translations interpret the sabbeka’ as a woodwind instrument, either a flute or a double-reed. The flute type is represented by the renderings “pisstialka” (Dan. 3:7) and “trubiczka” (Dan. 3:10, 15)66 in PrB, “holer” in NüB, ïèùàëü in DanChud, ïèïåëà in the original MS of the GennB and in its complete copies: SynB, JoachB and UvarB, also in OstB. The oboe type appears as “sambuco” in BIM and “schalmey” in BNvW. Some versions render the sabbeka’ as a bagpipe (“sackbut” in BpB, DouB, KJV and ASV, öhâíèöà/öhâüíèöà in the GennB and its copies, and in SynB). In the Church Slavonic and Russian traditions the sabbeka’ sometimes appears in a hellenised form: caìúáuêà/ñàìáqêà/ñàìáèêà (DanCyr, DanMeth, DanSim), ñàìâvêè (ElizB), самбука (WCBT). In Modern Hebrew the term sabbeka’ is not in use as a musical term.

Bibliography Χατζηγιακοúμης Μ. (1980) kinnor; Ambros A. W. (1862) kinnor, nevel, pesanterin; Avenary H. (1956) ‘asor, nevel, sabbeka’; Baer S. (1852) kinnor; Bar-Asher M. (1998) ‘asor, kinnor, nevel, pesanterin, qaytros, sabbeka’; Bayer B. (1969) nevel; Behn F. (1954) nevel; Benzinger K. (1927) kinnor, nevel;

2. Plucked stringed instruments Braun J. (1997, 1999) nevel, qaytros; Calmet A. (1765) kinnor; Collins J. T. (1989) pesanterin, qaytros, sabbeka’; Cornill K. H. (1909) nevel; Delitzsch F. J. (1892) kinnor, nevel; Diachenko G. (1993) kinnor, nevel, sabbeka’; Duchesne-Guillemin M. (1967) qaytros; Dyer C. H. (1990) pesanterin, sabbeka’; Engel C. (1970) ‘asor, kinnor, nevel, pesanterin, qaytros, sabbeka’; Farmer H. G. (1936, 1943) nevel, sabbeka’; Fétis F. J. (1867) ‘asor, kinnor, pesanterin; Finesinger S. B. (1926) kinnor; Forkel J. N. (1788) nevel; Foxvog D. A. and Kilmer A. D. (1986) pesanterin, qaytros; Galpin F. W. (1970) ‘asor, pesanterin; Gerson-Kiwi E. (1957) nevel; Gesenius W. (1906) sabbeka’; Gevaert F. A. (1881) sabbeka’; Gressmann H. (1903) kinnor; Hammer R. (1976) pesanterin; Harenberg J. C. (1753) ‘asor; Harrison R. K. (1968) sabbeka’; Hatziakoumis, M. (1980) kinnor; Haupt L. (1854) kinnor; Idelsohn A. Z. (1929) nevel; Jahn J. (1835) nevel; Keil C. F. (1889) kinnor; Kilmer A. D. (1965) qaytros; Kinkeldey O. (1960) nevel; Kitto J. (1852) nevel, sabbeka’; Koehler L., Baumgartner W. and Stamm J. J. (1967-90) kinnor; Kolari E. (1947) pesanterin; Krauss S. (1910-12) kinnor, qaytros; Landels J. G. (1966) sabbeka’; Langdon S. H. (1921) ‘asor; McKinnon J. W. (1995) sabbeka’; Mitchell T. C. and Joyce R. (1965) pesanterin, sabbeka’; Mitchell T. C. (1992) kinnor, nevel, pesanterin; Movers F. K. (1841–56) kinnor; Pfeiffer A. F. (1779) kinnor, nevel, pesanterin; Prätorius M. (1614–19) nevel; Rashid S. A. (1984) pesanterin; Reinach T. (1875–1919) nevel; Riehm E. K. A. (1893–94) nevel, sabbeka’; Rimmer J. (1969) pesanterin; Saalschütz J. L. (1829) nevel; Sachs C. (1978) ‘asor, kinnor, nevel, qaytros, sabbeka’; Schneider P. J. (1914) kinnor; nevel; Seidel H. (1989) nevel;

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Sendrey A. (1969) ‘asor, kinnor, nevel, pesanterin, qaytros, sabbeka’; Shea W. H. (1982) pesanterin, qaytros, sabbeka’; Smith W. S. (1965) qaytros; Stainer J. (1914) kinnor, pesanterin; Stradling D. G. and Kitchen K. A. (1982) ‘asor, kinnor, nevel, sabbeka’; Tomaschoff A. (1983) kinnor, nevel; Villoteau G. A. (1809–1826) pesanterin; Wegner M. (1950) pesanterin; Weiss J. (1895) ‘asor, kinnor, nevel, pesanterin; Wellesz E. (1957) pesanterin, qaytros; Wellhausen J. (1898) nevel; Werner E. (1959, 1995) ‘asor, nevel, pesanterin; Wetzstein J. G. (1873) pesanterin; Wood L. (1973) pesanterin; Worman J. H. (1883) sabbeka’; Yamauchi E. M. (1970, 1981) pesanterin, qaytros;

Endnotes 1. Such a phrase is presented in the “War Scroll” (the full title is “The War of the Children of Light with the Children of Darkness”), one of the Dead Sea scrolls found in 1947. It is found in the motto on the standard of a platoon consisting of ten soldiers and says, “Songs to God on the nevel ‘asor together with the names of the commanders of the ten”. There is an obvious internal link between the ten-stringed instrument and the number of soldiers in the platoon. 2. Such an interpretation can also be found in some later translations, for example, in the sixteenth-century Dutch BGvW (op de tien Snaren en de Psalter) and in the English BpB (viole and instrument of ten strings). 3. Here Sa‘adia Gaon (882–942), the translator of the Tanakh into Arabic, probably arabized the Hebrew numeral @āśār (ten), and transformed it into @ašârî. According to M. Bar-Asher @ašârî is a kind of ten-stringed harp. 4. In this compendium the analysis of the instrumental terminology used in the Psalter of the GenB is based only on the main text. Those terms found in the translation of the Book of Psalms by the well known French poet and humanist Clément Marot attached to the 1588 edition are not taken into account, since this translation is a free adaptation of the Hebrew poetry. 5. In the eighteenth-century scholarly commentaries (Sharh) on the “Studied Language” (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by the Moroccan exegete Rafael Bergudo, ‘asor is regarded as a musical instrument (‘ud), popular in the Arabic world. In the folk Sharh tradition of the Moroccan Jews (ShTaf; this tradition had taken shape over the course of several centuries) it is rendered in Ps. 33:2 as “a song” ©əna (©inâ’). In both these commentaries the Arabic terminology is adjusted to the Hebrew phonetic system, which reflects peculiarities of the Maghreb Jewish dialect. Along with this Maghreb variant the standard Arabic transcription of the word is given in brackets. 6. The quotations from the Dutch Embden edition of the Bible (BGvW, 1565) are given according to their orthography, so the nouns are written with initial capital letters. 7. The comments on this psalm ascribed in the BLJ to the sixteenth-century Hebraist François Vatable, say that “some people distinguish between the ten-stringed instrument

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and the navlium”. In the text of the Psalter, however, this differentiation appears only in Ps. 92:4. 8. The division into periods of the Church Slavonic Bible translation tradition is linked with the history of the language as nowadays established by historical linguists: (a) the ancient Russian period (ninth to fourteenth centuries); (b) the old Russian period (fifteenth to seventeenth centuries); (c) the recent period (eighteenth to nineteenth centuries). In this Compendium this division is simplified, since this book has a different focus. 9. Two other medieval exegetes, Isidore of Seville (ca. 560–636; Etymologiae, III:21) and Nicholas of Lyra (ca. 1270–1349; Postilla super totam Bibliam) also express the idea of a symbolic link between the Decalogue and the number of strings of the ‘asor. This idea was continued by Renaissance scholars, for instance the Italian Bible translator and commentator Nicolo di Mallermi (fifteenth century). At an earlier period, however, some musicians suspected that significant changes had taken place in the construction of the instrument since Old Testament times: the number of the strings had increased and the shape had become triangular (Notker Balbulus, a German poet and musician, 840–912). 10. The magadis is supposedly a harp-like instrument of triangular shape, and had up to 20 strings. According to one of the hypotheses, it was of Asian origin (probably Assyrian, judging by the bas-relief from the palace of King Ashurbanipal shown in Chapter 1, Figure 1.10). 11. In this meaning the word knwrw is also mentioned in Egyptian texts of the eighteenth–nineteenth dynasties, in which it is stated to be a borrowed Semitic name for the lyre. 12. There are other cases in the ancient world, when the name of an instrument bore the name of the material it was made of. Thus the name of the Greek flute lotos (λωτóς) derives from the plant of the same name (the Libyan nettle-tree) that it was made from. 13. There is an interesting parallel in ancient Indian mythology, where kinnara is the name of class of demigods. 14. There are numerous finds of instruments of the same kind, though coming from different civilizations and historical periods. They include the items discovered in the Egyptian village of Beni Hasan, in the Canaanite fortress of Megiddo, in the Philistine town of Ashdod, and in Carchemish, an important Hittite centre, and also in Ur, Akkad and Babylon. Similar instruments are depicted on Sumerian seals from the first half of the third millennium BCE on the walls of a tomb near Thebes, the ancient capital of Egypt from the same period, and on the basalt obelisks erected in honour of the victory of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser (ninth century BCE) that were excavated at Tell Nimrud. One can also see them on the bas-relief found in the southern palace of Sennacherib in the settlement of Kuyunjik (formerly Nineveh the capital of the Assyrian kingdom during the reign of Ashurbanipal, seventh century BCE), and on coins of the Maccabean period (second century BCE; these, as mentioned in Chapter 1, are now thought to be lyres of the Hellenistic-Roman period, and not the Second Temple period). 15. The author of “Ad Dardanum epistola” (Pseudo-Jerome, ninth century) also describes the shape of the kinnor as being “in the form of the letter ‘∆’ ”. He refers to a certain “connoisseur” meaning probably Isidore of Seville. 16. Despite the late date of the source, Sachs regards this information as reliable because of the general similarity in the construction of all varieties of the lyre-kithara type of instrument in different cultures (Mycenean, Assyrian, Egyptian, Syrian, etc.), and the extraordinary stability of traditions typical of eastern peoples.

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17. The lyre and the kithara came to ancient Greece from Asia Minor. In his treatise “De musica” Plutarch (ca. 45–ca. 125) often calls the instrument “asiatic”. They were in fact one and the same type but differed both in size and in construction. The kithara was larger, and the arms of the kithara were hollow, whereas the arms of the lyre were made from a single piece of wood and were fastened directly to the sound box. Consequently the timbre of the two instruments was different: the sound of the lyre was gentle and delicate, whereas that of the kithara was richer and more resonant. 18. The word λεκτρον in Greek also means yellow amber. 19. Instruments decorated similarly on the sides of the resonator existed in Mesopotamia. This is attested by rich pictographic material discovered in this region (reliefs and seals from Tell el-Farah, Nippur and Uruk) and archaeological findings (lyres from the famous royal cemetery from Ur). 20. Such a manner of playing is described by Plato as ψιλ κιθáρισις (“silent playing on the kithara”, that is, playing without singing). 21. It is noteworthy that in the medieval Arabic tradition the invention of the lute ‘ud was ascribed to Lamak (the biblical Lamech), and not to Jubal. According to some sources the instrument made by Lamech had disappeared during the flood and was reinvented by David. 22. Similar legends are known about the ‘ugav, halil and metsiltayim. 23. The comment refers to Isa. 14:11. The Tanakh, however, mentions the nevel in this verse. 24. A similar legend speaks of the Arabic stringed instrument ‘ud. It had been hung in the Temple by King Da’ud and sounded by itself until Jerusalem was captured by Nebuchadnezzar II. 25. In Ginsburg’s translation of the New Testament into Hebrew the Greek term “kithara” is rendered as “kinnor”. 26. Kinyra is a ten-stringed variety of the ancient Greek kithara. 27. The kinnor is designated similarly as a psalterion (2althrion) in the Coptic translation (CP, Northern Bohairic dialect) in Gen. 4:21, but in Gen. 31:27 it seems to be rendered as a harp. In the thirteenth-century Coptic Psalter (CoptPs), however, it is interpreted as kucara. 28. Aurelius Cassiodorus however, asserts that the terms “psalterium” and “cithara” are identical (“Expositio in Psalmum 80”). 29. The kinnor is rendered unusually by the generic term “fides” (“a stringed instrument”, the kithara or lyre in 2 Kgs 3:15) in the sixteenth-century Latin translation by Sebastiano Castalione (for details see Chapter 6, ‘Alamot, endnote 4). The term “canora” explained in a marginal note as a synonym of “cithara” is used twice (1 Chr. 15:16; 2 Chr. 5:12) by Leo Jud in his Latin Bible version (BLJ) referring to the same period. 30. Nowadays the word “masonqo” means a stringed bowed instrument, but here it denotes the “beganna/begena”, one of the ancient Ethiopian kinds of lyre. The latter is associated in Ethiopia with King David’s instrument. 31. Rabbi Joseph Qafah/Qafih, the editor of the current (1963) edition of Sa‘adia Gaon’s translation of the Psalter, refers all four names to a single type of stringed instrument. This interpretation is not quite accurate, since ‘ud and tunbur are ancient names of a lute type of instrument. Qitar in the Jewish Moroccan tradition is a lyre, and sanj is the ancient name of a harp-like instrument. 32. The words “harpe” and “psalterion”, however, are given in a marginal note, which

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consistently explains them as “violon”. In the sixteenth century this term denoted a large viole. 33. “K‘nar” in ancient Armenia used to mean not only a lyre, but a stringed instrument in general (probably plucked). In EAB (Ps. 136:2) it is inexplicably changed to a non-musical term “ktakaranner” (“commandments”). This seems to be done deliberately, since the editors mention the change in a comment, but do not explain the reason for such a semantic deviation. 34. In the tradition of the Bible commentaries (Sharh) of the Moroccan Jews (ShTaf) the kinnor is thought to be a combination of two stringed instruments, the ‘ud and the rebab (‘û u-rəºāº). 35. In the symbolic composition “The Tree of David” the psalm singer is depicted playing on the kithara and captivating the wild animals and birds by the sound of his instrument. One of the renowned Arabic legends tells of Da’ud who used to recite (qara’a) psalms to 70 melodies (lu ūn) accompanied by mi‘zaf. His reciting was so beautiful that wild animals and birds would come to listen to it, and admired ( araba) it. 36. Isidore of Seville defines the instrument as an “alien kithara” (“cithara barbarica”) (see Kinnor above). 37. The ancient name of the nettle-tree was lotos. 38. Magadis (see ‘Asor, endnote 10 above) had double strings tuned in the octave (διà πασν). That is where the verb μαγαδíζω (to play in the octave) and the noun μαγáδισμα (playing in the octave) are thought to have originated. In this case the ambiguous biblical term sheminit (1 Chr. 15:20) could mean “playing or singing in the octave”, like the Greek μαγáδισμα. 39. The idea of the female instruments as “unclean” is mirrored in one of the early Islamic hadiths. According to H. G. Farmer it says that the ma‘azif (see also Chapter 1, endnote 2) invented by Dalil/Dilal were condemned as the “signs of the end of the world”. 40. “Nablium” is a Latinized form of the ancient Greek navla (νáβλα). It was presumably a harp-like instrument derived from the Phoenician harp, nabla. The word is also used for nevel in two sixteenth-century Latin Bible translations, those of Sebastiano Castalione (CastB) and Leo Jud (BLJ). 41. The term mazmur implies a certain stringed instrument that was supposed to accompany the singing of the psalms. It is not known however what instrument this was. The term mazmur in Ethiopic is also used to mean “psalm”. The same ambivalent use of the parallel term occurs in other translational traditions, such as Greek, Church Slavonic and English. 42. The term “luc”, an old French name of the lute used in LyB (Isa. 5:12) is evidence of its vitality in the second half of the sixteenth century. 43. The same ambivalent interpretation: “psalter, liere/lyre” can be found in the sixteenth-century Dutch BNvW. 44. The words “sauctorie/sanctorie/santorij” seem to be dialectal variants of the middle Dutch (thirteenth–fifteenth centuries) name of the psaltery. The first two probably derived from the French “sautrie”, a commonly used old French name of this instrument (cf. also the old English “sautre/sawtre/sautrie”). In due course it was adapted linguistically to the local norms of the language. If this hypothesis is correct, then BB mirrors directly the live process of lexical transformation that took place in the second half of the fifteenth century. So it would be logical to consider the term “santorij” as the main one, even though it occurs just once (Amos 6:5). This corresponds to the morphological system of “classical” Dutch, but is close to the Brabant and eastern Flemish dialects, the

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latter dialect being influenced by the former. However, the word itself obviously originates from the Arabic san īr/san ūr, a variety of dulcimer; but the borrowing is of the form of the word rather than the meaning. It penetrated into the northern European linguistic milieu through cultural contacts between the states of the Netherlands and Spain. The terms “sauctorie” (1 Chr. 20:28; 29:25) and “sanctorie” (1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Chr. 15:28; 16:5; 25:1; 2 Chr. 5:12; Neh. 12:27), despite their prominence should be regarded as transitional (the fluctuation of the element “-au” and “-an”, though not typical for the language of the period described, does occur in some other words in this edition, for instance, in the numeral “hondert/houdert” in Ezra 2:65). 45. It seems likely that the translator of the GenB, P. R. Olivetan proceeded from the etymology of the word “nevel” (lit. “a wineskin”) when he rendered it as a musette (a bagpipe). 46. This rendering may be based on the second etymology suggested above. 47. The modern Arabic Bible translation (based on C. Van Dyck’s version of 1865) uses a close term rabâb, but here it probably means a plucked stringed instrument. There are also other interpretations, for instance kînâr in the Arabic Psalter of the sixteenth century. 48. Some Jewish scholars regard nevel as a lute, which had been borrowed by the Jews from Egypt, where it was supposedly known as nfr and the term was transformed into “nevel”. Lutes had indeed once been very popular in Ancient Egypt (from the eighteenth dynasty on) and occupied a prestigious position in the instrumental hierarchy. This is obvious even from its name: nfr in ancient Egyptian also means “beauty”, “good, nice”. 49. The authors of the last interpretation, as well as P. R. Olivetan, could perhaps base it on the etymology of the noun nevel. 50. For the possible rendering of this term see Nevel, endnote 42. 51. A singing interpretation of the pesanterin ïhñíü in the early Slavonic translation of the Book of Daniel (DanChud, eleventh century) is a special case. 52. M. Bar-Asher is quite right to claim that the term ©iya a used for the pesanterin in ShTaf is a late interpolation. For more detail on this word see Chapter 3, Hatsotserah, endnote 47. 53. In modern Syria however the term pesanterin designates a plucked zither. In other Arabic countries it is known as “qanun”. 54. This explanation corresponds rather well with the view current in biblical studies (W. H. Shea, J. T. Collins), according to which Dan. 3 was compiled and existed independently among the Jewish diaspora of southern Mesopotamia after the Babylonian exile (604−539 BCE). Aramaic became their mother tongue. 55. There is a theory that the qaytros and the asymmetrical lyre are of one and the same type (D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer). According to another theory, that of J. Braun, it was a variety of lyre, small in size and symmetrical in shape, that spread widely in the Hellenistic period. 56. See above, pesanterin, endnote 54. 57. According to M. Bar-Asher the term qîtra, which sounds similar designates the Maghreb variety of lyre in the Bible commentaries (LL, ShTaf) common in the eighteenth century among Moroccan Jews. 58. The editors of the GenB of 1588 specify the uncertain translation of the word “qaytros” as well as of the rest of the instrumental terminology in Dan. 3. They propose as an alternative the term “guiterne” (an instrument of the lute type).

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59. See above, pesanterin, endnote 54. 60. “In music sambuca is one variety of the symphonias” (“species est simphoniarum”). H. G. Farmer assumes that here Isidore of Seville could mean an instrument similar to the Arabic woodwind zanbaq, but according to A. Sendrey, this description implies a bagpipe. 61. The term is a Maghreb Jewish dialectal variant of the šabbâba, the name of the flute known in literary Arabic. 62. Two sixteenth-century Latin Bible translations (CastB and BLJ) render the sabbeka’ in a similar way. 63. Judging by their comment on this term the NASB translators meant the instrument similar to the ancient Greek sambuke. 64. The word “samviki” seems to be an adapted transliteration of the ancient Greek harp sambuke. 65. In the sixteenth century “sacqueboute”, unlike its modern meaning (a bagpipe) signified a trombone (that is how the instrument is described in the marginal note to Sir 50:17). However, the editors of the GenB of 1588 specify that the translation of the word “sabbeka’ ”, as well as of the other instrumental terms of Dan. 3:5 is conjectural. 66. It is interesting that both of the terms are given together with the onomatopoeic adjective “bzowy” (“buzzing”).

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Chapter 3

WIND INSTRUMENTS

Terracotta figurine playing a double reed. Tel Malchata (Negev), fifth–fourth centuries BCE (Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem)

Natural horns QARNA’ (Aram. qarna’/anrq from Akkad. qarnu, a horn as a musical instrument and an animal horn), the Assyrio-Babylonian horn or trumpet, analogous to qeren. It is mentioned in the Bible as part of the court orchestra of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II (Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). Various scholars (E. Wellesz, C. Engel, C. H. Dyer and T. C. Mitchell) think that in the period when the book of Daniel was compiled (third–second centuries BCE) either a metal or a wooden horn was used in the official ceremony instead of a natural one. This hypothesis is based on surviving Assyrian pictographic material. The qarna’ may well have been such an instrument. Like the qeren in Jewish culture it was probably a secular aerophone in Assyrian musical practice. A. Sendrey assumes that the term qarna’, as well as other Aramaic instrumental names (qaytros, pesanterin, sabbeeka’ and mashroqita’ ) was used by

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the compiler deliberately in order to emphasize the contrast between the pagan cult of the Babylonians and the high spirituality of the Jews. However, in current biblical studies there is a reasonably convincing view that Daniel 3 was compiled and existed separately in the Jewish diaspora of southern Mesopotamia. For this part of the nation Aramaic had become the mother tongue. If this view is correct, then all the instruments mentioned in Daniel 3 reflect the regional musical tradition of the Hellenistic period. In the majority of Bible translations qarna’ is rendered as a trumpet: σáλπιγξ (LXX), “tuba” (Vulg.), “saquiri” (GB and GCB), “tuba” (BIM), “Posaune” (LB),1 “Basuyne” (BGvW), “trompe” (BB),2 “trompet” (BNvW), “truba” (PrB), “trauba” (KrB), “trąba” (BP), “trumpet” (DouB, TEV and CEV), òð@áà/òðuáà/труба (DanCyr, DanMeth, DanSim, GennB and its main copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, also SkorB, OstB, ElizB, SynB and WCBT). In some versions however it is presented as a horn: qarna’ (Syr.), būq (Taf),3 qarn (KMA),4 “p‘oł” (MtsB, WAB and EAB), “horn” (NüB), “cor” (LyB and GenB),5” “cornu” (BLJ), “cornet” (BpB, KJV and ASV),6 “horn” (MofB, RSV, NASB, NIV and NJB), “rog” (SSP), рог (TanJer). In Modern Hebrew the term is not used in a musical sense. QEREN (Heb. qeren/@rq, a horn; the root as a verb means “to be solid, hard”; the word is of Semitic origin and is related to the Akkadian qarnu and Arabic qarn). It is (1) the generic name of ancient Jewish aerophones (horns and trumpets); (2) the instrument made of the horn of a bull or ox.7 It was of medium length (about 20 cm) and had a strongly curved shape (Figure 3.1). Some scholars (J. Jahn and others) state that the qeren is one of the most ancient forms of the horn type of instrument. Its original form was a natural horn of a bull or ox, hollow inside and with a hole at the narrow end.

Figure 3.1. Qeren (schematic drawing)

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In the Old Testament the qeren is designated as “qeren ha-yovel” (qeren hayyôºēl/lbwyh @rq, Josh. 6:5). Like the “jubilee shofar” (yovel) the qeren could be quite a large horn and particularly strong. This fits with its function at Jericho, where its powerful blast helped to bring about the fall of the wall of the city. It is considered by A. Sendrey to have been an exclusively secular instrument that was sounded at the public festivals of the Jubilee year* (see also Yovel). Obviously changing the shape of the horn to make it curved (qeren @ǎgûlā/hlwg[ @rq, “rounded horn”) required a lot more skill than stretching it in order to make it straight (qeren pəšû ā/hfwvp @rq, “stretched, pulled out horn”). This is confirmed in the Talmud* (m. Kelim XI:7; b. Roš Haš. 47а). Nevertheless, it was because its shape was capable of being changed that the rabbinic commentators included the qeren among the “vessels susceptible to uncleanness” (m. Kelim XI:1, 7), although the other characteristics of the instrument matched the category of “clean” objects. In addition to its use in musical contexts the word “qeren” often occurs in the Bible as the horn of an animal: a ram (Gen. 22:13), a bull (Lev. 4:7), or a male goat (Dan. 8:5). Vessels made of horn filled with perfume were used for the anointing of a king (1 Sam. 16:1, 13; 1 Kgs 1:39; Ps. 92:11). Symbolically qeren signifies the majesty of the Creator (Exod. 29:12; Hab. 3:4) and the projections on the corners of an altar (Exod. 27:2; 29:12; Lev. 4:18, 25, 30, 34; 9:9). At the same time it is a symbol of both divine (Exod. 30:2, 10; 2 Sam. 22:3) and secular power, might and strength (1 Sam. 2:1; Pss 89:18, 25; 132:17; 148:14; Jer. 48:25; Ezek. 29:21;8 Dan. 7:7, 21, 24; Mic. 4:13). Also qeren represents the sunshine (Hab. 3:4) and the top of a fertile hill (Isa. 5:1). Each time the word conveys something of its core meaning of solid strength, and much of this connotation has been maintained in Modern Hebrew.9 The primary symbolism of a horn can be traced in the Old Testament meanings of the shofar, and later in Christian hymnography, especially Byzantine and Russian. The horn is mentioned in the texts of early chants, for instance in the stichera for the feasts of the Assumption of the Virgin, of the Elevation of the Life-giving Cross, of the apostles Peter and Paul, and of the Novgorod icon of the Praying Virgin. Here it acquires the allegorical sense of victory over the enemy. The Old Testament ideas of the power, might and supernatural strength of the horn (qeren) are reflected in western European Renaissance art. Such, for example, is the image of Moses. In the sculptures of Claus Sluter (fourteenth century, Netherlands) and Michelangelo Buonarotti (sixteenth century, Italy) and in the illumination of the first Italian Bible version (1493, Venice) he has two horns. Bible translations do not indicate the difference between the qeren and other kinds of horn. The instrument is rendered by the same terms as the shofar and the yovel. The first possibility is trumpet: σáλπιγξ (LXX), “tuba”

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(Vulg.),10 qarna’tā (Syr.),11 “tromba” (BIM), “trompe”12 (BB), “trompet” (BNvW), “trumpet” (DouB and NIV), “truba” (PrB), òðuáà/òðqáà (OstB), òðuáû ñâÿùgííû# (ElizB), труба (WCBT). The second possibility is horn: šô¼ərā’/arpwv (Tg.), “ełjyur” (MtsB and WAB), “horn” (NüB), “des Halljars Horn” (LB), “Hoorn” (BGvW), “cornet13 de belier” (LyB), “cor de belier” (GenB), “cornu buccina” (CastB), “cornu arietinum” (BLJ), “roh beranjch” (KrB), “trąba z rogуw baranich” (BP), “ovnov rog” (SSP), “p‘oł” (EAB), “nesÓvi rkisa” (GB), “buk[i” (GCB), “horn” (MofB), “ram’s horn” (BpB, KJV, RSV and NJB), “trumpet of ram’s horn” (ASV and RSV), òðuáû ðwæàíû/ðîæàíû (ElizB), рог юбилейный (SynB). In some cases the name of the instrument is replaced by a paraphrase: âîñòðîóáèòå âåëìè (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB and UvarB), “une note prolongée” (BFC), “one long note” (TEV). In Modern Hebrew the word “qeren” has lost the meaning of a musical instrument, except for the “hunting horn” (qeren ya@ar/r[y @rq), but has maintained the connotative meanings found in the Bible. SHOFAR (Heb. šô¼ār/rpwv, pl. šô¼ārôÓ/twrpwv, either from Old Assyrian šapparu, a “wild goat of the ibex family,” linked with the Sumerian šeg-bar or zag-bar with the same meaning; or from Heb. šû’/awv “hollow, empty” and par/rp, “bull”, that is the hollow part of a bull, namely the horn), an ancient Jewish horn, a natural trumpet with a conical bore. The shofar is one of the most ancient instruments of the Semitic peoples.14 It was taken over by the Jews from the Assyrians. It is the only biblical instrument preserved in the cultic practice of Judaism down to the present. Originally the shofar had a curved shape similar to that of a natural ram’s horn and therefore from the point of view of organology it can be regarded as a kind of qeren (Figure 3.2b). Later on there appeared straight forms slightly curved at the natural bell. They were made by hand from the natural horn. Such are modern shofars (Figure 3.2a). The most common length of the instrument is 36-40 cm. However, both miniature (16 cm), and larger examples (up to 80 cm) also occur. There is a unique shofar of the Yemenite Jews in the Sinai Memorial Park in Los Angeles. Its length is about 140 cm and its diameter 10.5 cm. The principal data about the shofar is given in the Talmud* (third to sixth centuries CE). The main talmudic tractates containing data about the shofar are m. Roš Haš. III and IV; tb. Roš Haš. IX, XXVI, XXVII and XXIX; tb. Šabb. 35b, 117 and 131. Some information about the instrument is also to be found in the Qumran scrolls, particularly in the War Scroll (1QM, S.VII:15, XVI:8, 13). The instrument is said to have been made from the horns of five kinds of animal: a wild goat (such a shofar was used at the new moon festival, since it had a crescent shape), a ram, or sometimes an antelope, a gazelle or a bull. The bull was chosen more rarely because of its association

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with the golden calf. The Talmud prescribes the avoidance of making bull horns (m. Roš Haš. III:2). The horns of the wild goat and the ram were preferred because of their natural curved shape. However the New Year shofar made of wild goat horn had to be straight, whereas for other feasts, the curved shofars made of ram’s horn were used (m. Roš Haš. III:3-4). In all cases only hollow horns were used. Later on metal shofars, mainly of silver or copper, were introduced.

Figure 3.2 (a) Shofar (straightened form); (b) Shofar (natural shape of a horn).

The rules for making and keeping shofars were observed very strictly so as not to spoil their ritual cleanness (m. Kelim XI:1). Originally the instruments had no mouthpieces. The end of the horn was cut off and a little hole was pierced in it. Later the procedure for manufacturing the shofar became much more complicated. After the end of the horn was cut off the external surface was scraped until it became smooth. Then the horn was immersed in hot water and soaked until it became soft enough to be shaped as required. The internal surface and the bell were smoothed out, and a notched rim was cut into the bell. Finally the mouthpiece was shaped by heating and stretching the narrow upper end of the horn. Modern shofars, for instance, in American

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Jewish communities since the 1940s, also have removable metal mouthpieces which make blowing them a lot easier. In order to avoid distortion of the sound, the shofar, as stated in the Talmud (b. Roš Haš. 27b), should be whole, without any cracks, especially lengthwise, and without any holes. The instrument was not to be repaired, though if it was too long it could be shortened. Since the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, it has been forbidden to paint the shofar, to cover it with gold or silver inside or outside, except for the mouthpiece. This is specified in m. Roš Haš. III:2–6. It is said for instance that the mouthpiece (piya) of the New Year shofar could be covered with gold and that of the festal shofar could be covered with silver. In some cases the instrument was decorated with carving or engraved with inscriptions that do not touch the mouthpiece. The shofar of the Yemenite Jews referred to earlier has many quotations from the Tanakh* on it, and so has one of the instruments kept in the Glinka Museum in Moscow. Along with the shofar there are several varieties of horn mentioned in the Bible. They are: yovel or shofar yovel, qeren or qeren yovel. “Shifura deshiqta” (ši¼ûrā’ ÄešiqÓā’/atqvd arwpv), a special name of the funeral shofar, occurs in the Talmudic literature (b. Mo‘ed Qat. 27b; b. Meg. 29a), but there is no description of this instrument. Technically the musical range of the shofar is very limited. It can produce only its three or four fundamental tones of the natural scale, coinciding with the second, third and fourth harmonics. The sound of the shofar is rather sharp and the pitch is indefinite. This is probably one of the main reasons for its incompatibility with other instruments. In the Bible it is rarely combined with other instruments and appears only by itself (Exod. 13:19; Judg. 3:27; 2 Sam. 6:15; Exod. 27:13). However, in 1 Chr. 15:28 it is mentioned together with hatsotserah, metsiltayim, nevel and kinnor. Apart from that the shofar is found as a rule paired with the hatsotserah (2 Chr. 15:14; Ps. 98:6; Hos. 5:8). In some cases, for example, in military campaigns, large ensembles of shofars (up to 300 in Judg. 7:22) were assembled. Shofars have different pitch and volume depending on the size and curvature. When necessary the sound could be very loud. According to the narrator when the Lord appeared on Mount Sinai the blast of the shofar was “very loud” ( āzāq mə’ōÄ/dam qzj; Exod. 19:16) and gradually “grew louder and louder” (wə āzēq mə’ōÄ/dam qzjw; Exod. 19:19). Moreover, the destruction of the walls of Jericho (thirteenth century BCE) at the seven blasts of seven shofars which had a primary symbolic meaning (Josh. 6:3-6) may well be considered a historical fact. Sendrey, incidentally, thinks that the instruments were yovels with their loud, coarse blasts. A certain combination of pitches in the blasts of several shofars together with the spatial disposition of the instruments, intensified by the loud shouts of a large group of people created a unique acoustic effect.15 It produced an extremely powerful oscilla-

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tion of sound waves that could indeed destroy a stone building,16 as confirmed by scientific experiments. Apart from the features described above neither the Bible nor the Talmud give any information about the pitch aspect of the blasts of the shofar. However, the methods of playing, the characteristics of the blasts and the rhythm of the signals are described in detail. The Torah* mentions three types of shofar blasts: 1. meshek (mešeÂ/^vm, from the verb māšaÂ/^vm, “to pull”, “to continue”), one long continuous blast (Exod. 19:13; Josh. 6:5); 2. teru‘ah (tərû@ā/h[wrt, “alarm signal”), probably a series of short, abrupt blasts (Num. 10:5–7, 9); 3. teqi‘ah (təqî@ā/h[yqt, “trumpeting, trumpet blast”), several rather short blasts produced by vibrations of the tongue together with continuous blowing (Num. 10:7, 8). Additionally various sources provide detailed explanations of the meaning and ritual functions of each of the signals and combinations of signals. However, there are a lot of discrepancies. In the Mishnah* (second to third centuries CE), instead of meshek, which is lacking, teqi‘ah is regarded as a long tone. Teqi‘ah, in its turn, is renamed as shevarim (šəºarîm/!yrbv, from šāºîr/ rybv “interrupted, broken sound”), a short, abrupt blast. Particularly varied are the renderings of the term “teru>ah”. In Tg. Onq. (first to third centuries CE) it replaces the Arаmaic “yabbabah” (yabbāºā/hbby, “sobbing”), which means a trembling, “crying” sound. The Gemara* (the second part of the Talmud, third to sixth centuries) interprets it either as “yelalah” (yəlālā/hlly, “a long cry”, “howling”), or as a staccato “genikhah” (gənî ā/hjyng “moan”; b. Roš Haš. 33b). The Mishnah (m. Roš Haš. IV:9) contains a detailed description of the rhythmic correlation between the principal modes of playing the shofar, and gives typical combinations. The triadic principle dominates on all rhythmic levels following the thrice repeated word “teru>ah” in Num. 10:5-9. The correlation is one teqi‘ah = three teru‘ah = nine shevarim. C. Sachs points out the similarity of this rhythmic division, which appeared in his opinion not later than the first to second centuries CE, with the medieval theory of modus perfectus; there the values of maxima, longa and brevis have the same correlation. The Mishnah also defines the three most typical series of blasts: each is formed by one teqi‘ah, one teru‘ah and three teqi‘ah, and consisted of ten notes (b. ‘Arak. 10а; b. Sukkah 53b). Abbau of Caesarea (fourth century), a Palestinian Talmudic scholar, united different interpretations of the three complexes of trumpeting and modes of blasting and established a new system, which reconciled all the contradictions. So the shofar blasts are as follows: (1) teqi‘ah – shevarim, teru‘ah – shevarim; (2) teqi‘ah – shevarim – teqi‘ah gedolah. Here teqi‘ah is an upward

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glissando, teru‘ah is a series of staccato blasts on one tone (the lower one), shevarim is a fast tre molo alternation of the lo wer and higher tones, and teqi‘ah gedolah (təqî@ā gəÄôlā/hlwdg h[yqt, – a large, that is, a long trumpet blast) is a f nal long tone. Similar blast signals have been preserved in synagogue practice until the present, though there are some changes and a number of variations between the Ashkenazi, Sephardi and Lithuanian Jews. At present teqi‘ah is a relatively short, abrupt blast on the main tone, which then goes up on to the f fth and becomes a continuous tone and after that in some traditions ends on an octave tone. Shevarim is a fast alternation of the main and the f fth tones and a long f nal blast on the latter. Teru‘ah is a staccato on the main tone and a following long blast on the f fth tone. Teqi‘ah gedolah is on the whole identical with teqi‘ah, but the values are longer and it ends with a continuous f fth, or sometimes an octave tone (mus. ex. 1 − a,b). In some communities the shofar signals are produced by a cornet or even by an organ.

te

qi‘a

te

shebarim

qi‘a

teru‘a

gedola

Musical Example 1a

te

te

shebarim

qi‘a

ra‘a

te

qi‘a

gedola

Musical Example 1b

There are a few musical pieces in which the composers included imitations of the shofar blasts. Such, for instance, are the oratorios “John the Baptist” by G. A. Macfarren (1873) and “The Apostles” by E. Elgar (1903). The latter reproduces the rhythm, but distorts the intonation formula by changing a f fth to a sixth. In the Talmud a player on the shofar is called “ba‘al-toqe‘a” (ba@al Óôqē@ā/ [qwt l[b, “master-trumpeter”), and the man who announced the order of the series of blasts was called “makriz”* (maÂrîz/zyrkm, “herald”). These duties

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in the Temple were allotted in perpetuity by the command of God exclusively to the “sons of Aaron, the priests” (Num. 10:8). However during public festivals non-priests (m. Roš Haš. IV:8), children, and if necessary even women (b. Roš Haš. 133а) were also allowed to blow the shofar. The neumatic notation of the shofar blasts existed already in the tenth century. Probably the earliest example is that in the “Siddur” (Prayer Book; Bodleian Library, Cod. Hunt 448, fol. 149r) of Sa‘adia Gaon. Here written signs are followed by descriptions of the shofar signals. Then there is “Codex Adler” (thirteenth century; New York, Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary, No. 932, fol. 21b: mus. ex. 2). Another example known as “Simani Noti” is contained in the fourteenth-century manuscript “Codex Shem”, No. 74 (Library of Parma, Italy: mus. ex. 3, which should be read from right to left).

Musical Example 2 teru‘a

teqi‘a

te

qi‘a

teqi‘a

shcbarim

teqi‘a

shebarim

tcqi‘a

teru‘a

shebarim

teqi‘a teqi‘a_

te

ru‘a As deciphered by S. Sulzer

Musical Example 3 The shofar is mentioned in the Tanakh 72 times (in Exodus, Leviticus, Joshua, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings, Nehemiah, Job, Psalms, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Hosea, Joel, Amos, Zephaniah, Zechariah). This testifies to its paramount importance in different spheres and events in the life of the nation already in biblical times. In the course of time the perception of the shofar changed from a folk instrument that possessed magic qualities to a sacred instrument used in organizing society and its religious symbols. As is evident from the Bible, originally the Israelites, like other ancient peoples, associated shofar blasts with natural forces and elements such as the new moon (Ps. 81:4),17 and earthquakes (Exod. 19:16-19, 20:15), and ascribed

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to it supernatural power (Josh. 6:4, 20). Gradually the mystical pagan attitude towards the shofar was reinterpreted and its blast became a sign of the divine presence, for instance in the appearance of the Lord to Moses on Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:16-19), and the voice of God that gave the commandments (Exod. 19:13; Lev. 23:24; 25:9; Num. 29:1). The voice could be imperious (Jer. 4:5; 51:27), stern (Exod. 18:3; Ezek. 7:14; Amos 2:2; Hos. 8:1), alarming (Jer. 4:19, 21; Joel 2:1) or majestic (Ps. 47:6; Zech. 9:14). In the period when the monarchy was being established (eleventh century BCE) the shofar acquired a military function. Its blast could warn of a threat (Job 39:24, 25; Jer. 4:5, 21; 6:1; Ezek. 7:14; 33:3-6), or proclaim the beginning of a war. Examples are Ehud’s campaign against the Moabites (Judg. 3:27), Gideon’s campaign against the Midianites (Judg. 6:34; 7:8, 16, 18–20, 22), the revolt of Sheba, the Benjaminite against King David (2 Sam. 20:1) and that of all Israel against Babylon (Jer. 51:27). The shofar foretold the horrors of war (Jer. 4:19, 21). It also summoned soldiers to battle, for instance the war of Saul against the Philistines (1 Sam. 13:3), and of Joab against Abner (2 Sam. 2:28), and urged the capture of the enemy, for instance at the siege and invasion of Jericho (Josh. 6:3-9). It also declared the end of a military campaign (2 Sam. 2:28; 18:16; 20:22). As a signal instrument the shofar also appears in post-biblical sources. Thus in the “War Scroll”, one of the Dead Sea scrolls found in 1947, it participates along with the hatsotserah in the eschatological battle. Its “loud war alarm” (1QMVIII:10) strikes fear into the hearts of the enemy. The shofar was also used in time of peace. Its sound proclaimed the liberation of the Jewish slaves in the Jubilee year* (Lev. 25:9-10), and the return of the Israelites from the Babylonian exile (Neh. 4:12, 14). It foretold the coming of the Day of Judgement (Joel 2:1, 15; Ezek. 7:14). In the period of the early Israelite kings (eleventh to ninth centuries BCE) the shofar had already become a symbol of coercive power. Its blasts accompanied the anointing of Absalom (2 Sam. 15:10), Solomon (1 Kgs 1:34, 39, 41), Jehu (2 Kgs 9:13) and perhaps other rulers as well. The role of the shofar in the religious life of the Israelites was extremely important. The Bible does not say anything about its use in the Temple services, but gives some information of its role in public events and in individual religious expression. The shofar participated in the processions at the transfer of the Ark of the Covenant by King David (2 Sam. 6:15; 1 Chr. 15:28). It announced the beginning of fasts (Joel 2:15) and religious feasts, such as the new moon (Ps. 81:4) and the Jubilee Year (Lev. 25:9–10). By divine command on the first day of the seventh month (tishri) the Israelites had to honour the shofar as a sacred instrument on a special “day of the trumpet blast” (“yom teru‘ah”, yôm tərû@ā/h[wrt !wy; Num. 29:1). It was a symbol of the covenant of God and man, and a mediator between them, as happened at the giving of the Law to Moses on Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:16-19). It announced the resumption

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of the alliance of king Asa with the Lord (2 Chr. 15:14). By blowing the shofar a man praised the Creator (Pss 89:16; 98:6; 150:3). In post-biblical times, when all music was forbidden as a sign of mourning for the destroyed Jerusalem Temple, the blast of the shofar remained the only musical sound permitted. It acquired a messianic, eschatological sense and was associated with hope for the future coming of the Messiah that was to be accompanied by the “shofar of deliverance”, hence the apocalyptic trumpets of the day of judgement in 1 Cor. 15:52; 1 Thess. 4:16; Rev. 4:1; 8:6-8, 13; 11:15. Thus the choice of the ancient term “shofar” in the Ginsburg Hebrew translation of the NT seems to be deliberate. The range of the religious and secular duties of the shofar is described in the Talmud. Its significance and the scope of its participation in the life both of Jewish society and of individuals widened considerably. There appeared many new aspects. The most important of them are as follows. 1. The mystical aspect. This reflects the ancient belief that the shofar was associated with natural forces (m. Ber. IX:2), belief in its magic power (m. Hul. 105b; Sotah 147а; m. Mo‘ed Qat. 17b, j; m. Ta‘an. II:1) and in its ability to terrify and expel Satan from the “throne of the Almighty” (m. Roš Haš. 16b); 2. The theological aspect. All orthodox Jewish men were commanded to listen to the shofar blasts (women and children were free from this duty). The blasts were to be a sign and reminder of the covenant made by God with Moses, and through him with all the Israelite people (m. Roš Haš. 16b). The blasts also signified repentance during fasts and in times of disaster (m. Ta‘an. I:6); 3. The ritual and symbolic aspect. The shofar blasts were sounded at the moment of public purification sacrifices, called hatta’ot ( a ā’ōÓ/ tafj; m. Zebah.). They were also sounded when decorating the altar of the Temple with willow branches at the feast of Sukkot* (m. Sukkah IV:5). They also accompanied the libation ceremony from the pool of Siloam (m. Sukkah IV:9),18 and when announcing a death or burial (b. Mo‘ed Qat. 27b; Meg. 29а); 4. The dogmatic aspect. The shofar signal foretold the announcement of the statutes of the Talmudic teachers (m. Nid. 38а, 40); 5. The juridical aspect. The shofar proclaimed a decree of herem* ( erem/!rj), that is, it gave aural information about the expulsion of someone from the community according to the sentence of the court (b. Mo‘ed Qat. 16а; b. Sanh. 7b). 6. The economic aspect. The shofar was blown during public prayers at the threat of economic catastrophe, such as a commercial crisis or the reduction in the purchasing power of the shekel (b. B. Bat. 91а). All liturgical functions of the shofar were based on two ideas. The first was reminding God of his promise to the people of Israel, which had been

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given to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (Gen. 15:14-21; 22:16-18; 32:13, 29); this is a reinterpretation of an ancient tradition of attracting the attention of a deity by means of a trumpet call. The second was a reminder of the ‘aqedah* (@ǎqēÄā/hdq[, Gen. 22:13), Abraham’s sacrifice, since according to the Talmud (m. Roš Haš. 16а) the horn symbolized the ram that was sacrificed instead of Isaac. This link is indicated directly on the second day of the New Year, when that passage from the Torah is read to the accompaniment of shofar blasts. According to Talmudic teachers the shofar was blown after certain prayers in each service of the Jerusalem Temple signifying their acceptance by the Almighty. As a cultic artefact the shofar was sounded only during the day time and was kept hidden from lay worshippers and temple servants. This was probably a reflection of the ancient prohibition on looking at sacred objects. Before the destruction of the Temple the shofar was used together with two trumpets (hatsotserot). The manner of playing changed depending on the nature of the service: during feasts the shofar gave a long blast simultaneously with short blasts of two trumpets. On days of fast on the other hand the shofar produced short blasts simultaneously with long blasts of the trumpets. By the end of the first century CE hatsotserot were excluded from cultic use. As a result the shofar remained the only sacred aerophone in synagogue use, partly because it was perceived as a symbol of the divine presence rather than merely as a musical instrument. The number of the performers was appointed in accordance with their specific purpose. In the daily worship there were few shofars, whereas at feasts some dozens of instruments were sounded in the Temple. The players stood on the steps of the altar. On week days, as testified by the Talmud (m. Sukkah V:4; Gem. ‘Arak. II:3) not less than 21 and not more than 48 blasts were sounded. On festive occasions the number of instruments increased considerably, up to 100 at Rosh HaShanah (New Year). The shofar was used in the majority of Jewish festivals, both solemn (Yom Kippur*, the Day of Atonement, and the New Moon of the month Elul), joyful (the feasts of Sukkot*, Shavuot*, and Purim*) and sorrowful (the day of the destruction of the Temple, the days of repentance). In the Jubilee Year a shofar made of goat horn was used in the synagogues (m. Roš Haš. III:5; see also Yovel). The shofar announced the eve of the Sabbath* together with the hatsotserot (when the latter was out of use this duty was given completely to the shofar). At Friday noon, according to the Talmud (m. Šabb. 35) the shofar was blown at fixed intervals. The first three teqi‘ah meant that all kinds of work (both that in the fields, and trade and other urban activity) had to stop, and candles had to be lit. The final series teqi‘ah-teru‘ah-teqi‘ah announced the beginning of the sacred “Day of Rest” (Lev. 23:32). The end of the Sabbath and of other feasts was also proclaimed by the strictly regulated blasts of the shofar (m. Hul. I:7).

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At Rosh HaShanah, as commanded in the Torah, the shofar played a special role.19 In the period of the Jerusalem Temple shofar blasts were allowed even on the Sabbath, if it fell on the first day of Rosh HaShanah. In due course this custom was changed, and instead of a day to blow the shofar (Num. 29:1), such a Sabbath was renamed as the day of the memorial proclaimed with the blast of the shofar (ziÂrôn tərû@ā/h[wrt @wrkz, Lev. 23:24). According to the Mishnah, at Rosh HaShanah only shofars of rams’ horns were used (m. Roš Haš. III:15). As a rule they had a curved shape and symbolized “a man bowed down before the will of God” (m. Roš Haš. 26b). In the ceremony of the feast as established by the tannaitic* scholar Gamaliel II of Jabneh (first to second centuries) the shofar blasts were one of its main components and were strictly correlated with other ritual actions: the singing of the psalms, the reading the Torah and the prayers. Gamaliel prescribed a special manner of blowing the teqi‘ot (pl. of təqî@ā). Thus the “teqi‘ot of sitting” (təqî@ôÓ bimyūšāº/bvwymb tw[yqt) were blown after the reading of the Torah, when the worshippers were allowed to sit. The “teqi‘ot of standing” (Óəqî@ôÓ bəm@ūmmād/dm[mb tw[yqt) sounded when the ‘Amidah* was said. This was the prayer of standing; in some communities it was called the silent ‘Amidah. With the passage of time the regulation of the shofar blasts changed several times. Initially the instrument was used in the shacharit*, the first part of the morning service, which lasted for four hours after sunrise. In the centuries following, these blasts were transferred to the musaf*, the second part, which started at a later hour. This happened, as the Talmud narrates (m. Roš Haš. IV:8), after a tragic case when the Romans in Palestine attacked the Jews praying in the synagogues and massacred them. The reason for this was that the Romans thought the shofar blast was the signal for them to attack. Later still the shofar blasts were again included in the shacharit, but were retained in the musaf as well. The tannaitic and amoraic* scholars disagree on the question of the custom of blowing the shofar after each of the three final Benedictions (Berakhot*) of the ‘Amidah. These Benedictions were: (1) “Malkuyot”* (“Kingdoms”, the reading of ten passages from the Tanakh, where God is called the king of the universe); (2) “Zikronot”* (“Memorials”, another ten passages, where the ‘aqedah and the deeds of the ancestors are recalled); and (3) “Shofarot”* (“Shofars”, ten passages from the Torah, the Nevi’im and the Kethuvim, in which the shofar is mentioned, and the hope for the coming of the messianic era is heralded by the shofar). According to Yohanan ben Nuri (second century CE), the shofar was to sound only after “Zikronot” and “Shofarot” (m. Roš Haš. IV:8). The tannaitic scholar Aqiba (second century CE) thinks that it had to sound before the “Malkuyot” as well. In the middle ages Amram ben Sheshna (ninth

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century), the compiler of the Sephardic liturgy, established the following order, which was then accepted both by the Sephardi and by the Ashkenazi: three times the “teqi‘ah-shevarim-teqi‘ah” series after “Malkuyot” and “Zikronot” (that makes up 60 blasts: 30+30); three times the “teqi‘ahteru‘ah-teqi‘ah” series (30 blasts more) after “Shofarot”. Many communities have introduced the custom of ending the service with another ten-blast series, which makes up in total 100 blasts. Yakov Tam, a tenth century French Hebraist started a new tradition that was adopted by the eastern European Jews. He made all the “teqi‘ah-shevarim-teqi‘ah” series uniform for all the Benedictions. Medieval Jewish philosophers and mystics ushered in some ritual innovations concerning the use of the shofar. Thus from then on it was to be blown in the morning worship throughout the month of Elul until Yom Kippur (except for the previous day), and also at the Ne‘ilah*, the final service of this feast. In addition the instrument received a new aesthetic evaluation, with an obvious ethical component. Sa‘adia Gaon (882−942) credits the sound of the shofar with the ability to cause awesome reverence and piety in the people. In his “Book of Beliefs and Opinions” (se¼er ha’ěmûnôÓ wəhaÄē@ôÓ) he lists ten cases when the use of the shofar is necessary. Among them are: the proclaiming of the supreme power of God; the appeal to be loyal to the teachings of the Torah, the remembrance of the ‘aqedah, the remembrance of the destruction and future reconstruction of the Temple, and the announcement of the day of resurrection. Moshe ben Maimon (1135−1204) states that the shofar calls remind a man of his duty before God. They make him wake up, “arise from dozing, analyze all the deeds that have been done, return in repentance and remember the Creator” (Hilhot, Teshuva III:4). In the “Book of Splendour” (se¼er hazōhar), a thirteenth century cabbalistic tractate (probably compiled by Moses of Leon) that contains a mystical commentary on the Torah, the shofar is attributed the power “to wake up the Supreme mercy” (Emor 99b). When the Jewish diaspora settled in Europe, the shofar in addition to keeping its previous status of a sacred object, acquired a new meaning. It became the symbol of the idea of uniting the dispersed people in the hope of returning to Israel, their historical homeland.20 Throughout the twentieth century the shofar has retained its cultic functions and has also continued to be an instrument for giving warning signals when necessary, for example, in times of conflict. Moreover, it participates in solemn secular ceremonials, such as the inauguration of the president of Israel. Both in early and modern Bible translations shofar is rendered mainly as a trumpet: σáλπιγξ (LXX), salpig3 (CP), “bucina/buccina” and “tuba” (Vulg., CastB, partly BLJ), qarna’tā (Syr.),21 “šep‘or” (partly MtsB, EAB),22 “saquiri” (GB, partly GCB), “trumpe”, “clarioun”23 (WyclB), “trumpet” (BpB, DouB, KJV, MofB, ASV, RSV, NASB, TEV, CEV), “tromba” and “tuba” (BIM),

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“Posaune”24 (LB, BEBD), “trompe25/trompet” and “basune” (BB), “Basuyne” and “Trompette” (BGvW), “basoene” and “trompet” (BNvW), “trompe/trompette” (LyB), “truba” (PrB), “trauba” (KrB), “trąba” (BP), “trobenta” (partly SSP), òðóáà/òðqáà (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, OTC 1, as well as SkorB, OstB, ElizB, AFPs, AmPs), труба (SynB), áukèíà/áqêñèíà (GennB and its copies). Many versions render the instrument in a manner that retains the original link with an animal horn: σωφéρ, κερατíνη (from κéρας, “horn”; LXX), šôpārā’/arpwv, qarna’/anrq (Tg.), šīpûrā, qarna’ (Syr.), “p‘oł” (MtsB, WAB, EAB), būq (Taf),26 qarn (LPsA), “horn” (NüB), “cornet” and “cor” (partly LyB, GenB)27, “cornu” (BLJ), “cornet” (partly BpB, DouB, KJV, ASV),28 “kornet” (BP), “rog” (SSP), “bugle” (partly MofB, TEV),29 “horn” (RSV, TEV, partly CEV), “ram’s horn” (AJV, NIV, partly NASB), ðîãú (GennB and its copies, also ElizB, SynB). Others choose closely similar names: σáλπιγξ κερατíνη, “tuba cornea” (Ps. 97:6, LXX and PsGal respectively), “hornene trumpe”, “trumpe of horn” (Ps. 98:6, WyclB 1 and WyclB 2 respectively), òðóáà ðîæàíà (Ps. 97:6; Josh; 2 Sam; 1 Kgs, 2 Chr. in ElizB; Ps. 98:6 in AmPs), òðóáà ðîãîâàÿ (Ps. 97:6 in AFPs). In some places (Josh. 6:8; LXX) there is a paraphrase σημαινéτωσαν ετóνως (“let them sound loudly”) instead of the name of the instrument. The shofar is often depicted in the decorations of synagogues. Its well known shape gave a name to some artefacts of Jewish cultic ritual. Thus in ancient times a cone-shaped container placed in the Temple for donations was called a shofar. The Talmud testifies that in the Jerusalem Temple there had been thirteen such containers (m. Šeqal. VI:15). In the Middle Ages European Ashkenazi used Schulklopfers, wooden shofar-shaped clappers. The keepers of the synagogues knocked with them at the doors of houses calling people out for morning prayer. In Israel today the shofar is still used as a decoration on various objects. In Modern Hebrew the term “shofar” has retained its original sense; in addition it means a megaphone. YOVEL, shofar yovel (Heb. yôºēl, šô¼ār hayyôºēl/lbwy, lbwyh rpwv, “jubilee”, “jubilee shofar”), a variety of shofar made of a ram’s horn or, according to the Talmud* (m. Roš Haš. III:5) of a wild goat horn. A. Sendrey refers to the Talmudic tractates (m. Kelim XI:7; b. Šabb. 47а) and assumes that it differed from the normal shofar by being of a larger size and having a wide metal resounding bell, which could be put on or taken off, like a loudspeaker. It is because of this detail about the bell being made of metal that the Talmudists related the yovel to the category of “vessels susceptible to uncleanness” (m. Kelim XI:1, 7). Such a construction made it possible to produce an extremely loud and long blast. The Tanakh* describes it by the term mešeÂ/ ^vm (bimšōÂ/^vmb, Exod. 19:13), “a long blast” (from the verb māšaÂ/^vm,

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“to pull”, “continue”. The sound itself had a hollow timbre, rather unpleasant to hear. Certain combinations of different pitches and the positioning of several instruments could create the unique acoustic effect of a very powerful, strident oscillation of the sound waves. Perhaps this quality of the yovel was used for the destruction of the walls of Jericho (thirteenth century BCE).30 The event is related in the Tanakh (Josh. 6:3-19) and its possibility has been confirmed in modern times by a scholarly experiment.31 Thus the “seven Jericho trumpets” (šô¼ərôÓ hāyyôºəlîm/ !ylbwyh twrpwv, Josh. 6:4, 6, 8, 13) are very likely to be yovels or the allied instruments qeren-yovels. The etymological meaning of the word “yovel” indicates quite well its musical characteristics. The name of the instrument derives from the “Jubilee year”, the 50th year which comes after seven seven-year cycles.32 In that year the Tanakh prescribes the blowing of a special “shofar of the alarm” (šô¼ār tərû@ā/h[wrt rpwv, which probably implied the yovel) at the feasts of Rosh HaShanah* (a civil New Year, Num. 29:1) and at the end of Yom Kippur*. Its blast also proclaimed the liberation of Jewish slaves and the return of property to its original owner (Lev. 25:9-10). In the realistic and colourful biblical description of Moses’ ascent of Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:13-19) the blasts of the yovel along with the rage of the natural elements (“there were thunders and lightnings”) created a supernatural atmosphere for the whole event. It symbolized as well the approaching meeting of the prophet with the Lord. Scholars think that even the name of Jubal, the “father” of music (Gen. 4:21) is derived from the word yôºēl/ lbwy (jubilee)33 and personifies the sacred horn. Some Bible translations differentiate the yovel from other varieties of horn (the shofar and the qeren) and describe it adequately as: “bucinas, quarum usus est in iobeleo”, “bucinas, quarum in iobeleis usus est” (“trumpets used in the jubilee”;34 Josh. 6:4, 13, Vulg.), “trompes of the iubilees” (Josh. 6:5, WyclB), “trumpets of the jubilee”, “trumpets which are used in the jubilee” (DouB), “trombetta del iubileo” (BIM), “Posaunen des Halljars” (LB), “basunen van iubileo” (Josh. 6:6, BB), “trompen die men besicht in iubileo” (Josh. 6:4, BB), “trompetten…int iubilaeus iaer gebruyct” (Josh. 6:4, BNvW), “basoenen vanden iubilaeus iaer” (Josh. 6:6, BNvW), “iobel” (BLJ), “p‘oł ełjerais hobelean” (“a jubilee horn trumpet”, MtsB), “hobelean p‘oł” (“a jubilee horn”, WAB), “nestvi iobelisa” (“a jubilee trumpet,” GB, GCB) and трубы юбилейные (“jubilee trumpets”, Josh. 6:3, 5, 7, 12, SynB). The majority of Bible versions render yovel as a trumpet: σáλπιγξ (LXX), “saquiri” (GB), “Posaune” (LB),35 “Basyune” (BGvW), “tuba buccinas”, “buccina tuba” (CastB),36 “truba” (PrB), “trumpet” (ASV, TEV, CEV), òðuáà/ òðqáà (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, OTC 1, also OstB; Exod. 19:13), труба (WCBT).

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Sometimes yovel is presented as a horn: šô¼ārā’ Äəqeren/@rqd arpwv (lit. “shofar made of horn”, Tg.), qarna’ (Syr.), “ełjerapoł” (EAB), “buk[i” (GCB), būq (Taf37), “horn” (NüB), “Hoorn” (BGvW), “cornet”,38 “cor de belier” (LyB, GenB), “cornu arietina” (BLJ), “truba z rohji beranich” (KrB), “trąba z rogуw baranich” (BP), “ovnov rog” (SSP), “trumpets of rams’ horns” (BpB, KJV, ASV, NASB, NIV), “ram’s-horn trumpets” (NJB, Josh. 6:4, 6, 8, 13), “ram’s horn as trumpet” (MofB, Josh. 6:4, 6, 13), “ram’s horn” (NASB, Exod. 19:13), бараний рог (TanJer). Noteworthy is the semantic expansion of the term “yovel” in the LXX (Lev. 25:11-13), where in addition to the instrument itself it signifies “a signal of deliverance” (φéσεως σημασíα).39 In Modern Hebrew the word “yovel” is not in use as a musical term and has retained only its primary meaning of “jubilee”.

Metallic horns HATSOTSERAH (Heb. ǎ ô ərā, ǎ ō rā/hrxwxj, hrxxj; pl. hatsotserot, ǎ ô ərōÓ, ǎ ō rôÓ/trxwxj, twrxxj, from the verb ā ar/rxj, “to be present”; in the pi@ēl form means an intensified action, and when governing multiple objects it acquires the sense “to gather in one place, to summon”. The word is close to one of the meanings of the Arabic root zr). The hatsotserah is the ancient straight metallic trumpet. W. Gesenius thinks that the etymology of the word goes back to onomatopoeic imitation (in the duplication of the sibilant “ts”) of certain sound qualities of the hatsotserah. Similar onomatopoeia is fairly typical for the names of the ancient Jewish instruments (tseltselim, tof). The Talmud describes the hatsotserah as consisting of several parts (pərāqîm/!yqrp, t. Kelim; m. B. Metsi‘a I:8): according to Josephus it was a long narrow straight tube of “less than a cubit” in length (A.J. III, 12:6), widening towards the bell, with a cup-shaped mouthpiece attached to its narrow end (Figure 3.3). The hatsotserah was made mainly of silver. For the Temple instruments regarded as “sacred vessels” (kəlê haqqōÄeš/vdqh ylk, Num. 31:6; 2 Kgs 12:14) particularly expensive forged silver (kese¼ miqšā/hvqm #sk) was used. Secular instruments as a rule were bronze ones according to the Dead Sea Scrolls and the comments of Jerome (ca. 345−ca. 419). A similar bronze sample was found in the tomb of the Egyptian pharaoh Tutankhamun. The hatsotserah could probably produce two or at most three sounds, as shown in the experiments with the Egyptian trumpets. These were the first overtones of the natural scale. Usually two hatsotserot of the same size were played (y. Yoma V:1; 43b), either simultaneously in unison or producing the sounds in alternation at the same or different pitches. The symbolism of such pairs of trumpets presumably dates back to ancient ideas of symmetry and duality.40

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Figure 3.3. Hatsotserah (schematic drawing)

The sound of the hatsotserah, like other ancient trumpets (the ancient Egyptian šeneb, the Greek salpinx, the Roman tuba and the Persian qarna’) was probably rather hoarse, and its pitch was inaccurate. Ancient authors characterize it in various uncomplimentary ways. Aeschylus (ca. 525–456 BCE: Eum. 567) describes the salpinx as διáτορος, that is, “shrill”. Pollux, (second century CE: Onom.) calls it “horribilis, raucus”, that is “horrible, hoarse”. Plutarch (ca. 45–ca. 125: Quaest. conv.) likens it to the braying of a donkey. However, the technique of playing the hatsotserah improved, and new upper overtones were gradually mastered. The method of producing sound on the hatsotserah, similar to that on the shofar is briefly described in the Bible (Num. 10:5–8), and further details are given in the Talmud (m. Roš Haš. IV:9). According to these sources the two main modes of playing the hatsotserah were təqî@ā/h[yqt, a long blast and tərû@ā/h[wrt, a few sharp staccato sounds. Both were strictly regulated and their manner of production coincided exactly with that of the alarm calls of the shofar (see also Shofar). Some twentieth-century scholars (P. R. Kirby, H. Hickmann) think that these modes originate from the signal codes of ancient Egyptian trumpets. The hatsotserah is mentioned in the Old Testament 29 times, beginning in the Pentateuch (Num. 10:2). But judging from the bas-reliefs found during excavations in Assyria and Anatolia, similar trumpets were already known to the Assyrians and Hittites. The Hebrews may have borrowed them directly from the Egyptians. This is rendered probable by the amazing resemblance of the instruments represented on Egyptian monuments and actual well preserved silver and bronze examples from the New Kingdom period (end of the 15th century BCE) from the tomb of Tutankhamun (middle of the fourteenth century BCE; chapter 1, Figure 1.14)41 to the reproduction of the Jewish hatsotserot on the Arch of Titus in Rome (70 CE; chapter 1, Figure 1.7), as well as to their depiction on some Jewish coins of 132–135 CE.42 (chapter 1, Figure 1.8). The biblical text also indirectly confirms their adoption from an Egyptian source in the account of how the Lord gave Moses the command to make two silver trumpets (Num. 10:2). It is noteworthy that the Lord speaks only about the material, which could possibly mean that Moses already knew well all the other characteristics.

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The number of functions of the hatsotserah is rather varied. In pagan cultures, such as the Assyrian and Egyptian, trumpets were used mainly for attracting the attention of the deity. Thus one of the Egyptian tombs of the first century BCE has a drawing of a priest appealing to Osiris by playing on the trumpet. In Ancient Israel, however, this idea gradually acquired the more spiritual and symbolic sense of reminding the people of God’s presence among them (Num. 10:10; 1 Chr. 13:8; 15:24; 16:16, etc.). However for a long time, until the middle of the second century CE, popular awareness remained closer to the earlier concept (1 Macc. 4:40; 5:33; 16:8). In the First Temple period (tenth century BCE onwards) the hatsotserah, as well as the shofar had already been considered principally a ritual instrument (2 Kgs 12:14; 1 Chr. 13:8; 15:24; 16:6; 2 Chr. 29:27). The priestly descendants of Aaron were the sole performers (hatsotserim, ǎ ô ərîm/!yrxwxj, 2 Chr. 5:12; 29:28) on the sacred instruments (Num. 10:8). They guarded this privilege strictly (2 Chr. 5:12; 7:6; 29:26; Ezra 3:10). The Bible mentions some of their names: Shebaniah, Joshaphat, Nethanel, Amasai, Zechariah, Benaiah, Eliezer and others (1 Chr. 15:24; Neh. 12:35, 41, 42). In the daily services at least two trumpet players took part, perhaps following the Lord’s command (Num. 10:2). Incidentally, this explains the use of the plural of the noun hatsotserah ( ǎ ô ərōÓ/trxwxj) in all its occurrences except Hos. 5:8: in this verse a single hatsotserah is mentioned in parallel with a single shofar. At great feasts the number of the players on the hatsotserot was increased to 120 (2 Chr. 5:12). The Talmud in m. ‘Arak. II:5 even says that when necessary their number could be increased without limit. The Chronicler narrates that the 120 trumpeters and 400 singers made “themselves heard in unison in praise and thanksgiving to the Lord” (2 Chr. 5:13), implying that the performance was perfect. The Bible contains no detailed information concerning the cultic use of the hatsotserah. The Talmud, however, confirms that in the Second Temple period (end of the sixth century BCE onwards) the sound of the hatsotserah accompanied the opening of the outer gates.43 The priests and the Levites were also summoned by a trumpet call. In the liturgy the function of the hatsotserah was mainly to announce the moment of prostration (m. Tamid VII:31; b. ‘Erub. 54a) and to accompany the whole burnt offering and the peace offering. It is very likely that in the worship of Solomon’s Temple the hatsotserah had had similar functions, for there must have been some continuity between the two rites. Along with its liturgical uses the hatsotserah, like the shofar, was allotted important functions in certain religious feasts, namely Shabbat*, Rosh HaShanah* and Sukkot*. It also participated in the solemn ceremony of the transfer of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem (1 Chr. 15:24; 16:6, 42; Sir 50:18), in the laying of the foundation of the Second Temple (Ezra 3:10), and in the dedication of the newly erected walls of Jerusalem (Neh. 12:35). The Talmud states that in some cases, for instance announcing Shabbat, apart from the normal players on the hatsotserot, the hazzans* ( azzān kəneseÓ/tsnk @zj),

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the keepers of the Temple, were also given the right to play them (t. Sukkah IV:22). Apart from its use in the Temple the hatsotserah was used first of all as an instrument for giving signals in time of war (Num. 10:9; 31:6). The War Scroll, one of the Dead Sea Scrolls found in 1947, contains a detailed strategic plan of the 40-year apocalyptic war between “the sons of light and the sons of darkness”. In this plan six groups of trumpets (hatsotserot) play a key role in the combat (“The Order of the Trumpets” 1QM, II:15; III:11; VII:9; IX:9). They give commands for the armies of the forces of light to act, and mark the decisive phases of the fight by different rhythmic combinations.44 This is their main purpose and it is inscribed on each instrument in a motto: “those called by God”, “princes of God”, “powerful deeds of God when he destroys the enemy and everything that hates righteousness”, “causes to flee”, “trumpets of alarm…of the siege…of the pursuit”. There are a few indirect indications in the Scriptures that confirm the existence of this custom (Num. 36:1; 2 Chr. 13:12, 14).45 The hatsotserah was an important element in many other public events, both social (Num. 10:2–8) and political (2 Kgs 11:14; 2 Chr. 23:13). In addition, it regulated the movement of the camp in the desert (Num. 10:2-8). In time of war the prerogative of playing the hatsotserah belonged exclusively to the priests, whereas in secular rituals, as some scholars such as A. Sendrey believe, other people, for example court heralds, could be players as well.46 Nevertheless, other researchers (J. Montagu) think that the hatsotserah, unlike the shofar, would be played only by the priests. This is confirmed by Jewish historical sources (Josephus B.J. IV, 9:12). The number of the blasts produced on the hatsotserah implied a certain esoteric sense: numbers divisible by three prevailed. The Talmudic sources (m. Sukkah V:5; m. ‘Arak. III:3; b. Sukkah 53a) referring to the text of the Tanakh give concrete instructions about them. The number of daily hatsotserah blasts in the Temple varied from 21 to 48. In each ritual a certain number of blasts was prescribed. Thus, three blasts were to be sounded at the opening of the gates of the Temple, at the opening of the curtain into the inner sanctuary on the Day of Atonement, and also when the priests were summoned. Nine blasts were produced during the morning and evening offerings and in the course of other sacrifices. All religious feasts and public holidays, as well as war campaigns, and even the conduct of individual battles, had precisely specified numbers of blasts. According to the War Scroll from Qumran the hatsotserah had to give one signal when the troops were drawn up for battle, when the troops went forward towards the enemy lines, and just before the fighting began. In the course of the battle the hatsotserah had to sound the alarm seven times, and after it was over one more blast had to be given. A single trumpet blast was used to summon the heads of the tribes, the military commanders and the people

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(Num. 10:3, 7). During the wandering in the desert two trumpet calls meant that the camp had to set out (Num. 10:4-6). According to the Talmud, the eve of Shabbat was announced by six blasts: the first three urged the people to stop their work, and the second three signified the beginning of the sacred day. Within the eight-day period of Sukkot the hatsotserah sounded 48 times. After the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in 70 CE the original sense of the term “hatsotserah” was partly lost. In Talmudic tractates the hatsotserah is often confused with the shofar. Thus, Rabbi Hisda says, “What earlier used to be called hatsotsrata’ [the Aramaic form of hatsotserah] is now called shifurta’ [the Aramaic form of shofar], and what earlier used to be called shifurta’ has now become hatsotsrata’ ” (b. Šabb. 36a; b. Roš Haš. 36a; b. Sukkah 34a). In the majority of Bible translations both ancient and modern the hatsotserah is interpreted as a trumpet (σáλπιγξ in LXX, tuba in Vulg., CastB, BLJ; ǎ ô raÓā/atrxwxj in Tg., qarna’tā in Syr.,47 qarn zbě‹o in EthPs, salpig3 in CoptPs, “trumpis” in WyclB, “trumpet” in BpB,48 DouB, ASV, NASB, RSV, NIV, NJB, CEV; “tuba, tromba” or “trombeta” in BIM; “busawme/ pusawme/pusaume” in NüB,49 “Dromete” in LB; “trompe50/trompet, basune” in BB, “Trompet” in BGvW, BNvW; “trompette, trõpette” in LyB and GenB; “Trompete, trompette, tromba, trompeta” in BEBD, BFC, BILC and SBE respectively; “saquiri, nestvi” in GB and GCB; “šep‘or” in EAB, “truba” in PrB, “trauba” in KrB, “trąba” in BP, “trobenta” in SSP, òðuáà/òðqáà in the original MS of the GennB, and in its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, OTC 1, as well as in OstB, MoscB, ElizB; and “труба” in the Russian SynB and TanJer. A few versions however often render it erroneously as a horn, the term which is normally used to translate shofar: “p‘oł” in MtsB and WAB (also partly in EAB), būq in Taf,51 “horn” in NüB, “horn” in NJV, “bugle” in MofB and MoultB. In Hos. 5:8 the shofar and hatsotserah are mentioned together (tiq@û šô¼ār… ǎ ō ərā/ hrxxj…rpwv w[qt). Some translations ignore the distinction (thus, LXX gives σαλπíσατε σáλπιγγι, and so do the Church Slavonic versions: âîñòðuáèòg òðuáîþ. In others the distinction is simply lost (LyB has “la trompette…le clarion”, and the same happens in MofB: “the trumpet…the clarion”52). In the following group, however, it is maintained (Vulg. has “clangite bucina …tuba”; BNvW has “gheclanck metter basoenen…metter trompet”; GenB has “sonnez du cornet, …de la trompette” and SynB gives вострубите рогом…трубою). A similar phrase appears in Ps. 98:6 (ba ǎ ō ərôÓ wəqôl šô¼ār/rpwv lwqw twrxxjb, “with trumpets and the sound of the horn”): ν σáλπιγξιν λατας καì φων σáλπιγγος κερατíνης (LXX, Ps. 97:6), “in tubis ductilibus et voce tubae corneae” (PsGal), “in tubis et clangore buccinae” (PsHebr), “in den gedreten Hörnern und in der Stym des hürnin Horns” (NüB), “mit Drometen und Posaunen” (LB), “met trompetten en metter stemmen van een hoornen trompet” (BNvW), “avec trõpettes et son de

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cornet” (GenB), “with trumpet and sound of cornet” (KJV), “with trumpets and the sound of the horn” (RSV), âú òðuáàõú êîâàíûõú è ãëàñîìú òðuáû ðîæàíû (all Church Slavonic translations), при звуке труб и рога (SynB), в трубы и рога (WCBT), голосом труб и шофаров (TanJer). As a symbol of divine power and a token of heavenly glory the image of the ancient Jewish hatsotserah was reflected in Eastern Christian hymnography (Old Russian in particular). The descriptions of the trumpet such as “divine”, “cast from gold”, and “having a beautiful voice” are often found in Byzantine texts (stichera for the Nativity of Jesus Christ, for the Apostles Peter and Paul, for St Basil the Great, St Gregory Nazianzus, St John Chrysostom, St Nicholas of Myra in Lycia, St George Nicephorus) and in Russian texts (such as a large number of chants from the festal services for St Basil of Moscow, St Zosima and St German of Solovki, St Alexander of Svirsk, St Peter, St Alexis and St Jonah, three metropolitans of Moscow, etc.). In the early Western Church the trumpet was used in ecclesiastical ceremonies. In the Roman Empire there was a twice yearly rite of tubilistrium, the consecration of the trumpets, held on 23 March and 23 May. The performers on such instruments were called “tubicines sacrorum populi romani” (“the trumpeters of the sacred rites of the Roman people”). In western European medieval and Renaissance urban tradition the trumpet, the successor of the hatsotserah, often represented a heavenly messenger and an angelic voice.53 It was sounded during triumphal and religious (including funeral) processions. It was used in this way in official ceremonies at the Pope’s court during the Council of Florence 1438–39, as described by a member of the Russian delegation (“The Journey of Avraami of Suzdal to the Council of Florence”). The trumpet played the same role of a messenger, albeit an earthly one, in the formal ceremonials and diplomatic receptions that were introduced into the court etiquette of the Russian tsars from the reign of Ivan the Terrible (sixteenth century). In Modern Hebrew the word “hatsotserah” still preserves its ancient meaning of trumpet.

Woodwind HALIL (Heb. ālîl/lylj, from the verb ālal/llj, “to be hollow”. In the pi@ēl form the root means “to puncture”, “to make a hole”). This is an ancient Jewish woodwind double-reed instrument which probably came from Asia Minor and was of either Phoenician or Syrian origin. The Babylonians knew it as malilu, the Assyrians as al allatu and allalu and the Ethiopians as elat. In an Akkadian text from Asshur (around 800 BCE) there is another name of a similar instrument called imbubu/ebbubu, which later became the post-biblical ’abbub (see ‘Ugav below). The construction of the halil is close to the ancient Greek aulos54 (Figure 3.4) or to its Phrygian counterpart aulos elim (Figure

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3.5). Presumably the halil was a single or double reed woodwind consisting of cylindrical tubes, each having several holes, and a single reed (the clarinet type as E. Werner holds) or a double reed (the oboe type55 as in Figure 3.6). The double reed (that is how S. B. Finesinger, S. Marcuse, L. Koehler, T. C. Mitchell, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen define the halil) often had pipes of different lengths (B. Bayer, J. Braun). The shorter one produced melodies, whereas the longer one gave a drone sound (like the Arabic argul). Similar instruments are depicted in a great number of Assyrian, Phoenician, Hittite and Babylonian graffiti (Figure 3.7). They are also represented in ancient Jewish bronze figurines, such as the one from the ruins of Megiddo (ninth century BCE), which is erroneously thought to be a flute player. Other samples are the terracotta female performers (ninth to eighth centuries BCE) from the town of Achzib (Figure 3.8). In New Testament times the halil became a double oboe of a relatively small size, judging from the depictions on Jewish coins of 132– 135 (Chapter 1, Figure 1.8). This instrument C. Sachs identified as a halil, and not as the hatsotserah it had been thought to be. Currently J. Braun shares this view.56 The form of the tubes had been changed to conical ones, with a funnelshaped bell and presumably a single mouthpiece on each tube, that had a round disc to support the lips. An example of such a mouthpiece (fifth–fourth centuries BCE) was found during excavations in the Jordanian town of Aqaba. To support his hypothesis Sachs refers to the eighth century Arabic tractate kitâb fî ’l-’a©ânî (“The Book in Songs”).57 There among the war instruments of ancient Jewish communities in the Hijaz (an area in the Arabian peninsula) the oboe (zamr) and percussion (daff/duff: see Chapter 4, Tof) are mentioned.

Figure 3.4. Aulos player. Attic red-figure bowl, sixth century Athens)

BCE

(National Museum,

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Figure 3.5. Bronze figurine, presumably of Phrygian origin, playing an aulos elim(?), ca. eighth century BCE (British Museum, London)

Figure 3.6. Ancient Near Eastern single and double reed instruments (schematic drawing)

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Figure 3.7. Double pipe player from the tomb of Amenemhet III, fifteenth century BCE (Oriental Institute, University of Chicago)

Figure 3.8. Terracotta bell-form figurine, presumably of Babylonian origin, playing a double pipe. Achzib, ninth century BCE (Archaeological Museum, Jerusalem)

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The method of playing the halil seems to have been rather simple. The performer produced notes of different pitch by blowing the air into the tube through the mouthpiece and striking it simultaneously with his tongue, or by blocking the holes with his fingers. In Talmudic literature one encounters the idiom “to strike in/on the halils” (niggēn bəhǎlilîm/!ylljb @gn). Professional musicians probably studied at schools, particularly at Samuel’s school of the prophets. Amateurs, however, could also “play the halils” (məhalləlîm bahǎlilîm/!ylljb !yllhm), if we take seriously the biblical statement that “all the people went up…playing on pipes” (1 Kgs 1:40). According to the rabbinic teachers, only educated (“noble”) listeners could truly estimate how beautiful the sound was (b. Yoma 20b). In post-biblical times, in the opinion of A. Sendrey, the word “halil”, apart from referring to a specific instrument could also be used as a generic term for the woodwinds. Sendrey cites the Talmud* (b. Sukkah 50b; m. Sukkah V:1 ) and its later commentators (such as Obadiah Bertinoro, fifteenth century). The material which the halil was made of depended on whether it was destined for the cult or for secular use. Initially both kinds were made of reed. Later on for the ritual instruments wood was chosen. Sometimes they could be even made of metal, most likely bronze (a metallic sample dating from 2800 BCE was found in the burial ground of the ancient city of Ur). At times metal foil was applied for decorating the pipe. For secular use halils were made mainly from the tibia of sheep (m. Qinnim III:6) or from metal (m. Kelim XI:6). Reed and wood were preferred for making cultic halils because of the appropriate character of the sound, and also because of its aesthetic effect. The Talmud (m. ‘Arak. II:3) states that such instruments had a “pleasant” (@ārēº/br[) and “sweet” ( allā/hlj) sound (m. ‘Arak. 11b) and were “not susceptible to uncleanness” (m. Kelim XI:6). Halils made from or covered with metal produced a sound that was not so gentle on the ear and moreover they were “susceptible to uncleanness” (ibid). According to the Talmud there had once been a reed halil with an extremely beautiful sound (though judging from the description it seems to have been an ‘ugav). It dated back to the time of Moses and for many centuries had been kept on the altar in the temple. Then one day it was gilded, and as result lost its amazingly sweet timbre. After the gilding was removed the previous beautiful sound of the instrument was restored (b. ‘Arak. 10b; y. Sukkah V:6). In all probability the timbre of both kinds of halil (like all reed woodwinds) was rather sharp, at times even shrill, and was audible at a considerable distance. Hence the Talmudic saying “the sound of the halil is heard in Jericho” (m. Tamid III:8), even if hyperbolic, has good reason. In the Bible the halil is mentioned six times, starting chronologically from the period of the Judean kings (1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Kgs 1:40; Isa. 5:12; 30:29; twice in Jer. 48:36). Nevertheless the rabbinic tradition relates the instrument to the

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time of Moses (possibly thirteenth century BCE). The halil also appears in the deuterocanonical books (1 Macc. 3:45), in the New Testament (Mt. 9:23; Rev. 18:22), and in the apocryphal literature (Gos. Heb., Acts Thom., both third century CE), but everywhere it is rendered as its Greek analogue, the aulos. The halil was probably introduced into ancient Israel from Phoenicia (which is why the Romans called it “lituus phoenicius”, that is the Phoenician horn) in the period of Solomon’s reign (ca. 970–930 BCE), though many scholars believe that it would not have been used in the Temple worship at that time. However some scholars such as Sendrey oppose this opinion and believe that it could have been used in the liturgical rites of Solomon’s Temple. Later on the halil is listed among the instruments of the Second Temple at the end of the sixth century BCE. The Tanakh does not contain any information about the use of the halil in the services. However, in 1 Sam. 10:5 there is indirect confirmation of this, since it is mentioned among the “ensemble of the prophets”, a precursor of the liturgical ensemble organized by King David. So it could possibly have been used in the sacred rituals that were held before the Tabernacle, where the Ark of the Covenant was kept. Isaiah also speaks about the ritual purpose of the halil, “You shall have a song as in the night when a holy feast is kept; and gladness of heart, as when one sets out to the sound of the flute [halil] to go to the mountain of the Lord, to the Rock of Israel” (Isa. 30:29). Also, Talmudic literature testifies its use in the Temple rites (m. Sukkah IV:1; V:I etc.; b. Sukkah 50b; b. ‘Arak. 10b; t. Sukkah IV:1; y. Sukkah V:1). Furthermore one of the tractates (m. ‘Arak. III:3) contains a precise indication of the final cadenza of the instrumental interlude. It had to be performed by the solo halil (ba’abbûº yə îÄî/ydyjy bwbab) in order to avoid the “aberrations” of sound that could easily occur in an ensemble of similar instruments. Early rabbinic teachers express two points of view on the functions of the halil. According to one (m. Sukkah V:1; y. Sukkah 50a) it was an obligatory component of the liturgy, except for Shabbat* (b. Sukkah 50b). It was played in the Temple every day and accompanied the psalm of the day in the morning and evening services during the libation. According to another opinion (b. ‘Arak. 10a), a halil was played before the altar 12 times a year: on the first day of the Passover (Pesah*) during the first and the second paschal sacrifices, at the feast of Shavuot* and throughout the eight days of the feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot*). In the former case the Levites were the performers, whereas in the latter, as the Talmudists state (m. ‘Arak. II:4), they were partly replaced by the nethinim*, the “Temple servants” (1 Chr. 9:2; Neh. 3:26; 10:29), descendants of the inhabitants of Gibeon (Josh. 9:3–8), whom Joshua, the son of Nun made servants in the Tabernacle (Josh. 9:23). The number of the halil players varied from two to 12 (m. ‘Arak. 10b). Playing the halil was an integral part both of public and private life. It was perceived mainly as a symbol of joy. Outside the Temple it was played: (1) in rituals as an instrument in the ensemble of the prophets (1 Sam. 10:5); (2)

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during solemn processions (1 Kgs 1:40; 1 Macc. 3:45); (3) at pagan festivals (Isa. 5:12); and (4) at religious feasts (Isa. 30:29). The Talmudic tractates refer to the fact that rich people often hired halil players for their domestic parties (m. Sukkah V:1). The Bible does not give any direct information about the participation of the halil at weddings, though the Talmud mentions a “halil for a bride” ( ǎlilîm ləkallā/hlkl !yllj, m. B. Metsi‘a V:1). The exciting and emotional sound of the halil could enrapture people, and even drive them into ecstasy. The apocryphal Acts of Thomas tells about a Jewish girl, a flute player who brought the apostle into ecstasy by her playing. He started uttering words which only she was able to understand (M. R. James).58 The non-canonical Gospel of the Hebrews speaks in the parable of the talents about female instrumental players who took part in banquets, and compares them with prostitutes. In an apocryphal text close to the Gospels found among the Egyptian papyri, Jesus says that they all “purify themselves only from the outside” that is, bodily. Perhaps that is why the Talmudists consider the halil to be a pernicious instrument that corrupts the soul. They associate it with an obscene way of life, and therefore as blasphemy. The aulos, the ancient Greek analogue of the halil, received a similar evaluation, according to Strabo (64/63 BCE–23/24 CE), “Geography” IX, 3:13, Lucian (ca. 120–ca. 190), “On dancing” and Clement of Alexandria (ca. 150–ca. 215), Paed II:4. As a result the halil was gradually excluded from the cultus, but its counterparts the ’abbub and the kalameyles were retained in secular musical practice. At the same time the halil was played in times of grief and sorrow (Jer. 48:36). The Israelites, like the Sumerians, Egyptians, Phoenicians and Babylonians used the halil in the funeral ritual (Mt. 9:23). According to the Talmud even the poor had to hire along with the mourners at least two halil players for the burial of their wives (m. Ketub. IV:4). The performers, when necessary, could even be goyim (b. Šab. 151a). Early versions of the Scriptures witness that the translators were insufficiently aware of the typology of the halil. In the Peshitta the word is omitted once (Jer. 48:36). In five other cases it was rendered as a membranophone (rbī@ā, a drum, 1 Sam. 10:5; 1 Kgs 1:40; Isa. 5:12), as a stringed instrument (kenarā, kinnor, Jer. 48:36); or even as joy ( adutā, Isa. 30:29). In the Targum the halil had four interpretations: (1) the ’abbub (’abbûºā’/abwba, Isa. 5:12; 30:29; Jer. 48:36b); (2) the cymbals ( el elîn/@ylxlx, 1 Sam. 10:5); (3) the hinga’ ( ingā’/agnj, a round dance or a musical instrument, either a woodwind or some type of harp); and (4) the kinnor (kinnōrā’/arwnk, Jer. 48:36a). The main Greek translations (LXX, Aq., Symm., Theod.) are more precise. They present the halil as the aulos (αλóς), but the LXX once conveys it by the phrase ν χορος (“in dances”, 1 Kgs 1:40). In the Vulg. and later Latin versions (CastB and BLJ among them) the halil is interpreted as tibia, the ancient Roman analogue of the halil. The first Armenian Bible (MtsB) identifies the halil with the sring (a flute type instrument).

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Dubious rendering of instrumental terminology is in many respects characteristic of the later editions of the Scriptures. Thus, in one of the fifteenthcentury German versions (NüB) the halil is defined both as a reed (schalmei59) and as a flute (holer, schwegel). Besides, it is exhibited as a war horn (heerhorn, 1 Kgs 1:40), and even as a true horn (Jer. 48:36).60 Martin Luther is more consistent. Everywhere he translates the halil as a pipe (Pfeiffe), and only once (Jer. 48:36) did he render it as a brass instrument, calling it a trumpet (Dromete). The translators of the sixteenth-century Dutch Bible (BGvW) use the same names (Pijpe and Trompete) apparently under the influence of Luther’s authority. The Prague incunabulum of 1488 (PrB), the Kralice Bible of 1594 (KrB) and three centuries later the Polish Bible (BP) demonstrate a similar consistency. They all interpret the halil as a pipe (pisstialka, pisst’ialka and piszczalka respectively), except for Mt. 9:23 in BP, where it appears as a trumpet (trubiecze). There are three sixteenthcentury versions where the halil is regularly presented as a pipe and a flute. Those are the Dutch (BNvW, pijpe, fluit), the French Lyon (LyB, fleute) and the Swiss Geneva (GenB, fleute) versions. In the first Dutch Biblia Belgica (BB), on the other hand, the typology of this ancient Jewish instrument is inconsistent. Here it is classified not only as tibia (tybie), a flute (floyte, fleute), and a copper trumpet (trompe61 van copere), but also as a harp (harpe). In the first historical Italian fifteenth-century translation (Biblia historiata) the halil is associated mainly with the woodwind and brass instruments: zaramella,62 zaramella di ferro (the iron zaramella), pifaro (the reed instrument),63 piva (the bagpipe), and trumpet (tromba). The English tradition is even more variable. In addition to the pipe of brass, trumpis (WyclB 1), the halil is also rendered as a f1ute, though more appropriate names also occur, such as pipis/pipe (WyclB 2, BpB, DouB, KJV, ASV). The eighteenth-century Georgian Bakari version (GB) has a wider range of interpretation of the halil than all the versions listed above. Here the Jewish double-reed instrument is correlated with four typologically different instruments: the lute (muyni),64 the horn (nestvi rkisa), the psaltery (sapsalmuni) and the oboe (avli).65 In Maghrebian exegesis the instrumental terminology is noticeably confused. In the commentaries (Sharh) on the book The Studied Language (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @wvl) by the Moroccan Bible scholar Rafael Bergudo (eighteenth century) the halil is regarded not only as a woodwind (hulûle), but also as a percussion instrument ( bel, tambourine) and some indefinite “instrument for playing” (məl@eb). A number of recent Bible versions: German (BEBD), Spanish (SBE), French (BFC), Italian (BILC), Dutch (BNBG) and Western Armenian (WAB) unanimously interpret the halil as a flute: Flöte, flauta, flûte, flauto, fluit, and sring respectively. Once (WAB) it is associated with a horn (p‘oł), and in another case (SSP) it is thought to be a pipe (pisčal), or possibly a bagpipe (stviri, GCB).

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The Church Slavonic Bible translations have various renderings of the halil: coпhlь (1 Sam. 10:5; Isa. 30:29), ñâèðhëü (Isa. 5:12), ïèïîëà (Isa. 30:29), ëèêè (1 Kgs 1:40). In the original MS of the GennB, and in its main complete and incomplete copies: (SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2 and OTC 1, 2 and 3) it appears as òðuáà (Jer. 48:36; 1 Macc. 3:45). Later to this list are added ïèùàëü (Jer. 48:36) in OstB and MoscB and öhâíèöà (Jer. 48:36) in ElizB. Russian translations continue this dominant trend and present the halil as свирель (SynB), and флейта (WCBT, TanJer). In Modern Hebrew the word “halil” means the recorder. MASHROQITA’ (mašrôqîÓā’/atyqwrvm, from the verb šāraq/qrv, “to whistle”), an ancient Semitic woodwind instrument, supposedly of the double oboe (that is, reed) type, or the pan-pipes. In the Bible it is mentioned only in the court orchestra of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II (Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). The opinions of scholars on the origin and functions of the mashroqita’ are varied. Some (A. F. Pfeiffer, J. N. Forkel and A. Sendrey) follow the LXX and assume that it was pan-pipes consisting of a set of pipes of different lengths fastened together with a tight plait made of reed, like the Greek syrinx. This theory is based primarily on the phonetic similarity of the two words: both have sibilant and hissing sounds. Other researchers consider the mashroqita’ a single pipe (J. H. Worman, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen) or a double pipe (A. W. Ambros, C. H. Dyer). Some scholars such as J. Jahn identify it with the ‘ugav, or with the double oboe (C. Sachs). However, all scholars are unanimous that the instrument was used mainly in pagan rites such as the consecration of an idol, and could not be adopted by the Jews. According to Sendrey, the book of Daniel intentionally named mashroqita’ along with other foreign instruments (qaytros, pesanterin and sabbeka’ among them) in order to underline the alien atmosphere of the Babylonian court.66 The etymological similarity of the term mashroqita’ and the Hebrew verb šāraq can be explained by the onomatopoeic origin of the latter in ancient Semitic languages. The name of the Aramaic instrument sharquqita/sharqoqita (šarqûqîÓā/atyqwqrv), which is regarded in the Talmudic sources as a woodwind or a kind of sistrum, also derives from this root. Modern scholars such as Sendrey incline to the view that the mashroqita’ was either the end-blown flute or the pan-pipes, since it was the only woodwind instrument in which the sound was produced by simply blowing into the mouth hole (Figure 3.9). Isidore of Seville (ca. 560–636; “Etymologiae”)67 wrote about this method of playing. In the remaining cases the reed was inserted into the tube of the instrument or the mouthpiece was attached to it. Athenaeus, a Greek grammarian of the end of the second century CE in his “Deipnosophistae” clearly describes the difference between the method of

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producing the sound with the reed and without it. Playing on the aulos, that is, blowing with the reed, he describes with the verb αλéω, whereas playing on the end-blown flute or pan-pipes with the verb συρíζω. Such instruments are often depicted in Greek vase painting, and on clay ware from Asia Minor (Figure 3.10), and can also be seen in early Christian wall paintings and mosaics, for instance, in the mosaics on the popular subject of the “Good Shepherd” (Figure 3.11) from the fourth century basilica of Bishop Theodore at Aquileia. One example from the first century CE was also found in Palestine itself.

Figure 3.9. Mashroqita’ (schematic drawing)

Figure 3.10. Terracotta figurine of Syrian origin with pan-pipes. Egypt, Ptolemaic period, third–second centuries BCE (Egyptian Museum, Berlin)

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Figure 3.11. Christ the Good Shepherd. Fragment of the floor mosaic from the basilica of Bishop Theodore. Aquileia, fourth century

There is another hypothesis according to which the mashroqita’ is related to the double flute type (Dyer). It is supported to some extent by pictographic material (e.g. the bas-relief in the British Museum from the period of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal depicting two Elamite warriors playing on similar instruments) and by archaeological findings of Babylonian terracotta figurines of performers on double woodwinds. In all Greek Bible translations mashroqita’ is interpreted as “syrinx” (σúριγξ), and in the Vulgate and other early Latin versions as “fistula”.68 The Peshitta retains the Aramaic term mašroqītā. The majority of later translators also refer mashroqita’ to the woodwinds and render it in various ways: (1) as a pipe: “pipe” (WyclB, MofB, RSV, NJB), “ziaramella/zaramella, fistula” (BIM), “pfeyff” (NüB), “tibia” (CastB and BLJ); (2) as a flute: “ affara” (Taf),69 “sring” (MtsB, EAB and WAB), “sastvineli”70 (GB), “salamuri” (GCB), “floyte” (BB), “fluyt” (BNvW), “flute” (DouB, KJV, ASV, NASB, NIV and CEV), “flauto” (ВILC), “flute” (BFC), “flauta” (SBE); (3) as an oboe: “oboe” (TEV). Some French, German, English and Dutch versions, however, render it unexpectedly as a trumpet: “clarion” (LyB and GenB),71 “Trompette” (BGvW), “Dromete” (LB),72 “trumpet” (BpB), “Trompete (BEBD)”. In the western Slavonic editions mashroqita’ appears as “pisstielka/pisstialka/pisstalka” (PrB and KrB), “piszczalka” (BP) and “piscal” (SSP). In the Church Slavonic versions (both early and

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late) it is presented either in a hellenised or in a russified form: cèðèíà, cèðèííà, ñèðèçèííà (DanSim, in the original MS of the GennB and in its complete and incomplete copies: JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2), ñqðèãìà, cqðèíüãà, ñqðèíà (DanCyr, DanMeth), as well as ïèùàëü (OstB and MoscB), ïèïîëà/ïîïèëà (DanChud), ñîïhëü (SkorB), ñâèðhëü (ElizB). The last rendering occurs in the SynB and other Bible editions in Russian as cвирель. In Modern Hebrew mashroqita’ means “a whistle”. ‘UGAV (Heb.@û©āº/bgw[), ancient Jewish instrument of the flute type; also a generic term for all woodwinds (both flutes and reed instruments) used in the Temple and by shepherds. The invention of the ‘ugav is ascribed to Jubal, the son of Lamech by Adah, “the father of all those who play the lyre [kinnor] and the pipe [‘ugav]” (Gen. 4:21). This is the first mention in the Bible of musical instruments and music in general. In addition ‘ugav occurs elsewhere only in two later books (Job 21:12; 30:31; Ps. 150:4), each time being contrasted with the strings (kinnor and minnim). The etymology of the term “‘ugav” is dubious and mirrors problems in defining the nature of the instrument itself. According to one theory (W. Gesenius, J. Weiss) the word “ ‘ugav” derives from the Arabic verb @akaba/@a aba, “to blow”. However, some scholars such as T. K. Cheyne, J. Hastings, doubt whether such an Arabic root ever existed. The adherents of the most widely accepted view (A. F. Pfeiffer, C. Engel and A. Sendrey) claim that the name ‘ugav originated from the Hebrew verb @ā©aº/bg[ (“to be too attractive”, “to love passionately”, “to be charming”). The last meaning opens the possibility that the ‘ugav was a flute-type instrument, since in ancient times (and in many cultures still) it was the flute that was associated with love charms. The view that the Hebrew verb @āgaº is the source of the term ‘ugav opens up one other possible interpretation of ‘ugav: the sense “to be charming” may suggest a link with a small instrument with a pleasant and gentle, though rather flat timbre, unlike the long halil which had a sharp sound. The apparent contradiction of the biblical witness about the joyful character of the sound of the ‘ugav seems to be illusory. The timbre of a woodwind instrument depends on its length and diameter: the larger the instrument the flatter the timbre. Sachs states that linguistically the term “ ‘ugav” imitates the hollow sound reminiscent of the close back rounded vowels (u and o) typical of an end-blown flute which is relatively wide in diameter. The sound of the ‘ugav was produced by a light striking of the tongue on the mouth-hole. The Talmud indicates this by the verb hikkā/hKh, “to strike”, “to beat”. Such instruments, often played by shepherds were in common use in Mesopotamia, in Egypt and among the Semitic tribes, as attested by archaeological discoveries.

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The range of renderings of the term “‘ugav”, from early commentators and Bible translators down to twentieth-century scholars is very wide. In the Hebrew translation of the apocryphal Ps. 151 discovered in one of the Qumran scrolls, 11QPsAp (a) 151 (middle of the first century CE) ‘ugav renders the Greek ψαλτριον in verse 2, one of the two instruments made by David when he was still a shepherd. The Talmud (tj. Sukkah 55c) identifies it erroneously with the ancient Greek hydraulos (a water organ). The scholar Sa‘adia Gaon (882−942) in his Arabic translation of the Tanakh* (Tafsir) includes ‘ugav among the stringed instruments. He translates as qī ār (perhaps the lyre), Âaly’āq (perhaps a harp) and ang (a harp). Both the Maghreb commentaries (Sharh) associate the ‘ugav either with a stringed rbâb, a local variety of lute (LL, compiled in the eighteenth century by the Moroccan Bible commentator Rafael Bergudo) or else represent it by the term məl@eb, a generic label for “an instrument for playing” (ShTaf). Many scholars including A. Calmet, J. N. Forkel, Pfeiffer (all eighteenth century), Gesenius, J. Jahn (nineteenth century), J. Stainer, Engel (twentieth century), consider the ‘ugav to be the pan-pipes (syrinx). Others such as Abraham da Portaleone (1542–1612), G. B. Winer (nineteenth century) and S. Krauss and K. H. Cornill (twentieth century) regard it as a bagpipe on the basis of its wide use in antiquity. However judging from historical sources the ancient Israelites did not know this instrument. Some researchers (B. Bayer, E. Škulj and H. Seidel) claim that the ‘ugav was a harp. One group of authors (E. Gerson-Kiwi, L. Koehler, W. Baumgartner, J. J. Stamm, H. Giesel, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen,) understand it either as a kind of pipe or as a generic term for all woodwinds. There are a few musicologists (S. B. Finesinger, E. Werner and T. C. Mitchell), who find the identification of the instrument difficult. Most convincing is the opinion of Sachs, E. Kolari, Sendrey, O. Keel, H. Avenary and J. Braun. They think that the ‘ugav was probably an end-blown flute. The LXX renders ‘ugav with three different terms: “kithara” (κιθáρα) in Gen. 4:21,73 “psalmos” (ψαλμóς) in Job 21:12; 30:3174 and “organon” (ργανον) in Ps. 150:4. The Syr. also uses three different terms, (kenarā, “kenara”) in Gen. 4:21, (zmarā, “instrument, possibly stringed”)75 in Job, and once (Ps. 150:4) uses an adjective, “sweet” ( alyata) within a metaphorical phrase, “sweet strings” (menē alyata). In the Targum the ‘ugav always appears as “’abbub” (’abbûºā’/abwba, an Aramaic analogue of the biblical ‘ugav or halil). In the sixteenth-century Ethiopic Psalter (EthPs) the term ’enzira used for the ‘ugav has two meanings: a “musical instrument” and a “pipe”. In the Vulg. the rendering is consistently “organum”. In the ancient Armenian MtsB the rendering is “k‘nar” in Gen. 4:21. Early (WyclB, TynB) and some later English Bible versions (BpB,76 DouB, KJV, ASV) interpret the ‘ugav as “orgon”, “orgun”, “orgne”, “organ” in the sense of a “musical

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instrument”. A great many other fifteenth, sixteenth and even nineteenth century translations have a similar rendering: “organe” (BB), “organo” (BIM), “warhany” (PrB), “warhany”, “nástroge hudebne” (KrB), “orgel” (NüB), “orgue” (LyB,77 GenB78), “orgele/orghele” (BNvW), “organ”, “instrument” (BP).79 The term “organ” was introduced into the Arabic biblical texts as a transliteration (though inaccurate) of the Greek ργανον: ar©un (LPsA).80 Luther’s translation of the Bible and the Dutch BGvW (evidently influenced by its German predecessor) have the most consistent, yet very generic rendering of ‘ugav as a pipe (“Pfeiffe”, “Pijpe” respectively).81 A number of modern English versions use the words “pipe” (partly in MofB, RSV, NASB, NJB, CEV) and “flute” (partly in MofB, NASB, NIV, TEV). The majority of recent western European versions (BEBD, BFC, BILC, SBE, BNBG, SSP) also identify the ‘ugav with the flute. Similar is the understanding in the Turkish KMT (“kaval”),82 the Armenian WAB (“sring”) and the Georgian GCB (“salamuri”, “sÓviri”).83 This latter contrasts with the eighteenth-century GB, where ‘ugav was interpreted as a harp (“ebani”). In the Church Slavonic tradition (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, OTC 1, as well as OstB, MoscB, ElizB) the ‘ugav is represented twice as an instrument (ãóñëè, Gen. 4:21) and îðãàí, Ps. 150:4) and twice as a song (ïhñíü,84 Job 21:12; 30:31). In Russian translations the obvious mistake has been corrected and ‘ugav is referred everywhere to the instrumental realm: свирель (Gen. 4:21; Job 21:12; 30:31) and флейта (WCBT). So in general in the course of a long evolution the understanding of the term gradually moved from the strings (in many ancient translations) to the woodwinds (since Luther and up to the twentieth century). Sachs and Sendrey share the opinion that whenever ‘ugav was rendered as “organ” the word did not imply a specific instrument, but an entire class of instruments. This is confirmed by the text of Ps. 150:4. Here the term minnim is a generic label for the stringed group. The principle of semantic parallelism typical of ancient Hebrew poetry lends support to the view that the term “ ‘ugav” also underwent such a transformation. Initially being the name of an instrument (perhaps an end-blown flute) (Figure 3.12), it changed with the passage of time into a generic label for all kinds of flutes. The Egyptian ma.t underwent a similar change: once the name of the end-blown flute, it later became the label for all the woodwinds.

Figure 3.12. End-blown flute (schematic drawing)

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According to the Talmud (b. ‘Arak. 10b) the ‘ugav was one of the two instruments used in the Jewish cult in the first temple period. The other was either the metsiltayim (see ch. 4, Tseltselim) or the kinnor. It is very possible that the “flute of Moses” preserved in the Temple treasury (m. Sukkah 50b) was the ‘ugav. Because of its fragile construction and non-durable material, according to the Talmud, (m. ‘Arak. II:3) the instrument rather quickly lost its sound qualities. Therefore later it was replaced by a stronger, though less pleasant sounding ’abbub. The latter however was considered “unclean” and was excluded from the Temple ritual. In Modern Hebrew the term “‘ugav” means the organ.

Bibliography Ambros, A. W. (1862) mashroqita’; Avenary, H. (1958) yovel, ‘ugav; Bar-Asher, M. (1998) qarna’, shofar, yovel, hatsotserah, halil, mashroqita’, ‘ugav; Bayer, B. (1972) halil, ‘ugav; Braun, J. (1994, 1996, 1997, 1999) shofar, hatsotserah, halil, ‘ugav; Calmet, A. (1780) ‘ugav; Cheyne, T. K. (1899) ‘ugav; Collins, J. T. (1989) qarna’, mashroqita’; Cornill, K. H. (1914) ‘ugav; Dyer, C. H. (1990) qarna’, mashroqita’; Engel, C. (1970) qarna’, ‘ugav; Finesinger, S. B. (1926) halil, ‘ugav; Forkel, J. N. (1788) mashroqita’, ‘ugav; Gerson-Kiwi, E. (1957) halil, ‘ugav; Gesenius, W. (1906) hatsotserah, ‘ugav; Giesel, H. (1978) ‘ugav; Hastings, J. (1898–1904) ‘ugav; Hickmann, H. (1961) hatsotserah; Jahn, J. (1835) qeren, mashroqita’, ‘ugav; James, M. R. (1924) halil; Jones, I. H. (1986) shofar; Keel, O. (1971) halil; Kirby, P. R. (1920) hatsotserah; Koehler, L., Baumgartner W. and Stamm J. J. (1967–1989) halil, ‘ugav; Kolari, E. (1947) halil; hatsotserah; Krauss, S. (1910–12) ‘ugav; KYE (1992) shofar; Marcuse, S. (1975) halil; Mitchell, T. C. (1992) qarna’, halil, ‘ugav; Montagu, J. (1984) hatsotserah; Moshkov, V. A. (1901) shofar, hatsotserah; Pfeiffer, A. F. (1779) halil, mashroqita’, ‘ugav; Sachs, C. (1978) shofar, hatsotserah, halil, mashroqita’, ‘ugav; Sendrey, A. (1969) qarna’, qeren, shofar, yovel, hatsotserah, halil, mashroqita’, ‘ugav;

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Shea, W. H. (1982) qarna’, mashroqita’; Škulj, E. (1998) yovel, ‘ugav; Stainer, J. (1914) halil, ‘ugav; Stradling, D. G., and K. A. Kitchen (1980, 1982) halil, mashroqita’, ‘ugav; Sventsitskaya, I. S. (1980) hatsotserah; Weiss, J. (1895) ‘ugav; Wellesz, E. (1957) qarna’; Werner, E. (1995) hatsotserah, halil, ‘ugav; Winer, G. B. (1833–38) ‘ugav; Worman, J. H. (1883) mashroqita’; Yadin, Y. (1962) hatsotserah.

Endnotes 1. See Yovel, endnote 35. 2. The contracted form of the word is due to the apocope of the final “-t” typical of the fifteenth-century southern Dutch dialect, particularly its northern part. 3. In the Maghreb oral tradition of biblical “Commentaries” (ShTaf) the word qərn is used for the qarna’. It is a dialectal variant of qarn (horn) known in literary Arabic. 4. This term could also designate a trumpet, for in the “Glossarium Latino-Arabicum” (eleventh century) the Spanish Arabs translated it as “tuba” and “tuba buccina”. 5. The editors of the Geneva Bible of 1588 specify the hypothetical character of the translation of the word “qarna’ ” as well as of the rest of the instrumental terminology in Daniel 3. 6. See Yovel, endnote 38. In KJV the term “cornet” is used probably in its original meaning of “horn”. The ASV retains the same word. 7. In the Talmud the qeren is called an ox horn (m. Roš Haš. III:2). 8. The theme of the horn as a symbol of power is typical of eastern mythology. For instance, the ancient king of Yemen bore the name of Al-Aqran (“The Horns”). Alexander the Great was depicted on coins as the horned god Amon. 9. The Talmud mentions one more meaning of qeren: it signified a kind of damage caused by a horned animal. 10. Jerome differentiates a horn (“cornu”) and a trumpet (“buccina”, “tuba”) in his comment on the book of Hosea (Comm. Os. II:8, 9). However, his own translation of the word “qeren” in the Vulgate is not correct. 11. In the early Syriac Bible translation the noun qarna’ probably designates a trumpet, though derived from qarna’tā (horn). 12. For the spelling of this word see Qarna’, endnote 2. 13. For the meaning of this word see Yovel, endnote 38. 14. The earliest depiction of natural horns in the Near East is dated to the second millennium BCE, in the Mari archive (eighteenth century). 15. A similar case is known in the history of medieval Russia. The same effect that happened as a result of the loud trumpet blasts and people’s shouts is described in the fifteenth-century chronicle “Povest vremennykh let”. These sounds frightened the enemy and they ran away in panic. 16. However, according to KYE (a shorter Jewish encyclopaedia in Russian) excavations of the layers of the thirteenth century BCE did not reveal any traces of the destroyed city wall.

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17. Blowing the shofar, according to one of the most ancient beliefs, symbolized the expulsion of the darkness before the appearance of the new moon. 18. Interestingly the Talmudic description of the shofar accompanying the libation at Siloam has been reinterpreted in the eastern Christian tradition: a bell-shaped chalice (candia) symbolizes the Siloam spring. It was struck with a metal rod, thus paralleling the function of the shofar blasts. 19. People started blowing the shofar before dawn, greeting the sunrise with loud signals. This is obviously a remnant of the pagan sun cult. 20. It is no surprise that the shofar as one of the obligatory symbolic objects of the synagogue is frequently depicted in the wall paintings and floor mosaics of synagogues. This tradition goes back at least to the third century: the earliest known example is the mosaic in the Hamat Tiberias synagogue. 21. For a possible interpretation of the term see Qeren, endnote 11. 22. In ancient Armenian literature alongside “šep‘or” the term “šep‘oray” (from Syriac “sifora, sifura”) occurs as well. Etymologically it is related to the Hebrew word “shofar”, but means a trumpet (in the Middle Ages it was a long silver trumpet). It is mentioned in the fourteenth-century “Alliance Epistle”, a fake document from the period of the Cilician Kingdom (eleventh to fourteenth centuries) about the alleged alliance of the Armenian and Roman Catholic Churches. 23. The term “clarioun” is an old English name of the medieval high register trumpet. Later, in the sixteenth century it was spelt “clarion” (see Mashroqita’, endnote 71 and Hatsotserah, endnote 52). 24. See Yovel, endnote 34. 25. For the spelling of this word see Qarna’, endnote 2. 26. In “Tafsir” by Sa‘adia Gaon there occurs another term affara phonetically close to the word “shofar”. However, it designates a woodwind instrument (the mashroqita’). Six centuries later the Jewish antiquarian Abraham da Portaleone (1542–1612) defined the shofar as a “kind of flute” in his tractate “Shields of the Mighty” (šiltê haggibbôrîm, ch. 5). In the Moroccan tradition of Bible commentaries (Sharh; LL, ShTaf) shofar is rendered by a dialectal word šû¼âr, which shows the linguistic characteristics of the Maghreb. 27. In GenB shofar is rendered in two ways: as a horn (“cornet, “cor”) and as a trumpet (“trompette”). This ambivalence occurs both in the biblical text and in the marginal notes to the verses where the instrument is mentioned. 28. See Qarna’, endnote 6. 29. The TEV translators seem to have used the term “bugle” in its original sense of a signal horn and not in the modern sense of a signal trumpet. 30. There is some historical evidence (E. Škulj) that the function of the yovel was just to give the signal for attacking the wall, which finally resulted in its destruction. 31. However, excavations of the layers of the thirteenth century BCE did not discover any traces of the destruction of the city wall. In any case the events described in the Bible reflect the custom common in many ancient cultures to ascribe supernatural qualities to musical instruments. Thus in the Talmudic literature (b. Mo‘ed Qat. 26а) an aphorism of the rabbinic teacher Ammi (ca. 290−ca. 320) is quoted. It says that the “noise of the harps” made by the Jews who rebelled against the Persians destroyed the walls of Laodicea. There are also some counter-examples of the creative energy of the instruments. Martial, a Latin poet of the first century CE, endows the lyre with such ability. One of his epigrams (VIII, 6:5) mentions the ancient Greek myth of how “Phoebus [Apollo] had

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erected the walls of Troy”. Similar is the legend of the building the famous city of Thebes in Boeotia, which is referred to by the early Christian theologian Clement of Alexandria (ca. 155–ca. 220 CE; Protr.). The story narrates that the city walls were miraculously raised owing to the wonderful playing of the lyre by Amphion the son of Zeus and Antiope, one of the earliest musicians in Greek mythology. The sound of the instrument made the stones move, and they set themselves in the right place. 32. In scholarly literature (JE) and in some Bible translations (BLJ, GenB, Latin interlinear of the Targum in Biblia Polyglotta published in London in 1657) there occurs a different interpretation of the etymology of the word “yovel”, according to which its primary meaning “ram” gave the name to the instrument. 33. A similar symbolic link exists between the name of Aaron, Moses’ brother and the Ark of Covenant* (’ārôn brîÓ/tydb @wra). 34. This meaning of yovel also occurs in medieval exegesis (Nicholas of Lyra, ca. 1270−1349). 35. In the lifetime of Martin Luther the term “Posaune” unlike its modern meaning of trombone, denoted a signal trumpet with a strongly curved tube, whose shape was reminiscent of that of the ancient Jewish shofar (H. Avenary). Perhaps this fact made it possible for Luther to render the biblical shofar (including yovel) with this term. The translators of the sixteenth-century Dutch BGvW, who in many respects depended on Luther’s version, have the same interpretation of the yovel. 36. The double rendering of the yovel is probably due to the decision of the translator, the French scholar Sebastiano Castalione to point out within the Latin tradition the peculiar curved shape of the instrument (for details of Castalione’s version see Chapter 6, ‘Alamot, endnote 4). 37. Later in the Maghreb tradition of Bible commentaries (Sharh), the yovel appears as šû¼ār. It occurs both in scholarly literature such as The Studied Language (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by the eighteenth-century Moroccan exegete Rafael Bergudo, and in the oral Sharh of the Moroccan Jews (ShTaf). 38. In the sixteenth century the term “сornet” (Old French) still signified a horn. 39. In ShTaf (Exod. 19:13) the yovel is interpreted even more symbolically as “liberation” (’î‹lāq/qalfya). However this does not fit the context. 40. Hugh of St Cher (Hugo de Sancto Caro, 1200–1263), a medieval theologian, finds a higher spiritual sense in the biblical command that a pair of trumpets should be used. In his opinion there are “two aspects of piety: keeping away from evil and doing good” (“Postilla universa”). 41. The tube of both instruments is made of ebony, and for the bell and the narrow end the metals mentioned were used. However, wooden trumpets are also known in other musical cultures, for instance, Old Russian or Australian aboriginal (the well known didgeridoo). 42. However, C. Sachs and J. Braun doubt that hatsotserot were engraved on the coins minted in the period of the Maccabean revolt. Braun also assumes that the trumpets carved on the Arch of Titus were not the Jewish Temple instruments, but replicas of Roman tubae sacrorum. He does not exclude the possibility that they were the predecessors of the nafirs, the short Persian war trumpets of later times. 43. Some scholars such as J. Braun believe that before the Babylonian exile the hatsotserot used to be signal instruments for war, joy, and even festivals (E. Kolari). It was only after the exile that they gained the status of cultic instruments. 44. The War Scroll no doubt reflects the contemporary practice of conducting a war campaign, and in many respects is similar to the military tactics of the Roman army in

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the time of Julius Caesar (102/100–44 BCE) and in the later period, as stated by Josephus (B.J. III, 7:27; IV, 1:4; V, 2:1; VI, 1:7 etc.). Nevertheless the subject of the scroll is developed in the spirit of the ancient sacred wars in the name of God, and could well preserve biblical descriptions. 45. The trumpets played a similar role in the military context of later cultures, for instance, in the battles described by certain Old Russian chronicles (“Povest vremennykh let”, twelfth–thirteenth centuries, and “Skazaniye o Mamayevom poboishche”, fourteenth century). 46. Moreover the Old Testament gives evidence for when the hatsotserot were played by ordinary people (2 Kgs 11:14), which was unusual for that time. 47. For the meaning of this term see Qeren, endnote 11. 48. However, in this version hatsotserah is twice (Ps. 98:6 and Hos. 5:8) rendered unusually as shawm, a reed woodwind (“schalme” and “schaume” respectively). 49. For a possible rendering of this term in the fifteenth century see Yovel, endnote 35. 50. For the spelling of this word see Qarna’, endnote 2. 51. However, in the later Moroccan tradition of the commentaries (Sharh) the hatsotserah is rendered by a local term ©i ât (LL by Rafael Bergudo, eighteenth century) or ©iyâta (in the oral tradition ShTaf, which had grown up over the course of centuries). According to M. Bar-Asher the term derives from ghaita, the name of the oboe type instrument that exists in the Maghreb area. 52. The English word “clarion”, as well as the French “clairon” (see Mashroqita’, endnote 71) is an old name for a trumpet with a high register, known already in the fourteenth century. 53. The tradition is still alive. For instance, in the Finnish town of Naantali the trumpet is heard every evening from the tower of the St Brigitta convent playing psalm melodies. Also, the hejnal tune can be heard every hour from the tower of the Mariacki Church in Kraków, Poland. The tradition of night trumpeting also exists in Islam. Travellers who visited Morocco in the eighteenth–twentieth centuries mention in their diaries trumpet signals sounding three times every night from the minarets of mosques during Ramadan. 54. Their etymology is also similar. Both the Hebrew halil and the ancient Greek aulos originally meant a “narrow canal”, a “hollow pipe” or a “rod”. 55. Some scholars such as A. F. Pfeiffer, E. Kolari and O. Keel however think that the halil was a flute. However others such as E. Gerson-Kiwi and A. Sendrey regard it as a generic term for the woodwinds. 56. However, the view of Sachs and Braun seems erroneous. Though the samples depicted on the coins do resemble woodwinds, contextually they must be trumpets, the sacred instruments of the Jews that had been given to them by God (Num. 10:2). 57. Presumably Sachs means the collection of the poems of Yunus al-Katib (eighth century CE). It is one of the earliest poetical anthologies with theoretical comments on music. 58. “The aulos player walked around everyone with the instruments in her hand and played. When she came to the place where the apostle was, she stood by him and played, moving her head about… The apostle raised his eyes and began to speak as the song was being sung: ‘The girl is the daughter of the Light…by moving her feet she shows joy… There are seven of her bridesmaids who are dancing a round dance for her.’ When she had finished the song, everyone looked at him… They all saw that his face had changed, but they could not understand his words… Only the aulos player understood everything since she was Jewish by origin.”

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59. In Jer. 48:36 (BpB) the halil is identified similarly. 60. Everywhere in the text of this Bible “horn” means the trumpet (hatsotserah). So perhaps here it has the same sense, considering that two other fifteenth\sixteenth-century Bible translations mentioned earlier also render it likewise. 61. On the spelling of this word see Qarna’ endnote 2. 62. In the vocabulary of the fifteenth century the term “zaramella” (variant spelling “ciaramella”) meant a woodwind reed instrument of the oboe type. Similar instruments with the same name still exist in modern times in Italian folklore. 63. In the fifteenth century the term “pifaro/piffaro” was often used as a synonym of the “zaramella” but it could also mean a bagpipe. 64. In Georgian the word “muyni” is an old name for a lute type instrument. The term itself, however, has an Arabic/Persian origin. In Persian literature of the fourteenth century about music it is described as a hybrid instrument: a zither having a lute-like shape. 65. This term is presumably an adapted translation of the name of the aulos, an ancient Greek woodwind reed instrument. 66. It seems more realistic that the Aramaic names listed in Daniel 3 represent the types of instruments popular in the Hellenistic period among the eastern Jewish diaspora. These people spoke Aramaic and were settled in Mesopotamia, where as many scholars such as W. H. Shea and J. T. Collins believe, was redacted in the second century BCE and circulated as an independent document. 67. “It is called ‘fistula’, because it produces a sound and is called in Greek ‘having been sent’ ” (Lib III:20). 68. In classical Latin literature fistula signifies an end-blown whistle. 69. According to M. Bar-Asher, affara is a small reed pipe. 70. The meaning of the word “sastvineli” (lit. “a thing that whistles”) presupposes that the translators conveyed the main sense of the Aramaic noun mashroqita’. Hence it can be referred to flute type instruments. 71. In the sixteenth century the “clairon” used to be a trumpet with a high register. However, the editors of the GenB of 1588 admit that the translation of the word mashroqita’, as well as of the rest of the instrumental terminology in Daniel 3 is conjectural. 72. Both pre-Luther incunabula and the Luther translation of the Bible reflect the contemporary situation in the German language. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the spelling of the alveolar and bilabial stop consonants “d/t” and “b/p” was still inconsistent. Thus one can find variant spellings of the musical terms “Drometen/ Trompeten”, “Dantz/Tantz”, “Don/Ton”, “Busawmen/Pusawmen” or “Baucken/Paucken”. 73. The ‘ugav is also designated as “kithara” (kuvara) in the Coptic translation of Genesis (CP, northern Bohairic dialect). 74. There is some information that in the Greek language of the Hellenistic period (that is when the LXX was being translated) the term ψαλμóς meant a plucked stringed instrument, and its sound was produced by plucking with the fingers. This meaning was probably maintained for quite a long time and was still known in the fourth century CE. It is attested by the commentaries on the Psalms of early Christian theologians and historians such as Gregory of Nyssa, Eusebius of Caesarea and Hilary of Poitiers. In due course the word migrated to the sphere of singing. So in Church Slavonic Bible translations it became ïhñíü (“song”), though here too it implies a stringed instrument. 75. One sixteenth-century Latin Bible version renders ‘ugav similarly. The French scholar Sebastiano Castalione (CastB) presents it as “testudo” (one of the Latin names for a lyre with a sound box made of turtle shell), “instrumentum musicum” (“musical

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instrument”) and “modulus” (“musical instrument” and “melody”). The Swiss Bible scholar and translator Leo Jud (BLJ) includes the ‘ugav in the same class, but translates it by the terms “fides” (see Chapter 6, Minnim, endnote 29) and “fidicula”. 76. However, in the marginal note to Gen. 4:21 the translators explain that along with such an interpretation the ‘ugav can be regarded as a “flute or pipe”. 77. In Ps. 150:4 however ‘ugav is rendered unexpectedly as a bagpipe (“cornemuse”). 78. In Job 21:12 the word “orgue” has a marginal note, where it is explained as “the name of an instrument unknown in our days” (that is in the sixteenth century). 79. In a sixteenth-century Polish Bible version the translator (Szymon Budny) still retains the ancient tradition and includes ‘ugav among the stringed instruments (“dąbra”, Job 21:12; Ps. 150:4). 80. In modern Arabic the word ar©un/ur©un means the organ. So perhaps here it is used in its primary sense of “a musical instrument”. 81. In BGvW (marginal note to Job 21:12) the term “ ‘ugav” is given an alternative rendering as a bowed stringed instrument, “vedele”. 82. The term “boru” occurring in Gen. 4:21 and Ps. 150:4, which normally would mean a trumpet or a horn should probably be understood in a generic sense as a brass instrument. 83. The term “sÓviri” normally has three meanings: a bag-pipe, a reed instrument and a generic name for all woodwinds. Here the second and third seem preferable, the third in particular. 84. Some recent translations also refer the term “‘ugav” to the sphere of singing. For instance, in EAB it is interpreted as a “song” (“erg”) except for Gen. 4:21, where it appears as a pan-pipe (“ergion”).

Chapter 4

PERCUSSION INSTRUMENTS

Terracotta head of a deity with a rattle on the top of the head. Qitmit, seventh century BCE (Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem)

Membranophones TOF (Heb. tō¼/#t; pl. tūppîm/!ypt; Sumer. dup, tup, adapa, Assyr. tuppu, Akkad. dadpu, tampa a, Phoenician mtpp, ancient Egyptian dbdb, tbu, Arab. duff, an onomatopoeic term imitating the beat on a muted resonating object), a frame drum (tambourine) of the ancient Semitic peoples. Presumably it had a metal or wooden frame covered on one or both sides with skin1 (usually of rams’ heads, as stated by the Talmud* in m. Qinnim III:6, but sometimes of wild goats). The Jewish tof, unlike the square shaped Arabic duff, was round,

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like its Assyrian prototypes, though at times it could be square as well. Both kinds are presented among archaeological discoveries of the first millennium BCE (Figures 4.1, 4.2). There is no precise evidence about whether there were metal plates or rings attached to the frame. The tof was presumably played with the fingers or the wrists. However, neither the Bible nor the Talmud contain any information about that.

Figure 4.1. Marble female figurine playing a frame-drum. Parthian period, second century CE (Mosul Museum, Iraq)

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Figure 4.2. Terracotta bell-form female figurine playing a frame drum. New Babylonian period, eighth–seventh centuries BCE (Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem)

The tof was one of the most popular instruments in ancient Israel. It was chiefly played by adult women,2 but young girls could also join the performers (Judg. 11:34: the same custom existed in ancient Egypt). Nevertheless there are some indications in the Tanakh* that men also played the tof (1 Sam. 10:5; 2 Sam. 6:5; 1 Chr. 13:8). Similar scenes are depicted on Assyrian monuments. The tof had always been used for creating an atmosphere of merriment (Exod. 15:20), was considered a symbol of mirth (Gen. 31:27; Job 21:12) and was associated with dancing (Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6), which had always been an important element of Jewish musical practice. At an early stage of religious life dance along with singing and playing instruments had been one of the three main ways of praising God. The priests in redacting the sacred rituals described in the Bible gradually excluded everything that could somehow remind people of the primitive rites, particularly the passages where dances with the accompaniment of the tof were mentioned. The word “tof” occurs in the Bible 17 times, once (Ezek. 28:13) in a nonmusical sense, probably as the name of a precious stone belonging to the king of Tyre. The tof is never referred to in descriptions of the temple music.

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However it was used in religious and semi-religious feasts and in secular festivals as a means of laudatory appeal to God (2 Sam. 6:5; 1 Chr. 13:8; Pss 81:2; 149:3; 150:4). It is often mentioned together with other instruments (mainly with the kinnor; 2 Sam. 6:5; 1 Chr. 13:8) or as an accompaniment to the singing of prophets (1 Sam. 10:5). The tof expressed the joy of the women when meeting the men after a victorious battle (Exod. 15:20; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 18:6-7). It accompanied the women’s round dance (Ps. 68:26; Jer. 31:4) and other public festivities (Isa. 5:12). Sometimes quite unexpectedly it became a formidable weapon against the enemies of Israel (Isa. 30:32).3 C. Sachs asserts that the tof was an obligatory accompaniment to wedding ceremonies (though the Bible says nothing about it, this custom exists in the Near East down to the present day). In times of sorrow the tof (as well as the kinnor) was silent (Isa. 24:8). In LXX tof is rendered by the term “tympanon” (τúμπανον) except in Job 21:12, where it is rendered erroneously as psalterion (ψαλτριον). (The original form of the word, τúπανον, shows its indirect connection with the Hebrew tō¼/#t and Arabic duff.) Vulg. and later Latin translations (CastB, BLJ) use “tympanum”, a latinized variation of the Greek τúμπανον. Syr. gives two renderings: rbī ā (lit. “square”), a large Syrian drum (Exod. 15:20; 1 Chr. 13:8; Ps. 149:3) and in all other occurrences plagā, a tambourine. Predominant in the Targum is the term tūppā’/apt, though in Isa. 5:12 it is rendered as qaytros. In the Ethiopic Bible it is rendered as kabaro/kəbaro. The ancient Armenian Bible (MtsB) follows the vernacular instrumental vocabulary and conveys tof as “t‘mbuk”. In German versions tof is understood as a generic label for membranophones: drums (“baucken/paucken”, NüB, “Paucken”, LB),4 and later kettledrums (“Pauken”, BEBD). The first Italian Bible also generally identifies tof with the drum (“tympano”). But there are a few places where it is presented as a tambourine (“tamburo”, Exod. 15:20) or cymbals (“cimbalo”; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 10:5; 18:6). In the English tradition tof appears both as a tambourine and as a drum: “timbre”, “tympan” (WyclB), “tabret”, “timbrel/tymbrel” (BpB, DouB, KJV, ASV, partly NASB), “drum”, “tambourine” (MofB, RSV, partly NASB, NJB, NIV, TEV, CEV) Some early and the majority of modern Bible versions regard tof as a tambourine (with tinkling plates): “tabour”, “tabourin” (LyB, GenB), “tambourin” (BFC) in French; “tamborin”, “tamboril”, “pandero” (SBE) in Spanish, “tamburo” (BILC) in Italian, “tambure” (BB), “Tamborijn, Tamborin” (BGvW), “tamboer” (BNvW5), “tambourijn” (BNBG) in Dutch; “t‘mbuk” (EAB, WAB) in Armenian, “bobyani” (GB), “dapdapi”, “daira” (GCB)6 in Georgian, and тамбурин (WCBT) in Russian. Some translations (for example in Arabic and Turkish) retain the semitic term (daff/duff, Taf, duff , LPsA, KMA; “tef”, KMT), or use its analogue in accordance with local culture (kenken, CP)7 in Coptic.

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In the early western Slavonic versions (for instance, Czech) tof is constantly thought to be a generic term for membranophones (“buben”, PrB, KrB). Later the same term, but meaning a specific instrument appears in the Polish (“bęben”, BP) and Slovenian (“boben”, SSP) Bibles. In the Church Slavonic tradition tof is represented not only as percussion áóágí/áqágí (in the original MS of the GennB and its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, OTC 1, and 3, as well as SkorB, OstB), òvìïàí/òèìïàí (GennB and its copies, SkorB,8 OstB, MoscB, AFPs, ElizB, AmPs), but also as a woodwind ïèïîëà (GennB), ñîïhëü (OstB, MoscB) and, influenced by LXX, as a stringed instrument ïhñíèöà (GennB and its copies, MoscB). Similarly the Russian SynB in addition to percussion (тимпан) also renders tof as a stringed instrument псалтирь. The Talmudic tractates mention two analogues of the tof: erus (’ērûs/swra) and tabla’ ( aºlā’/albf). The former, according to A. Sendrey was a later decorated variety of tof. The latter, according to Sachs and Sendrey, had originally been a plain tambourine, which at some stage was decorated with bells. The descriptions of a hand drum in patristic writings and in the works of subsequent biblical scholars (for example, in “Etymologiae”, III:21 by Isidore of Seville, ca. 560−636;9 in “Postilla super totam Bibliam” by Nicholas of Lyra, ca. 1270−1349;10 and in “Vocabularius breviloquus” by Johannes Reuchlin, 1455−1522) do not differ from those of the ancient sources. The Rabbinic antiquarian Abraham da Portaleone (1542–1612) gives a detailed but erroneous description of the tof. In his tractate “Shields of the Mighty” (šil ê haggibbôrîm, ch. 5) he defines it as a specific type of cymbals basing this view on a wrong interpretation of the text of the Mishnah*. G. Diachenko referring to the opinion of the Russian historian G. K. Vlastov even associates the name of the instrument with the toponym Tophet (the area to the south of Jerusalem; Jer. 7:31–32), whose etymology in its turn is linked with the name of the instrument, “for here the human sacrifices to Moloch were brought to the beating of the tympans”. Modern scholars regard the tof mainly as a round tambourine (S. B. Finesinger, T. C. Mitchell), but it is also identified as a tambourine with tinkling discs (K. H. Cornill, J. L. Saalschütz and J. Weiss), which is probably not quite right. There are however other opinions about the shape of the tof. It is considered to be of a sanduhr form by E. Kolari, and of a rectangular form by E. Werner. In some regions the tof has been used by Jews down to modern times, for instance, in the Jewish communities of Jerba, Tunisia and Yemen. Along with the mena‘an‘im, the tof is also used in the Ethiopian liturgy, one of the earliest surviving Christian rites. In Modern Hebrew tof means a drum.

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Idiophones M NA‘AN‘IM (Heb. məna an îm/!y[n[nm, a participle from the verb nûa / [wn, [n, “to shake”, “to swing”, “to move from the place to place”; as a noun it occurs in the sources only in the plural) an ancient Jewish idiophone, either a sistrum or some other kind of rattle. From very early times the playing of such instruments was widely used as an accompaniment to ritual songs, dances and processions. In many cultures it still is. Presumably the mena‘an‘im was a simplified variety of the Egyptian sistrum that was used in the cult of the female goddesses Isis and Hathor as an aural image of the act of worship (Figure 4.3). The original form consisted of a triangular, oval or pear-shaped metal frame attached to a handle. Inside the frame there were three or four cross bars with loose metal plates (Figures 4.4a, b). When shaken the instrument produced a gentle tinkling. Such sistra were known not only to the Egyptians,11 but also to the Sumerians, Assyrians and Babylonians, as shown by archaeological findings (Tell el-Her in the north-east of Sinai or Tell BeitMirsim near Hebron). E

Figure 4.3. Goddess playing a sistrum. Egypt, 21st–25th dynasties, eleventh–seventh centuries BCE (Musée de Louvre, Paris)

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Figure 4.4 (a), (b) Ancient Egyptian sistrums (schematic drawings)

The mena‘an‘im is mentioned in the Bible among the instruments that accompanied the transfer of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem by King David and the “sons of Israel” (2 Sam. 6:5). The purpose of playing musical instruments was to intensify the atmosphere of gladness and joy. In the description of the same event in 1 Chr. 13:8, the word “mena‘an‘im” is replaced by “metsiltayim” (see Tseltselim below), which could of course be a scribal error. However, it may be assumed that by that time the Egyptian influence on Israel was not strong, and as a result mena‘an‘im was no longer in religious use, but still existed in daily life simply as a rattle. Such instruments were also in use in other parts of the ancient world, for example, in Egypt and in Mesopotamia. They looked like vessels made of metal, clay or pumpkin, had different shapes (geometric, zoomorphic or anthropomorphic) and were filled with small pebbles or dried vegetable seeds. When shaken they produced a sound, clearly audible but of indefinite pitch. (Figure 4.5). Presumably the people of Israel also used them as children’s toys: many samples particularly those of a reel shape dating from the second century BCE and later were found during excavations in Israel (Figure 4.6).

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Figure 4.5. Pottery rattles. Archaeological findings from Beth-Shemesh and Gezer, second millennium–ninth century BCE (Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, Jerusalem)

Figure 4.6. Zoomorphic rattles. Old Babylonian period, ca. 2000–ca. 1550 Museum, Baghdad)

BCE

(Iraq

Despite the clear etymology the rendering of mena‘an‘im in Bible translations is very varied. The most adequate term is “sistrum” (Vulg. and BLJ in Latin, also NIV and NJB in English), “sistres” (GenB and BFC in French), “sistro” (BILC in Italian), and систр in Russian versions (SynB, WCBT and

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TanJer). In the LXX and Polish Bible (BP) it is rendered as “cymbals” (κúμβαλα, and “cymbaly” respectively). Other translations also treat mena‘an‘im as an idiophone. Thus the English RSV, NASB and CEV give it as “castanets”, whereas MofB and TEV as “rattles”. In the German (NüB, LB and BEBD), Dutch (BGvW, BNBG) and Slovenian (SSP) editions mena‘an‘im appears as “little bells”: “schellen, Schellen”; “schellen, rinkelbellen”; “zvončki” respectively. The Syriac Peshitta and the Aramaic Targum relate it to the membranophones and translate with the terms rbī‘ē and its plural rəºî‘în/@y[ybr (lit. “square”). Phonetically they are associated with rəºî îÓ/ ty[ybr, the name of a big drum mentioned in the Talmud*,12 therefore they could also denote a drum. In the KJV mena‘an‘im is understood as a “timbrel” and also in the WAB (“dap‘”). There are however unusual interpretations of the mena‘an‘im. A number of translations include it with the brass instruments: a horn (“cornet” in the early English WyclB, BpB and DouB, as well as in the modern ASV,13 “hoornken” in BNvW14; “p‘oł” in WAB), trumpet (“trumpis” in WyclB 2, “trombetta” in BIM, òðóáà in SkorB and “saquiri” in GB). Others consider it to be a woodwind (“tibia” in CastB, “piszczałka” in BP, “flauta” in SBE, öhâíèöà in ElizB). Most extraordinary, however is the rendering as a stringed instrument: lyre (“k‘nar” in MtsB, “liere” in BB, “manicordion” in LyB),15 husle (“huslicky” in KrB),16 harp (“čangi” in GCB). Finally, there are a few versions where the mena‘an‘im is omitted (GennB and its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, as well as OstB and MoscB). The closest Aramaic analogue of the mena‘an‘im mentioned in the Talmud (t. Šabb. XIII:16; Midr. Song 7:9) is qarqash (qarqāš/vqrq). Post-biblical sources confirm the Egyptian origin of the mena‘an‘im (Isidore of Seville, ca. 560−636; “Etymologiae”, III:21), but regard it as a trumpet (Johannes Marchesini, 1455–1522; “Mammotrectus super Bibliam”) or as a tambourine with tinkling discs (suwan’az) as in the commentaries (Sharh) on The Studied Language (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by the eighteenth-century Moroccan exegete Rafael Bergudo.17 Biblical scholars also disagree on the definition of the mena‘an‘im. A. F. Pfeiffer, for instance, assumes that it was a woodwind instrument. There is also a theory whose adherents assert that mena‘an‘im was a kind of cultic rattle (E. Werner,18 B. Bayer, W. Madge, I. H. Jones, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen). Many authors (S. B. Finesinger, C. Sachs, E. Kolari, A. Sendrey, L. Koehler, D. A. Foxvog, A. D. Kilmer and T. C. Mitchell) are inclined to regard mena‘an‘im as a sistrum. There is an unclear term a ey bərôšîm ({!yvwrb yx[ lit. cypress wood, cypress trees) which has been identified by a number of modern scholars (H. Avenary, J. A. Soggin, A. Sendrey, H. Seidel and J. Braun) as clappers made from cypress wood, which resounds well and is very strong. This term

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occurs in the Old Testament only once, in 2 Sam. 6:5, among the instruments that accompanied the transfer of the Ark of the Covenant. The sound of this instrument intensified the atmosphere of joy among the people. The tradition of using clappers in cultic and para-cultic rituals may have been borrowed by the Israelites from the Egyptians or Canaanites. Numerous examples of ivory Hathor clappers from the period of the monarchy have been discovered in Egypt, both as artefacts and in reliefs. In Modern Hebrew the form of the word mena‘an‘im has changed to “mena‘anea‘ ” (məna ǎnēa‘/[n[nm meaning a key of a keyboard instrument. METSILLOT (Heb. mə illôÓ/twlxm, pl.), ancient Jewish idiophone consisting of tinkling metal plates or discs. In the Old Testament it is mentioned just once (Zech. 14:20). The etymology of the term and its origin are close to that of the words metsiltayim and tseltselim. Unlike the elegant little jingling bells pa‘amonim on the robes of the high priests metsillot were of a larger size and possibly had the shape of plates similar to small cymbals. They could also have been bells, as suggested by archaeological findings and by ancient Assyrian bas-reliefs excavated at Tell Nimrud (eighth century BCE) that depict the harnesses of horses (Figures 4.7, 4.8). J. Weiss proposes that the shape of the metsillot was very similar to the shape of Aaron’s turban (Exod. 28:37), since in both cases on the metsillot there had to be engraved the words “Holy to the LORD” (qōÄeš lay wh/hwjyl vdq).

Figure 4.7. Bronze bells. Nimrud, Late Assyrian period, ninth–eighth centuries BCE (British Museum, London)

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Figure 4.8. Horse bell. An Assyrian wall relief. Reign of Tiglath-Pileser III, eighth century BCE (British Museum, London)

Metsillot were used mainly as an object that would protect cattle from demons (in the Talmud* the sharquqita, a sistrum,19 a supposedly Aramaic analogue of the metsillot, plays the same role). In the text of Zech. 14:20, in addition to any protective function, the metsillot also had a deeper meaning: their presence sanctified the horses that were symbols of the consecration to the Lord of the whole life of the chosen nation in the messianic era. In the majority of Bible translations (LXX, Vulg., Tg., early English WyclB and DouB, Georgian, Church Slavonic, Russian and others) the musical meaning of the term is not indicated. They reveal only the place of fastening of the metsillot, the bridle: τò πì τòν χαλινòν το ππου (LXX), “super frenum equi” (Vulg.), al-kərûbaÓ sûsayi/aysws tbwrkAl[ (Tg.), pgûde ah dsûsayā (Syr.), “bridil” (WyclB), “upon the bridles of the horses” (BpB), “that which is upon the bridle” (DouB), “quel que e sopra freno de caval” (BIM), “zaum des pferdes” (NüB), “Rüstung der Rosse” (LB), “na uzde konowie” (PrB), “op de toem des paerts” (BB), “Rustinghe der Peerden” (BGvW), “toom op des peerts” (BNvW), “ce qui est sur les colliers du cheval” (LyB), “phalerae20 equi” (CastB, BLJ), “avirsa šoris ċcxenisasa” (between the bridles of a horse in GB), “cxenta zanzalaqebze” (on the bells of a horse in GCB), “jierun sanji” (WAB), “jieri sanjeri” (on a bridle of a horse in EAB), “na rzedach konskich” (BP), “na konjskih hraguljčkih” (SSP),

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âî qçäh êîígâè (in the original MS of GennB and in its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2), âî qçäh êîí# (OstB and ElizB), на конских уборах (SynB and WCBT). The musical meaning of the word is conveyed in the Czech Bible: “zwoncy” (KrB) and in the main English, French and some recent German, Armenian and Russian versions of the Bible, where it is rendered as “bells” (KJV, MofB, ASV, RSV, NIV, NJB, NASB, CEV), “sonnailles” (GenB), “clochettes” (BFC), “Schellen” (BEBD), “zardk‘ ” (WAB), колокольчики (TanJer). In Modern Hebrew the word “metsilla” (mə illā/hlxm), derived from metsillot, means both a “bell” and a “small bell”. METSILTAYIM, see Tseltselim. PA‘AMONIM (Heb. pa ǎmōnîm/!ynm[p, from the verb pa ǎm/![p “to beat”) ancient Jewish musical instrument of the idiophone class. It consists of tinkling metal pendants or little bells. The word is mentioned in Exodus (Exod. 28:33-34; 39:25, 26)21 as an obligatory attachment to the robes of the High Priest (Exod. 28:33-34). It was prescribed to Moses by God: “On its skirts you shall make pomegranates of blue and purple and scarlet stuff, around its skirts, with bells of gold between them, a golden bell and a pomegranate, a golden bell and a pomegranate, round about on the skirts of the robe…and its sound shall be heard when he [Aaron] goes into the holy place before the Lord, and when he comes out, lest he die” (Exod. 28:33-34). It is very likely that the biblical pa‘amonim were borrowed from the Egyptians or from the inhabitants of Mesopotamia in the first half of the thirteenth century BCE22 (the most probable date of the events narrated in Exodus). These were little metal plates, probably of gold, like the other items of the decoration of the ephod* (Exod. 28:13-14), or were gilded. Their shape, according to the Talmudic scholar Rashi (1040−1105), was that of a hen’s egg. He adds that there was a clapper inside, though there is no other evidence for this.23 The interpretation of pa‘amonim as “little bells” both in Bible translations and in exegetical commentaries may well be an anachronism. Indeed the text describes the robes of a High Priest of later times, those of the Temple of Solomon (tenth century BCE) or even of the Second Temple (sixth century BCE). According to archaeological findings, little bells appeared in the Near East not earlier than the ninth century BCE, as evidenced by examples discovered in graves in Palestine. Perhaps they gradually replaced little plates. There is some pictographic evidence, such as the depiction of the High Priest in his robes decorated with bells on the stele of the first century BCE discovered in Hierapolis (Syria). The earliest Jewish iconographic depiction of the pa‘amonim relates to the Byzantine period (early fifth century). They are shown on Aaron’s robes in the floor mosaic of the synagogue found in the Roman/Byzantine town of Sepphoris.

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The custom of wearing tinkling metal pendants (plates or little bells) on clothes goes back to very ancient times (Assyria, Egypt and India). In some shamanic cultures (for instance, those of Native American, and some Siberian people groups) the practice persists into modern times. Many peoples believed that these pendants kept away evil spirits.24 According to F. J. Dölger the text of Exodus quoted above reflects a remnant of pagan magic, an opinion shared by C. Sachs. It was believed that evil spirits liked to visit sacred places, particularly the thresholds of sanctuaries. So the High Priest should be defended from them by the tinkling of metal, when going in and out of the Tabernacle (Exod. 28:35). Another theory, that of C. Houtmann, holds that the pa‘amonim served the purpose of appealing to God in order to attract his attention not only to the High Priest while he was performing his duties, but also to the names of the 12 tribes of Israel. These were engraved on the precious stones that the High Priest wore on his shoulders and chest (Exod. 28:12, 29). There were also the key words “Holy to the LORD” (qōÄeš layhwh/hwhyl vdq, Exod. 28:36-38) engraved on the gold plate fastened to the turban. In addition the constant tinkling of the pa‘amonim concentrated the hearing and the sight of the High Priest. Through such sensations, as ancient people thought, he could communicate with the Almighty, thus encouraging the divine presence and gaining the favour of God. Also the tinkling of the pa‘amonim announced to God the presence of a human representative. Furthermore the sound of the bells reassured people, especially on the Day of Atonement, that the High Priest was still alive, and had not been consumed in the presence of a holy God. There is also a further consideration. Pomegranates, a symbol of life, and pa‘amonim, symbols of a prosperous future, are intended to remind both the priest and the people of the supreme purpose of life, namely the acceptance of the teaching commanded by YHWH. Authors such as F. M. T. Böhl regard the High Priest’s robe as a symbol of the cosmos, the embodiment of the night sky. The pomegranates are considered to represent the stars, and the pa‘amonim are seen as a material symbol of the harmony of the heavenly bodies. Finally, the hypothesis of the “floral” meaning of the pa‘amonim (P. Price) refers it back to a very ancient Akkadian belief in the life-giving qualities of plants and their apotropaic ability to protect from hostile forces. In the context of the Old Testament this belief may acquire a symbolic sense. The pa‘amonim may symbolize flowers and the pomegranates fertility and long life. Their alternation on the priestly robes may symbolize the annual cycle of life. The Bible text does not indicate the number of the pa‘amonim on the robe of the High Priest. This omission provoked various speculations by later

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commentators.25 The Talmudic teachers argue whether there were 36, 70–71 (Tg. Yer. I) or 72 pa‘amonim. (b. Zebah. 88b). The apocryphal Prot. Jas. (second century CE) mentions 12 pa‘amonim, as do Justin Martyr (ca. 100– 65) and Epiphanius of Cyprus (ca. 315−403). Most church fathers and medieval scholars assume that there were 72 pa‘amonim (Rabanus Maurus, ca. 776−856; “Commentary on the Book of Exodus”, IV:5). Clement of Alexandria (ca. 155–ca. 220; Stroma. V:6) even suggests 360. These figures present a certain numerical symbolism that reflects ancient astronomical concepts. Thus, 12 is the number of the months, 360 is the number of days in a year (in the Egyptian calendar),26 and 72 is a numerical equivalent of the movements of the stars.27 In some early manuscripts of the LXX the term “pa‘amonim” is rendered by the noun πéταλον (“plate”)28 and in its later manuscripts by κẃδων (“little bell”; Exod. 28:33, 34; Sir. 45:9). The Vulgate and late Latin versions (CastB, BLJ) render it by the onomatopoeic “tintinnabulum”. Other translations offer a similar interpretation, for instance: Syriac zgā (Syr.), Armenian “zangak‘ ” (MtsB, WAB and EAB), Georgian “ežvani” (GB and GCB), Arabic juljul (pl. jalâjil, Taf), Moroccan Jewish zənâzəl (LL), nâqûs (pl. nwâqəs) and qənqân (pl. qənâqən, ShTaf),29 English “litel bell” (WyclB), “little bell” (DouB) and “bell” (BpB, KJV, MofB, ASV, NASB, RSV, NIV, TEV and CEV), German “schelle, Schelle” (NüB and LB) and “Glöckchen” (BEBD), Dutch “Schelleke” (BGvW), “belle, belleke” (BB), “belle, schelleke” (BNvW) and “belletje” (BNBG), French “sonnette” (LyB) and “clochette” (GenB and BFC), Italian “campanello” (BILC), Czech “zwonczek” (PrB), “zwonček” (KrB), Polish “dzwonek” (BP), Slovenian “zvonček” (SSP), Church Slavonic çâîígöú (original MS of the GennB and its copies, also OstB, MoscB and ElizB) and Russian позвонок (SynB). In modern biblical studies there are several different views about the translation of the word “pa‘amonim”. Most scholars consider it to be a little bell (A. Sendrey, J. Rimmer) or a jingle/jinglet (Sachs, I. H. Jones). The Aramaic analogue of the pa‘amonim is known as “zog”.30 According to the Talmud* it had a spherical shape (from Heb. zō©/gz: (a) “a shell”, (b) “a grape skin”), like that of grapes (hence the name), and had a few slits. Inside there were loose pebbles or a fastened clapper called ambōl/lbm[ (other variants are: anbōl, enbōl, inbōl/lbn[). When shaken it started tinkling (hiqqiš/vqh, “to ring” or “to strike a bell”; y. Sotah I:8/17b). The zog was also thought to have an apotropaic quality and to protect both people and animals from evil spirits, illnesses or catastrophes (b. Šabb. 58а, b; m. Šabb. V:4, VI:9; m. Kelim XIV:4; Midr. Song VII:9). In addition to this protective role the Talmudic tractates also write about the utilitarian use of the instrument. For instance, it could be a decoration for smart clothing, a door bell, a bell on the clothes of a slave or on the necks of cattle, signalling

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their location. It may well be that the pa‘amonim had a similar role in biblical times. In hellenistic philosophy the apotropaic function acquired a transcendent sense. Thus Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 BCE–ca. 45 CE) finds in the alternation of the pa‘amonim and the pomegranates two senses, those of hearing and sight (Migr. 103–04). Explaining the symbolism of the robes of the Old Testament High Priest he describes the origin of the instrument as a result of the conjunction of earth and water, the two most important elements in ancient Greek cosmology. Earth, as Philo states, is embodied in the pomegranate flowers, and water in their fruit. “The bells (κẃδωνες) present a harmonious union of these two; for life cannot be produced either by earth without water, or by water without the substance of earth, but only in the conjunction and combination of both” (Mos. 2:119; a similar idea is expressed in his work Spec. 1:93). However in the hellenistic period there existed another view of the functions of pa‘amonim, in which they were perceived primarily in pagan terms. Plutarch (40–120 CE) (Quaestiones convivales 672A) mentions the bells on the robe of the Jewish High Priest, and links their use with the Dionysian cult. In the historical writing of Josephus (37–ca. 101) the tinkling of the pa‘amonim is associated with natural elements, though interpreted symbolically. Josephus regards the robes of the High Priest as reflecting the universe. Among their details “the vestment of the high priest being made of linen signified the earth; the blue denoted the sky, being like lightning in its pomegranates, and in the noise of the bells resembling thunder” (A.J. III, 7:7, Whiston’s translation; see also B.J. V, 5:7). At the same time he notes the beauty and grace of the alternation of the pomegranates and the golden bells (A.J. III, 7:4). In Christianity the meaning of the biblical pa‘amonim changed again. According to the church fathers “the bells should sound constantly … till the last times and the end of the world”, as if warning the Old Testament High Priest “Remember death and do not sin” (Origen, third century; Hom. Exod. X). Like other details of the ritual garments, according to John Chrysostom (ca. 354−407) they “caused sacred fear” (φρικωδéστατα), but also produced a feeling of “deep internal quietness” ( πολλ τν νδων ρεμíα in Sac. III:4). The bells on Christian ecclesiastical robes reminded the priests of their duty constantly to proclaim the divine word: the bells on the vestments of the higher ranks of the Orthodox priesthood maintain the same significance right down to the present time.31 In medieval European liturgical practice the little bells were an obligatory element of the robes of the clergy (for instance, in Ireland and Wales). In aristocratic secular culture they became a fashionable decoration of clothing

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and even of shoes, but lost their symbolic meaning. The shoe jingles are often mentioned in Western European literature. During the Renaissance they became the most desirable accessory of men’s dress. In Modern Hebrew the word “pa‘amon” (pa ǎmôn/@wm[p) means a large bell, “pa‘amon qatan” (¼a ǎmôn qā ān/@fq @wm[p) means “a little bell”, whereas “zog” and “anbol” denote the clapper of the bell. As for the jingle, it is represented by the ancient term “metsilla” (mə illā/hlxm; see Tseltselim below). TSELTSELIM, also metsiltayim (Heb. el elîm, mə iltayim/!ylxlx, ! \ ytlxm, pl. and dual forms from the verb ālal/llx, “to ring”, “tinkle”, “resound”), ancient Jewish idiophone, cymbals or small cymbals. This instrument was probably of Assyrian origin and was known throughout the Near East with similar onomatopoeic names (Arabic salāsil, Ugaritic m lt, Ge’ez anā el, Pahlavi il, Turkish “zil”). Etymologically tseltselim and metsiltayim are identical, both belonging to the category of onomatopoeic terms, though in the biblical text they are never mentioned together. So the two terms may relate to one and the same instrument, which seems to have had different names at different historical periods. Tseltselim, judging from its mentions in the book of Samuel (2 Sam. 6:5) and in the Psalter (Ps. 150:5) represents the early name, whereas metsiltayim represents the later one, appearing as it does in the books of Chronicles (1 Chr. 13:8; 15:16, 19, 28; 2 Chr. 5:12, 13, etc.), Ezra (Ezra 3:10) and Nehemiah (Neh. 12:27) that were composed later.32 The earliest mention of the term m ltym appears in the fourteenth century BCE in an Ugaritic mythological text giving a description of a banquet of Baal (KTU 1.3:I19). It is also found in the text of an Egyptian praise song from Ras Shamra (24.252), together with the knr, tp and Ólb. According to rich pictographic, archaeological and literary materials there were two kinds of tseltselim. The pictographic record includes Egyptian and Assyrian depictions (southern Babylonian bas-reliefs of the third millennium BCE). The archaeological discoveries include examples from the fourteenth to eighth centuries BCE discovered in Ugaritic and Canaanite settlements. The main historical description is that of Josephus (37–ca. 101 CE.; A.J. VII, 12:3). The two kinds of tseltselim were, first, flat, with a convexity in the middle, and second, cone shaped (Figure 4.9). The former type was more common. It consisted of two middle sized plates (of a diameter from 10-12 cm. up to 20 cm.) with a wide flat rim and a convexity in the centre for creating a louder sound. The two plates account for the dual form of the noun “metsiltayim” and the plural of the noun “tseltselim”. Johannes Reuchlin says that the plates were held vertically and either clashed together or touched by sliding up and down.33 It is possible that one plate remained still and was struck with the other one (Figure 4.10).

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Tseltselim were made of brass or bronze: the silver mentioned by Isidore of Seville (ca. 560−636; “Etymologiae”, III:21) has not found support from any other source. Brass tseltselim, presumably for secular use, could be of smaller size and had a gentler sound. A. Sendrey assumes that these are the “sounding cymbals” ( il əlê-šāma /[mvAylxlx) mentioned in Ps. 150:5. Bronze tseltselim (possibly temple instruments) were larger and therefore sounded louder and more vibrant. They may have been the “clashing cymbals” ( il əlê Óərû ā/h[wrt ylxlx) of Ps. 150:5. It is likely that Josephus when describing the Jewish tseltselim as large (μεγáλα) was referring to the latter type. Sendrey also thinks that the apostle Paul referred to these two kinds of cymbals with the expressions in 1 Cor. 13:1 “noisy gong” (χαλκóς χν) and “clanging cymbal” (κúμβαλον λαλáζον)34 rather than to a trumpet and cymbals, as traditionally assumed. Some Temple tseltselim whose sound was alleged to be heard as far away as Jericho (as described in the Talmud in m. Tamid III:3; y. Sukkah V:3) may also be identified as the “noisy cymbals”. Some archaeological specimens found in good condition were played experimentally, and were shown to have excellent resonance. On the other hand the ancient tseltselim with a very gentle sound that had for many centuries been kept in the Temple belonged, as the Talmud says (b. ‘Arak. 10b; y. Sukkah V:6), to the category of “clean” instruments. According to these sources the Temple tseltselim were damaged and the rabbis sent to Alexandria for craftsmen (perhaps the Jews did not know the secret of the alloy), but after the repair the instrument lost its gentle timbre. To restore it the results of the repair had to be reversed (there is a similar story about the ‘ugav and the kinnor).

Figure 4.9. Bronze cymbals from Nimrud. Late Assyrian period, ninth–eighth centuries BCE (British Museum, London)

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Figure 4.10. Cymbal player. Bas-relief from the palace of Sennacherib. Nineveh, seventh century BCE (Vorderasiatische Museum, Berlin)

Some modern scholars such as I. H. Jones share the view that the tseltselim gave out a peculiar “clanging” and not just a tinkling sound. They refer to the acoustic impressions of the ancient Latin authors, Lucretius (ca. 99–55 BCE), Virgil (70–19 BCE) and Livy (59 BCE–17 CE) and to the text of the Vulgate. A number of Bible translations also reveal the same opinion when rendering tseltselim as a little bell (“schellen”, NüB, “klinkende Sсhellen” in 1 Cor. 13:1, BEBD, “cloche”, BFC), or a large bell (колокол, WCBT). In the pre-Temple period tseltselim had been used in Israel as well as everywhere else in the Near East in pagan rites for attracting the attention of the deities. Probably any member of the community could be a performer, without regard to tribal membership, sex or age. In the Old Testament the tseltselim appears as a ritual instrument. It is mentioned 16 times: three times as “tseltselim” (2 Sam. 6:5 and twice in Ps. 150:5), and 13 times as “metsiltayim” (1 Chr., 2 Chr., Ezra, Neh.). It occurs first in the description of the procession at the transfer of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem by King David (2 Sam. 6:5; the same event is referred to in 1 Chr. 13:8). Here playing the tseltselim was a background sound that intensified the atmosphere of joy and emotional enthusiasm on the part of “David and all the house of Israel”. From the beginning of the use of music in the Temple (end of the tenth century BCE) tseltselim were included in the inventory of Temple instru-

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ments. When King David established the regulations for the sacred music, the tseltselim were assigned two important functions: (1) to indicate the sections of the liturgy; and (2) to give signals to the choir to start singing. Only professional musicians were privileged to play the tseltselim. These were the leading singers, the Levite Asaph (probably the leading musician of King David, as early as the Tabernacle period who received the exclusive right to direct the choir according to 1 Chr. 16:5), also Heman, Ethan (1 Chr. 15:19) and Jeduthun (1 Chr. 16:42). Perhaps they shared the duties with Asaph after the organization of the Temple music was completed. These musicians took part in the consecration of the Temple of Solomon (ca. 960 BCE; 2 Chr. 5:12, 13). Two and a half centuries later Levite cymbalists whose names are not stated are mentioned by the Chronicler as participating in the ceremony of the reconsecration of the Temple by King Hezekiah (2 Chr. 29:25). “The sons [that is the descendants] of Asaph, with cymbals” were present at the laying of the foundation of the Second Temple (ca. 519 BCE; Ezra 3:10). Half a century later they assisted at the ceremony of the consecration of the newly rebuilt walls of Jerusalem (445 BCE; Neh. 12:27). In the course of time the number of the tseltselim players in the Temple seems to have gradually diminished. According to the Talmud (m. ‘Arak. II:5) by the end of the of the Second Temple period (first century CE) there remained only one pair of tseltselim, but their role was still significant. This is attested in the Talmud (m. Šeqal. V:1; Tamid VII:3). Among the Temple servants it names Ben Arza, who “was over the tseltselim”. In the post-Temple period the tseltselim were introduced into secular use. On religious and public holidays, as related in the Talmud, they accompanied “the song of thanksgiving on every corner and every big stone of Jerusalem” (b. Šebu. 15b). No doubt they were played at the Pesah among the “powerful instruments” (2 Chr. 30:21, NJV) and took part in the musical accompaniment of public festivals (m. Sukkah V:1, 4; b. Sukkah 51а, b). The interpretation of the term “tseltselim” is fairly consistent. The Talmud retains the term itself, but instead of the plural form it is given in the singular “tsiltsal” ( il al/lxlx), since playing the instrument “needs only one action; and it can be done by one person” (b. ‘Arak. 17b). Rashi (1040−1105) in his commentary on the book of Chronicles uses a parallel term from his own times, “tsinbes”. Further modification of the name of the instrument, “tsimbali” appears in the annotations to the Talmud (m. Tamid III:8; VII:3) of Obadiah Bertinoro (fifteenth century). Abraham da Portaleone, a Jewish scholar and antiquarian (1542–1612) in his work “Shields of the Mighty” (šil ê haggibbōrîm) identifies tseltselim with the castanets. Three centuries later J. L. Saalschütz shared this point of view. In the Maghreb tradition of commentaries (Sharh), tseltselim are included among the idiophones, but are described in a different way. In the Studied Language (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/ @ydwmyl @vl) by Rafael Bergudo (eighteenth century) tseltselim are a type of

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cymbals ( əndqâÓ), and in the oral version (ShTaf) known for centuries among the Moroccan Jews in the Tafilalet area they are presented as little bells (nûwâqəs, the plural of the noun nâqûs).35 However, the view that the tseltselim are small cymbals has always been and still is dominant (S. B. Finesinger, L. Koehler, T. C. Mitchell and others). Bible translations on the whole also agree on the interpretation of tseltselim. Phonetically close to the original are the renderings ī lē in the Syriac, el əlîn/@ylxlx in the Aramaic Tg, anasel in the Ethiopic Psalter (EthPs), “ċinċili” in the Georgian GB and GCB, and “cncłaner” in the Armenian MtsB, WAB and EAB. A similar term alā al is given in the early Arabic Tafsir by Sa‘adia Gaon (882−942) and in the sixteenth century Arabic translation of the Psalter (LPsA). LXX and Vulg. render tseltselim as κúμβαλα and cymbala respectively. In the English tradition (WyclB, BpB, DouB, KJV, MofB, ASV, RSV, NASB, NJB, TEV, NIV, CEV) it is regularly translated as “cymbals” (“cymbales” in the old spelling). Similar terms exist in a great many other traditions: Italian (“cymbali”, “cimbali”, BIM, “cembali”, BILC), Czech (“czymbaly/czymbalky”, PrB, “cymbaly”, KrB), German (“zimmeln/zimeln/cimeln36/zymbaln/zimbaln”, NüB; “Cymbaln/ Cymbeln/Cymbalen/Cimbeln”, LB; “Zimbeln”, BEBD), French (“cymbales”, LyB, GenB, BFC), Spanish (“címbales”, SBE), Dutch (“Cymbalen”, “cimbalen”, BB, BGvW, BNvW, BNBG), Polish (“cymbały”, BP), and Slovenian (“cimbali”, SSP). The Church Slavonic translations (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, OTC 2, as well as SkorB, OstB, MoscB, ElizB) and Russian editions (SynB, WCBT, TanJer) render tseltselim as êvìâàëû/êvìáàëû/кимвалы, öèìáàëû/öûìáàëû. In Modern Hebrew the “hybrid” word “metsaltselim” (mə al əlîm/!ylxlxm) signifies castanets, whereas the term “metsiltayim” has retained its original meaning of cymbals.

Bibliography Avenary, H. (1958) mena‘an‘im; Bar-Asher, M. (1998) tof, mena‘an‘im, pa‘amonim, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Bayer, B. (1972) mena‘an‘im; Böhl, F. M. T. (1928) pa‘amonim; Braun, J. (1999) mena‘an‘im, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Cornill, K. H. (1909) tof; Diachenko, G. (1993) tof; Dölger, F. J. (1934) pa‘amonim; Finesinger, S. B. (1926) tof, mena‘an‘im, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Finneran, N. (2002) mena‘an‘im; Frazer, J. G. (1918) pa‘amonim; Harris, W. (1982) tseltselim/metsiltayim;

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Houtman, C. (1990) pa‘amonim; Jones, I. H. (1986) mena‘an‘im, pa‘amonim, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Kolari, E. (1947) tof; Koehler, L., Baumgartner W. and Stamm J. J. (1967–1990) mena‘an‘im, tseltselim/ metsiltayim; KYE (1996) pa‘amonim; Madge, W. (1977) mena‘an‘im; Meyers, C. L. (1987; 1991) tof; Mitchell, T. C. (1992) tof, mena‘an‘im, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Nixdorff, H. (1971) tof; Pfeiffer, A. F. (1779) mena‘an‘im; Price, P. (1983) pa‘amonim; Rimmer, J. (1969) pa‘amonim; Saalschütz, J. L. (1885) tof, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Sachs, C. (1978) tof, mena‘an‘im, pa‘amonim; Seidel, H. (1989) mena‘an‘im; Sendrey, A. (1969) tof, mena‘an‘im, metsillot, pa‘amonim, tseltselim/metsiltayim; Soggin, J. A. (1964) mena‘an‘im; Stradling, D. G. and K. A. Kitchen (1980) mena‘an‘im; Vlastov, G. K. (1870) tof; Vonk, C. (1960) pa‘amonim; Weiss, J. (1895) tof, metsillot; Werner, E. (1995) tof, mena‘an‘im.

Endnotes 1. The view of H. Nixdorff, who believes in the existence of the double membrane type, is not supported by archaeological evidence. 2. The association of the tof with women mentioned in the Bible is confirmed by recent archaeological findings of female figurines holding discs in their hands. Many scholars (see C. L. Meyers) identify them as hand drums. The excavations cover a large area (Israel, Libya and Cyprus) and thus testify common traditions of usage. 3. “And every stroke of the staff of punishment which the Lord lays upon them will be to the sound of timbrels and lyres; battling with brandished arm he will fight with them.” 4. The German term “Pauken” up to the end of the sixteenth century could, like бубен in the Slavonic tradition, mean any membranophone. 5. However, in Gen. 31:27 in BGvW tof is translated by the word “Tromme”, which is probably a generic label for membranophones. Furthermore, in both translations the term “bomme” occurs several times: in BGvW it occurs as a verb “bommen” (“to sound boomingly”; Ps. 68:26; Jer. 31:4). It imitates the sound produced by beating the membrane of an instrument. In BNvW it appears as a noun “bomme” and presumably either denotes a specific membranophone or is a generic term for this class of instruments (like “Tromme”). 6. In GCB tof is also designated by the term “doli”, which means a drum. 7. The word kemken/kenken seems very likely to mean not a tambourine, but a drum, for in some African languages there are terms with similar radicals, which signify drums (for instance, gengen/gangan in parts of Sudan).

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8. In the marginal note to Exod. 15:20 Skorina gives the term бубен as a synonym of тимпан. 9. Isidore of Seville describes the tof (“tympanum” in his terminology) as the “middle part of the symphony like a sieve” (“pars media simphoniae in similitudinem cribri”) (see Chapter 5, Sumponiah). 10. Nicholas of Lyra borrows the definition from Isidore of Seville, but adds some historical data and points out correctly the origin of the tof, which the Hebrews “had brought from Egypt for singing praises to God” (Commentary on Exod. 15:20). 11. Such instruments are still known and used in Ethiopian Orthodox Church ceremonies today. Niall Finneran reports “Every November, at the feast of Maryam Zion, the Patriarch is solemnly enthroned … Around him is a cacophony of noise, with wild dancing and shaking of sistra (rattles), which themselves are so similar to ancient Egyptian rattles.” (“The Archaeology of Christianity in Africa”: Stroud: Tempus, 2002: 148.) 12. The etymology of the word mena‘an‘im can also indicate that rbī ē/rəºî‘ în is the name of a square tambourine. Such an instrument was known, for instance, in Ancient Egypt. 13. See Chapter 3, Qarna’, endnote 6. 14. The word “hoornken”, a diminutive of the noun “horn” could mean a signal horn. 15. The word “manicorde” is of Old French or Provençal origin. Etymologically it derives from the “monochord” (a single-stringed instrument). However, in medieval literature it signified a multistringed instrument. So it is likely that the modified form of this word in LyB was used in the latter sense. 16. “Huslicky”, a diminutive from the noun “husle”, could well mean a bowed stringed instrument of one kind or another. 17. The word suwan’az is pl. of the noun sunâzâ. M. Bar-Asher thinks that it is either a derivative of, or one of the dialectal variants of the term unūğ (“cymbals”) borrowed from literary Arabic. Mena’an’im, endnote 7, sunuğ. 18. In the same work, Werner also identifies mena‘an‘im as a Roman sistrum. 19. For another meaning of the term see Chapter 3, Mashroqita’. 20. “Phalerae” are metal decorations on the forehead and chest of a horse, which produce a tinkling sound. 21. In the LXX Exod. 39:24-43 are omitted. In the deuterocanonical book of Sirach (Sir 45:9) pa‘amonim (Greek κẃδωνα) is used as a reminder of the description in Exod. 28:33-34. 22. Iconographic depictions of bells appear already in the fifteenth century BCE. For instance they are shown on the robe of a Syrian messenger in a grave painting of the Egyptian Pharaoh Thuthmosis III. 23. The Talmudic writer Nahmanides (Moshe ben Nahman, 1194–1270, also known by the acronym Ramban,) states that the pa‘amonim were inside the pomegranates (which were made hollow) and could be seen. 24. The clanging of a copper cauldron, the echoing of a gong, the sharp sound of cymbals and the loud peal of a bell all played the same role of frightening demonic forces in different periods and different cultures. One of the private prayers of the priest from the Orthodox “Rite of the Blessing of a Bell” points directly to this protective feature of the instrument. 25. The numbers of the pa‘amonim that occur in post-biblical literature are: 12, 36, 50, 70-72, 360.

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26. In other cultures also the number 360 is typical of the decoration of a dress that has a special purpose. Thus Herodotus (ca. 484−ca. 425 BCE; Hist. III:47) mentions that the linen garments donated by the Egyptian king Amasis to the Spartans and to the temple of Athene at Lindus were embellished with a fringe made of 360 threads. This is an interesting parallel with the figure 365 referred to by Pliny the Elder (23−79; Nat. Hist. 19:1) as the trimming of the robes of a priest from the Temple of Minerva in Rhodes. This number represents the Roman calendar system. 27. Christian exegesis has a different interpretation of the figure 72. Thus, Rabanus Maurus thinks it to be 72 hours (that is, three days and three nights), after which “Christ, the Sun of truth will lead the whole world out of the trap of darkness into the true light…and all the universe will be illuminated” (“Commentaria in Exodum”, IV:5). The same author also associates the number 72 with the number of the disciples who were sent out by the Lord for preaching according to some MSS of Lk. 10:1 (ibid.). 28. The same term petalon occurs in the Coptic Bible translation (CB). 29. M. Bar-Asher states that the terms “nâqûs” and “qənqân” have the same meaning (bells) in the colloquial language of the eastern and south-western Maghreb dialects. 30. Similar terms “zoga” and “zaga” (za©ā’/agz, pl. za©în/@ygz) are used for the pa‘amonim in Tg. Onq. and Peshitta. 31. Quite often the interpretation of the pa‘amonim in Christian exegesis is identical to their meaning in Exod. 28:35 (Jerome, ca. 345−ca. 419; “Liber Exodi”, XXVIII). Sometimes the Bible commentator simply mentions them as one of the decorative elements of the High Priest’s robes (Gregory of Nyssa, 330–ca. 395; “On the Life of Moses”). 32. According to J. Braun the replacement of the term tseltselim by metsiltayim in the later books of the Old Testament may have been deliberate in order to avoid any association with the Canaanite pagan cults which used this term. 33. The German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455−1522; “Vocabularius breviloquus”) probably draws on the musical practice of his own day. 34. There is even a hypothesis (W. Harris and CEV translators) that by “brass” (χαλκóς) Paul meant the acoustic amplifier, “which was used in the Hellenistic theatre”. The sounding of the cymbals during theatre performances is attested in classical literature, for instance Lucian (ca. 120−ca. 190; Salt.). The word λαλáζον is thought to imply an early Jewish custom of appealing to God by means of tseltselim. 35. The tseltselim receive an unexpected treatment in the illuminations of the Khludov Psalter (ninth century) in the State Historical Museum in Moscow: Jeduthun’s tseltselim are shown as drums in the shape of an egg timer. 36. The word “zimmeln” already known in its primary meaning in the Middle Ages, is used in NüB as a synonym to “schellen”, “little bells”). Perhaps BEBD also follows this tradition.

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Chapter 5

AMBIVALENT INSTRUMENTAL TERMS

Court orchestra of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus: musicians playing horizontal flute, cymbals, trumpets, lute, bells, nakers, and lyre. Wall painting at St Sofia cathedral. Kiev, early eleventh century CE

GITTIT [Heb. gittî¨/tytg), (1) lit. “that which is from the town of Gath”; (2) a substantive formed from the verb niggēn/@gn, “to touch the strings”; (3) a derivative of the Hebrew noun ga¨, “a winepress” found in Judg. 6:11; Neh. 13:15; Isa. 63:2; Lam. 1:15; Joel 4:13 MT (3:13 in English versions), supposedly a stringed instrument. The phrase al-haggittî¨/tytghAl[ is mentioned in the Tanakh* three times (in the headings of Pss 8, 81 and 84) and belongs to the category of unclear terms. It has different interpretations in scholarly literature. The majority of scholars assume gittit to refer to an instrument. It could mean a certain member of the stringed group derived from the Palestinian town of Gath (A. Sendrey),1 as the Targum claims in the heading of Ps. 8:

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“on the kinnor that came from Gath” ( al-Âinnorā Äə’ayəÓê miggaÓ/tgm ytyad arwnkAl[u). It may also be a generic term describing the manner of playing the stringed instrument (G. M. Redslob, W. Gesenius) similar to binə¾înô¨ (see Neginot below) or an instrument played when treading grapes (J. Jahn). The first hypothesis is the most plausible and gains support from the biblical account of King David’s stay in “the land of the Philistines” with “Achish… king of Gath” (1 Sam. 27:1-4; 29:3). From there he could easily have brought back the local kind of lyre. According to another theory the word gittit is related to singing. If so, it probably signified a working song, sung while gathering grapes (W. O. E. Oesterley) or treading them out (F. Baethgen). Furthermore gittit may well be a particular tune for the psalms mentioned earlier (especially Ps. 81) that may have been sung at the feast of Tabernacles (Sukkah; J. W. Thirtle; cf. Judg. 9:27; Isa. 16:10; Jer. 25:30). All three theories have some support, though with certain reservations.2 The view that David brought back a female choir from Gath (A. Calmet) is very unlikely, since the participation of non-Jewish women in the Jewish rite was considered sacrilegious and would have been rejected. Only the wives and daughters of Levite singers were allowed to take part in the cultus. The thought of the “march of the Gittite guards” (F. J. Delitzch) is unrealistic too, because the priests, who maintained strict ritual purity would not have tolerated the singing of the sacred hymns (psalms) to a pagan tune. There is also a view that any musical rendition of the term gittit is unacceptable because of its incongruity with the instrumental terminology that had been established in ancient Jewish musical practice (C. Sachs). In Bible translations the interpretation of gittit varies. Some of them (early English, Italian and all Church Slavonic) follow the LXX (πèρ ληνν) and the Vulg. (pro torcularibus) and preserve the link with the winepress: for the pressis/pressours (WyclB), for the presses, for the winepresses (DouB), li torculari (BIM), umb dye weynpresse (NüB), om de wijnpressen (BNvW), de torcularibus (BLJ), w òî÷èëhõú (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, also SkorB, OstB, MoscB, ElizB). But in most cases gittit is associated with instrumental accompaniment:3 auff der Gitthith vorzusingen (LB), sur Githith/Guittith (LyB, GenB),4 ad Gittith (CastB), op der Gittith (BGvW), na Gitteycký nástrog (KrB), na tim Gititu (TruPs), ná Gitycie (BudB),5 upon/on Gittit (BpB6, KJV, AJV, NASB), according to The Gittith (RSV, cf. NIV), on the…of Gath (NJB),7 sobre Gittit (SBE), op de Gittit (BNBG), accompagnement sur la harpe de Gat (BFC), na Gittit/Gittyt (BP), po Gitít (SSP), íà ìóñèêiéñêîì îðóäiè Ãàãèôèâú èìÿíógìîì (AmPs), на Гефском орудии (SynB), под аккомпанемент Гефа (WCBT), на гиттит (TanJer). Only in a few versions does it appear as a tune to a song: “set to a vintage melody” (MofB); “sulla melodia ‘I torchi’ ” (BILC). In Modern Hebrew gittit means a guitar.

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MAHOL (Heb. mā ôl/lwjm, from the verb ûl/lwj, Arabic ala’/ alaqa, “to whirl”, “to spin”, “to dance in a circle”). This term is mentioned in the Bible quite often (Exod. 15:20; Judg. 21:21; Pss 30:12; 149:3; Song 7:1; Jer. 31:13; Lam. 5:15). Sometimes it occurs together with the word tof (Exod. 15:20; Judg. 11:34; Ps. 150:4; Jer. 31:4). In the majority of Bible translations it is rendered as a dance: χορóς in LXX, “chorus” in Vulg., CastB and BLJ; “dance” in the early English WyclB, BpB, DouB8 and KJV, and also in such modern versions as MofB, RSV, NASB, NIV, CEV. The same thing happened in other traditions, such as German (“dantz/tantz/tentz” in NüB, “Reigen” and “Tanz” in LB); Dutch (“Reye” and “Dantsse” in BB, BGvW, BNvW), Czech (“plesanje” in KrB); Polish (“taniéc” in BP), Slovenian (“ples” in SSP), Armenian (“p‘ar” in EAB and WAB), Church Slavonic and Russian (ëèêè, ëèêû in the original MS of the GennB, and in its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, as well as in SkorB, OstB, ElizB and SynB, хороводы in the same SynB, танец in the recent WCBT and TanJer). In rare cases, despite its clear etymology, mahol is rendered as a percussion instrument, either a membranophone, the drum ( abl in the “Tafsir” by Sa‘adia Gaon, 882–942), or an idiophone, the sistrum (“sistre” in LyB in Ps. 150:4), or a stringed instrument (ma’āzif, pl. from mi‘zāf 9 in LPsA). Some of the ancient versions (the Syriac Peshitta, fifth century; Aramaic Targums, second to sixth centuries) and later versions (PrB, KrB, partly BpB and GenB), interpret mahol as a woodwind instrument as do a number of Bible commentators. Thus, in the Peshitta it is rendered as rbī ā (a kind of flute known in Syria), and the Targum sometimes identifies it with “hinga’ ” ( in©ā’/agnj, probably the Aramaic term for the flute).10 In the Prague incunabulum of 1488 and in the Kralice Bible of 1594 it is translated mainly as “piesstialy/pisstialy”. In the Lyon edition it appears as “flageole”,11 and in the Geneva Bible12 and English Bishop’s Bible as “fleute”. Similarly it is rendered as ïèùàëü in the late eighteenth century Russian translation of the Psalter made by Amvrosi, Archbishop of Moscow. The most common point of view relates mahol to the halil. The Talmudic teachers Eliezer ben Hyrcanus (Eliezer the Great, ca. 45–117 CE), Rashi (1040–1105), and Abraham Ibn Ezra (1092–1167) consider mahol to have been widely used in popular culture, where it accompanied folk dances. Rashi also gives a different etymology of the term. He derives it, like halil, from the the pi ēl form of the verb ālal/llj, “to be hollow” (with the meaning “to pierce”, “to make a hole”). This implies elements of flute construction. Some scholars of the eighteenth (A. F. Pfeiffer) and twentieth centuries (A. Sendrey) share this opinion. Pfeiffer supports this hypothesis by referring to the linked pair “tof mahol” often mentioned in parallel in the Old Testament. If Pfeiffer is correct then mahol should be understood as a woodwind instrument. Sendrey speaks of similar functions of the halil and the mahol in the life of ancient Jewish society both in the Old and the New

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Testaments (1 Kgs 1:40; Sir. 22:6; Mt. 9:23) and in post-biblical sources (Josephus, A.J. VII, 11:4; m. Ketub. IV:4; m. B. Metsi‘a VI:1; y. Ber. III:1). On the one hand, the two instruments were both used on public holidays to stimulate an atmosphere of joy and gladness. On the other hand, they were played at funerals to intensify the atmosphere of sorrow and sadness. In his “Postilla super totam Bibliam” the medieval scholar and Bible commentator Nicholas of Lyra (ca. 1270–1349), referring to the interpretation of PseudoJerome, describes the mahol as a bagpipe.13 Nevertheless the context of some biblical verses (Exod. 32:19; Ps. 30:12; Song 7:1) excludes the identification of the mahol with a woodwind instrument.14 According to W. Gesenius the mahol could have been a stringed instrument (of the lyre or lute type)15 that was played to accompany singing. This theory, however, is not supported either by the biblical text or by later exegesis. J. G. Herder and J. L. Saalschütz (both nineteenth century) regard the mahol not as an instrument but as a combination of poetry, music and dance. This position agrees partly with the earlier translation of the Psalter “into simple common Russian language” by Avrami Firsov (1683). Here the mahol is conveyed by the phrase â âîñïgâàíiè îáùgì. Sendrey propounds the theory of a dance performed in alternation by two groups of people, analogous with the ancient Jewish tradition of antiphonal singing. He bases his view on the dual number of the noun hamma ǎnāyîm in the phrase mə ōlaÓ hamma ǎnāyîm/\!ynjmh tljm (“the dance of two groups”, Song 7:1). Most uncertain is the meaning of the term mahol in the expression almā ǎlaÓ/tljmAl[ that occurs in the headings of Pss 53 and 88. It has very divergent and incompatible renderings in different Bible translations. Many versions leave it unclear, simply transliterating the phrase: πèρ μαελεθ (LXX Pss 52 and 87), “pro melech/pro maeleth” (PsGal), “uber amalech” (NüB), “per amalech/melec” (BIM), “ad Mahalath” (CastB), “sur Mahalath” (LyB, GenB), “na Machalat” (KrB,16 BP), “po Mahalát” (SSP), “on/upon Mahalath/Malath” (BpB),17 “for Maeleth/Mahelet” (DouB), “upon Mahalath” (KJV), “according to Mahalath” (RSV, NASB, NIV), “sobre Mahalat” (SBE), “op een Mahalath” (BGvW), “voor Amalech”, “voor Mahelet” (BNvW), “op Machalat” (BNBG), w Ìàåëgfh (the main Church Slavonic versions, from GennB and to ElizB), w ìàëgõó, w àìàëgfh (SkorB), на Махалаф (SynB, TanJer), в сопровождении Махалафы (WCBT). Other variants are: a dance (χορóς in Aq. and Symm., “chorus” in PsHebr), a certain instrument (“on the ‘ud”/ al al-ūd in KMA, íà ïgñòðîáðÿöàògëüíîì18 îðóäiè in AmPs), the beginning of a tune (“to the tune ‘Mahalath’ ” in CEV).19 Mahol also appears as two methods of musical performance: vocal (“im Chor umeinander zu singen” in Ps. 53 in Luther’s translation) and instrumental (“avec les flutes” in Segond’s version, на духовом орудии in SynB). The mahol is even associated with “punishment for blasphemy” (Tg.) or conveys personal emotions: “von der Schwacheit der Elenden” (Ps. 88 in Luther’s version) and

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“van der swacheyt der ellendigen” (in the Dutch BGvW), “de miseria” (Ps. 53 in BLJ),20 “to the tune of suffering” (Ps. 53 in MofB) and “to the tune of suffering sore” (Ps. 88 in MofB), “sur le mode mélancolique”, “su tonalita melancolica” (BFC and BILC respectively).21 In one case (NJB) the headings of both psalms contain the idea of illness: “in sickness”.22 Perhaps here the translators were guided by the etymology of the homonymous noun “mā ǎlaÓ” which they derived from ma ǎlā/hljm (“sickness)”. Post-biblical sources seldom discuss this problem, though there are some noteworthy exceptions. Nicolo di Mallermi, the first Bible translator into Italian (his “Biblia historiata” was published in 1471) in commenting on the headings to the psalms gives two explanations of the term mahol: (a) “ignorant people…the Cretans…always robbing” (“gente bestiale…creti…sempre son busiardi”, Ps. 52); (b) “choir” (“choro”) the participants of which “are gathered in love and concordance” (“conliganti in charita & concordia”, Ps. 87). Pastors and professors of the Genevan Church, editors of the famous French translation carried out by Pierre Robert Olivetan, as well as the commentators of the Lyon Bible share the same opinion. They render the three phrases al-mā ǎlaÓ, al-mā ǎlaÓ lə annôÓ and ’el-šōšānîm ēÄûÓ/twd[ !ynvvAla (see Shushan below) as “the opening words of some songs known in that remote period and composed to praise the good deeds of God”. In the Introduction to the translation of the Psalter the Russian archbishop Amvrosi (eighteenth century) had no doubt that the words махелахъ/магалафъ imply “a woodwind instrument of that time”. His predecessor Avrami Firsov (seventeenth century) stated in his marginal note to Ps. 87 that it “signifies sorrow and illness” (ñëóæèòú ïg÷àëíûì è áîëgçígíûì). Modern Bible scholars and translators of the Psalter also disagree in their understanding of the phrase al-mā ǎlaÓ. Thus Sendrey agrees with Segond’s rendering as a manner of playing, but defines it more specifically as the accompaniment of the woodwinds, considering the sad character of the text of Pss 53 and 88. To support his opinion Sendrey adduces the analogous, though figurative description of the mournful sound of the halil in Jer. 48:36. J. W. Thirtle, together with D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer prefer the interpretation of the term as referring to a dance. Moreover, Thirtle thinks that such dances were “dances with shouts” because in his view Pss 53 and 88 were associated with important historical events in the life of the Hebrew people (victory over the Philistines and the transfer of the Ark of Covenant to Jerusalem). S. Mowinckel shares the interpretation of the term as related to illness. He regards these verses as a kind of a prayerful ritual act intended to help cure sickness. A. Tomaschoff gives one more possible etymology of the word mahol, from the verb mā al/ljm, “to forgive”) and its derived noun mə îlā/hlyjm (“forgiveness”). He does not explain, however, how this can be related to the contents of the psalms. In Modern Hebrew the word “mahol” means “dance”.

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NEGINOT (Heb. nə©înôÓ/twnygn, from the verb niggēn/}@gn, “to touch”, “to strike”), one of the uncertain biblical musical terms. It occurs in different grammatical forms (nə©înôÓay/ytwnygn, nōgənîm/!yngn, mənaggēn/@gnm, alnə©înaÓ/tnygnAl[ and others) in almost all parts of the Tanakh*. Thus neginot is often mentioned in the Former Prophets (1 Sam. 16:16-18; 18:10; 2 Kgs 3:15), the Latter Prophets (Isa. 38:20; Ezek. 33:32, Hab. 3:19) and the Kethuvim (Job 30:9; headings to Pss 4, 6, 54, 55, 61, 67, 76, also Pss 68:26; 69:13; 77:7; Lam. 3:14, 63; 5:14). In many cases (1 Sam., 2 Kgs, Ps. 68:26) neginot appears as a stringed instrument (though which one remains unclear) or as the generic name of a group or family of stringed instruments (nə©înô¨/ twnygn, “those which play” that is, musical instruments, Ps. 4, 6, 54, 55, 61, 67, 69:13; 76; Isa. 38:20; Hab. 3:19, etc.). Sometimes it can be related to the generic notion “melody produced on musical instruments” (in the headings to the psalms). In other places another contextual interpretation of neginot seems to be appropriate, namely, as a song. There is even a genre subdivision: satirical songs (Job and Lam. 3), praise songs (Isa. and Hab.), and drinking songs (Ps. 69:13). Practically all the possible interpretations occur in different traditions of Bible translation. In the early versions the “singing” interpretation is dominant: “psalm” (ψαλμóς),23 “hymn” (μνος), “song” (δ) in LXX, Aq., Symm. and Theod.; “song” (tūšəbba tā/atjbvwt) and “singing” (zimrê/yrmz) in Tg. Onq., “song” (canticum, carmen), “psalm” (psalmus) and “hymn” (hymnus) in PsHebr and Vulg.24 There are, however, instrumental renderings as well: “kithara” (κιθáρα) and “kynira” (κυνíρα) in LXX, “psalterion” (ψαλτριον) in Symm. and “kithara” (cithara) in Vulg. Later the second, “instrumental”, tendency prevailed (WyclB, BpB, DouB, BIM, NüB, LB, BB, BGvW, BNvW, LyB,25 GenB,26 BLJ, BpB, PrB, KrB,27 TruPs, BP, SSP, KJV, MofB, RSV, NASB, NJB, NIV, CEV, BEBD, BNBG, BILC, WAB and TanJer), except for some western European (SBE, BFC), Church Slavonic (GennB and its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, as well as SkorB, OstB, MoscB and ElizB) and Russian (SynB) versions. The last two follow the example of the LXX and choose the vocal rendition ïhíiå/ïhòiå, пение, ïhâgö, ïhñíü, песнь). The exegesis of the word “neginot” is not very complex. Some commentators such as Abraham de Portaleone (1542–1612) regard it as a stringed instrument, whereas others consider it to be a manner of playing on one (S. Mowinckel, D. A. Foxvog, A. D. Kilmer and B. Bayer). C. Sachs discusses this option, but in the end rejects any musical rendering, particularly instrumental. He proposes two hypotheses of his own. In one he states that the noun “neginot,” derived from the Hebrew verb niggēn28 may be compared with the noun derived from the similar Greek verb κροúω (“to strike”, “to play on a stringed instrument”). The derived noun κρομα acquired the sense “that which is played (on the instrument)”, that is, a tune.

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In Sachs’s other proposal neginot may be a certain melodic mode pattern (a complex of characteristic melodic turns subordinated to the regular rules of a mode) similar to the Arabic maqams.29 The name of the pattern is in his view linked with a concrete toponym (perhaps with the place of origin or the area of use: cf. the etymology of the word gittit). There exist also some unconvincing theories concerning the etymology of the term “neginot.” Thus J. Fürst thinks that it could derive from the secondary meaning of the verb nā©ā/hgn (“to shine”, “to give some light”) or nāggan/@gn (“to interweave”). But he gives no explanation of how they are connected with the context of the verses where the term occurs. He also tries implausibly to associate the Semitic two-radical root gn/@g with the Latin root “can-” underlying the verb “canere” (to sing). A. E. Cowley suggests that the same Hebrew root has the additional meaning “to cause suffering”. The noun “neginot” derived from the verb would then be understood as “misery, unhappiness”. This suggestion, however, does not always correlate with the biblical context. In Modern Hebrew the term “neginot” together with other words having the same root is found in the musical vocabulary and means “playing on a musical instrument”. NEHILOT (Heb. nə ilôÓ/twljn, from the verb ālal/llj, “to be hollow” (in the pi ēl, “to pierce”, “to make a hole”; or from the verb nā al/ljn, “to inherit”) one of the unclear biblical terms. It is mentioned in the Tanakh only once, in the heading of Ps. 5. The phrase al-hannə ilôÓ/twljnhAl[,30 as explained in the Talmud, is a complex notion of “singing a psalm to the accompaniment of a woodwind instrument”. On the basis of the morphological association with the noun halil (from the same root) it is possible to regard nehilot as a woodwind instrument of the oboe type. Nevertheless this interpretation of the term is rarely to be found either in early Bible translations or in exegetical commentaries. Only the Targum presents nehilot as hinga ( al- in©în/@ygnjAl[, supposedly the Aramaic analogue of the ancient Jewish halil).31 The word “nehilot” transliterated as it is occurs in the French (“sur Nehiloth” in LyB and GenB),32 Czech (“na Nechilot” in KrB),33 and Polish (“na Nechylot” in BP) translations. The transliteration also appears in some early English versions (“upon Nehiloth” in BpB,34 and “upon Nehiloth” in KJV), as well as in the modern Russian TanJer. (на нехилот). Nehilot is rendered as a flute or a woodwind instrument in the late Latin (“lyricum” in BLJ),35 and in a number of recent versions in English (“flutes” in MofB, RSV, NASB, NJB, NIV and CEV), French (“avec accompagnement de flûtes” in BFC), Italian (“con flauti” in BILC), Dutch (“bij fluitspel” in BNBG), and Slovenian (“na piščali” in SSP), as well as in some Church Slavonic (íà ìóñèêiéñêîì äóõîâîì îðóäiè in AmPs) and Russian (на духовых орудиях in SynB, для флейт in WCBT) versions.

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There is also another instrumental rendering of nehilot. Thus in the sixteenth century Polish Psalter translated by Szymon Budny (BudPs) “do Nechilotu”36 is related in a marginal note to the lute type, whereas in the Latin version of Sebastiano Castalione from the same period (CastB) nehilot is presented as a lyre (“praecinendum ad lyram”, “playing on the lyre”).37 In Talmudic literature nehilot is identified just once with a musical instrument. Gaon* Hai ben Sherira (eleventh century) ascribes to its sound the magic ability of charming “the buzzing of the bees” (r ōšikaÓ Äəºôrîm/ !yrwbd tkv[r). Modern scholars are inclined to regard nehilot as a double oboe with pipes of different lengths (J. Jahn, J. L. Saalschütz, A. Sendrey, A. Tomaschoff and I. H. Jones) or as a flute (D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer). There is, however, an opinion (H. A. Ewald, S. Krauss and J. W. Thirtle) that any musical rendition of the term “nehilot” is unacceptable, since the Bible does not give information about the use of the halil in the sacred rite. C. Sachs assumes that the association of the nehilot with the woodwind is illegitimate, since the change of the instrumental names mentioned in the text of the psalms to such “strange” phrases in the headings seems illogical and inexplicable. Another interpretation of the term nehilot as “inheritance” is based on the second possible etymology. It is prevalent in the Greek (πèρ τς κληρονομοúσης in LXX, πèρ κληροδοσíων in Aq., πèρ κληροχων in Symm.) and Latin (“pro hereditatibus” in Itala and PsHebr, “pro ea quae haereditatem consequitur” in PsGal) translations. It occurs also in the early English (“eritage” in WyclB, “inheritance” in DouB), Italian (“la heredita” in BIM), German (“für das Erbe” in NüB and LB), Dutch (“voor het Erve” in BGvW, “voor…erffeniffe” in BNvW), Slovenian (“sa to Erbszhino” in TruPs) and in the majority of the Church Slavonic (w íàñëhäñòâóþùûõ in the original MS of the GennB and in its principal complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, as well as in SkorB and OstB, w íàñëhäñòâóþùgì in MoscB and ElizB). In Modern Hebrew the word “nehilot” has maintained only its second, nonmusical meaning, “inheritance”. SHALISHIM (Heb. šališîm/!yvlv), probably an ancient Jewish idiophone of the sistrum type, a variety of mena‘an‘im. It is mentioned in the Bible just once (1 Sam. 18:6) in the description of how the women went out to meet Saul and David after their victorious campaign against the Philistines. The etymology of the word is not clear. The most common opinion (held by Talmudic teachers, and by later biblical scholars) concerning the origin of the term “shalishim” relates it to the Hebrew numeral three, “shalosh” (šālōš/vlv). Apuleius (ca. 125–200; Metam. XI:4), seems to confirm this when describing the Egyptian sistrum, which could well be the prototype of the biblical instrument. According to another theory (H. Gressman, A. Sendrey) the assonance between the words shalishim and shalosh is

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accidental, and the name arose as a result of the imitation of the sound of shaking, that is to say it exhibits an onomatopoeic character. The interpretation of the shalishim in Bible translations is very diverse, running through a whole gamut of musical instruments. The early versions and commentaries render it as cymbals or small cymbals (κúμβαλα in LXX, el əlîn/@ylxlx in Tg., ī lē in Syr., “cncła” in MtsB) or as a sistrum (“sistrum” in Vulg.) or little bells (pa‘amonim in b. Zevah. 86b). In some later editions shalishim is also presented as cymbals (кимвалы in SynB, “cymbals” in MofB, “cimbali” in SSP, “cencłaner” in WAB, EAB), as a sistrum (“sistrum” in NIV), or as little bells (“Zimbeln” in BEBD) and jingles (“schelle” in NüB). It is also rendered as a tambourine with tinkling discs (“tamburelli” in BILC), a triangle (“triangels” in BNBG), a trumpet or horn (“trumpis, cornets” in WyclB and DouB respectively; “hoornkens” in BNvW)38 or as a pipe (“pisstka” in PrB).39 Many translations interpret the shalishim as a stringed instrument: (a) a bowed husle (“husličky” in KrB40, “gęśle” in BP, “fides” in BLJ,41 “Geige” in LB, “Vedelen” in BGvW, гудба in SkorB), a rebeck (“rebec” in LyB, GenB,42 BpB); (b) a plucked instrument such as a lute (лютня in WCBT, “lute” in NIV), a cyster (“cysteren” in BB), a lyre (“barbitons” in CastB,43 “lyre” in TEV), a harp (“harp” in CEV), gusli (ãó ñëè in the original MS of the GennB and in its main complete copies SidB, JoachB, UvarB, as well as in OstB, MoscB, ElizB) or a three-stringed instrument (šāliš/vlv in TanJer; muÓallaÓāt in KMA). In some cases the term is used in the generic sense of a musical instrument (“instruments of musick/music” in KJV, NASB;44 “instruments de musique” in BFC; “instrumentos de musica” in SBE). Among biblical scholars there is a great variety of opinions concerning the origin of the shalishim. The majority of scholars, such as Abraham da Portaleone (1542–1612), G. Bartolocci (seventeenth century), J. N. Forkel (eighteenth century), W. Nowack, L. Haupt (both nineteenth century), F. W. Galpin, O. Glaser, E. Kolari, F. Ellermeier, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen (all twentieth century) relate the shalishim to the stringed instruments, though to different ones. Thus da Portaleone in his “Shields of the Mighty” (šiltê haggibbôrîm) defines the shalishim as “an oblong wooden three-stringed instrument, round in section and hollow inside”. Bertolocci and Forkel assume that shalishim was a generic term for all kinds of three-stringed instruments. Nowack states that the shalishim was a stringed instrument, a kind of dulcimer, whose strings were struck rather than plucked. Haupt associates it with a small angular harp similar to the Greek trigon. Glaser thinks that the word “shalishim” is a fractional number analogous to shalish in Isa. 40:12, where it means one third of an ephah (a measure of grain). He considers shalish itself to be a three-stringed instrument of uncertain type. Galpin identifies it as a kind of guitar. Kolari and Ellermeier, the latter with some reservations, identify the shalishim with the lute.

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Some scholars (A. F. Pfeiffer, J. Jahn, W. Gesenius, W. O. E. Oesterley and W. Robertson Smith) regard the shalishim as a drum or a rattle. In Pfeiffer’s opinion it was castanets, while Gesenius and Jahn prefer a triangle, and Oesterley a triangular framed drum or a tambourine. However this theory does not correspond with ancient pictographic material. Gressman likens the shalishim to the Arabic taslîs (“decorated with rings”) and comes to the conclusion that it could be similar to the modern tambourine (the one with tinkling discs). C. Sachs asserts that shalishim could be the name of a dance, since the number three is quite typical of the names of dances in many cultures and occurs in different historical periods. Such for example are the tripudium of the Roman priests of Mars, the god of war, the old German Treialtrei, or the Austrian Dreysteyrer. The proposal of J. Weiss seems to be the most probable. He refers the shalishim to the sistrum, having a frame and three bars inside with loose metal plates. The whole construction is attached to a handle. Alternatively the structure could be somewhat different, with the three bars fastened to a handle in a fan-like fashion, and having metal plates attached (Figure 5.1). Sendrey shares this view, referring to Sachs who mentions several kinds of sistrums, Sumerian and Egyptian. Moreover Sachs quotes the following phrase from an ancient source “sistrata turbo” (a crowd of women shaking sistrums in the ritual worship of the Egyptian goddess Hathor). 1 Sam. 18:6 describes a somewhat similar situation. In Modern Hebrew the word “shalishim” retains only its original meaning as a numeral.

Figure 5.1. Varieties of shalishim (schematic drawing)

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SHEMINIT (Heb. šəmînîÓ/tynymv “eighth”, fem. sg.), one of the unclear musical terms of the Bible, functionally related to the term ‘alamot (see Chapter 6). In the Tanakh it occurs three times. The first is in 1 Chr. 15:21 together with the name of the musical instrument, “on the kinnors on the eighth” (bəÂinnōrôÓ al-haššəmînîÓ/tynymvhAl[ twrnkb). The other two occurrences are in the headings of Psalms 6 and 12, but here the context is different. RSV renders “with stringed instruments; according to The Sheminith. A Psalm of David” (binə©înô¨ al-haššəmînîÓ mizmôr ləÄāwiÄ/tynymvhAl[ twnygnb dwdl rwmzm). In Ps. 12 the word binə©inô¨ is absent. The renderings of the term sheminit are divergent, both in Bible translations and in the post-biblical exegetical and scholarly commentaries. The etymology, though at first sight clear, does not help to identify the musical meaning. Early sources unanimously copy the Greek and Latin versions in the headings of the psalms: πèρ/περì/πì τς γδóης in LXX, Symm., Aq., “pro/super octava” in PsGal and PsHebr. Later on this interpretation was maintained in the English, German, Late Latin, and also partly in the Dutch and Church Slavonic traditions: “for the eygetethe” (WyclB), “upon the eighth tune” (BpB), “for the octave” (DouB), “umb den achten” (NüB), “ad octavam” (CastB, BLJ),45 “de achtste” (BNBG), w wñìhè (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete copies SidB, JoachB, UvarB), î wñìûõ, î wñìîìú (OstB, MoscB), w îñìhé (ElizB). In some cases the word is given in transliteration: “sçeminith” (GenB),46 “sheminith” (KJV, RSV, NIV, SBE), “seminit” (BP), “şeminit” (KMT), “šeminit” and шеминит (WAB and TanJer. respectively). In other cases sheminit is described as an eight-stringed instrument: íà ìóñèêiéñêîì áðÿöàògëüíîì îðóäiè wñìîñòðóíígì, íà wñìîñòðóíiè (AmPs), на восьмиструнном (SynB), на восьмиструнном инструменте (WCBT),47 “auf acht Saiten” (LB, BEBD), “op acht snaren” (BGvW), “con strumenti a otto corde” (BILC), “sur l’instrument a huit cordes” (BFC), “for/on the octachord” (NJB). There are direct indications of the type of the instrument: an eight-stringed kinnor (kinnārî dəÓəmanəyā nîmê, Tg.), lyre (“upon the eight-stringed lyre”, NASB).48 According to another interpretation sheminit could be a bowed stringed instrument with low tuning: “na godala v oktavi” (SSP). In the interpretation of the term “sheminit” in 1 Chr. 15:21 four tendencies can be discerned. The first is based on the LXX, where sheminit is used metaphorically, though not very clearly. “On the kinnors amasenith in order to raise [the voice]” (ν κινúραις αμασενιθ το νισχúσαι). Later Bible translations chose one of two ways of interpreting this phrase: (1) as an instruction to the conductor, found in “octavae praeerant ad praecinendum” (CastB),49 “para dirigir” (SBE), “giving the beat” (NJB), чтобы делать начало (SynB), or (2) as a special characteristic of the kinnors which had an

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unusually loud sound, found in “with harps on the Sheminit to excel” (KJV), øóìÿùg ïîäòâgðäèòè (OstB), åæg ïðgâçûòè (ElizB). The second is based on the Vulg. phrase “pro octava”. The term “sheminit” is defined as an instrument that is tuned an octave lower than usual: “met cythers voor de octave” (BNvW), “na lutny k osme notie zpiewachu” (PrB), “pri zpewu nizkem” (KrB), “przy spiewaniu niskiem” (BP), “harps set for bass voices” (MofB), “na harfe v nizki legi” (SSP), âú ãóñëè çà wñìóþ ïî#õu (GennB and its copies), арфа шеминиф (WCBT),50 “arpas afinadas en la octava” (SBE), “acht tonen lager” (BNBG), “sul l’ottava inferioro” (BILC). The third is a combination of the first two: “sur l’octave pour renforcer le ton” (LyB,51 GenB), “super octava ad incinandum” (BLJ).52 In some versions the idea of the low tessiture is transferred to a human voice: “cantando per loctava neli cythari” (BIM), “umb den achtesten des singes” (NüB), “grali na cytrach przy śpiewaniu niskiém” (BP). The fourth takes the word “sheminit” to mean that there were eight strings on the instrument, as in “von acht Seiten” (LB), or more specifically an eightstringed harp as in “harpen van acht snaren” (BGvW), and “Harfen von acht Saiten” (BEBD).53 Scholars also fail to agree on the definition of the enigmatic “sheminit”. In the Renaissance it was considered an eight-stringed instrument (Nicolo di Mallermi). A number of modern researchers (S. H. Langdon, A. Sendrey) regard it as a variety of kinnor, larger in size, having eight strings, lower tuning and consequently a louder sound. There is however an opposite view in which sheminit is thought to be an instrument with a higher register that implied playing a melody an octave higher (D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer). Some authors hold that sheminit meant the bass male choirs (W. Gesenius, F. J. Delitzsch). According to a nineteenth-century theory the term had once been an indication that the melody was to be transposed an octave lower or higher (H. A. Ewald, J. Olshausen),54 but this is implausible. In the twentieth century an even less convincing proposal was made, associating sheminit with the Byzantine eight-mode system (octoechos),55 but this was quickly rejected by musicologists such as E. Werner.56 Some scholars relate the word “sheminit” to the sphere of ritual. Thus J. W. Thirtle supposed that Psalms 6 and 12 were “the psalms of the eighth [the most solemn] day of a religious feast” for example Sukkot*. And S. Mowinckel claimed that the same psalms were intended for the final stage of the purification ritual. There is one more highly improbable opinion, namely that the term “sheminit” represented a distorted version of the name of a certain clan, the nethinim*, the Temple servants who were appointed for singing the psalms (T. K. Cheyne).57

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In Modern Hebrew the word retains only its original sense of the ordinal number “eighth” or a fraction “one eighth”. SHUSHAN, shoshan (Heb. šûšan/@vwv, “lily”), one of the unclear musical terms of the Bible. It occurs in the headings of several psalms (Pss 45, 60, 69 and 80) and is variously interpreted both in Bible translations and in exegetical studies. There are several non-musical theories about the term. One is that it means a ritual round dance that accompanied the singing of sacred hymns. This view, proposed by A. Sendrey, is based on the second meaning of the Greek word κρíνον in Liddell and Scott’s Greek-English Lexicon, that of a choral dance. A second theory (S. Mowinckel, D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer) holds that shushan is a special “botanical oracle”, a “lily of the testimony” (šûšan ēÄûÓ/twd[ @vwv, Ps. 60 and possibly Ps. 80, though there the Masoretic punctuation separates the two words), and the four psalms mentioned above were recited at the oracle. A third view is of a symbolic image of spring (the word “shushan” is taken as a generic term for “flowers”) and the Jewish Pesah associated with this season, when the four psalms were to be sung (J. W. Thirtle). Finally, there is the view of C. Sachs, who rejects any singing or instrumental understanding of shushan on two grounds. First of all, the Psalter has no specific indications concerning the manner of performing the psalms, either vocal psalmody or accompaniment by instruments. Second there is no reason why the psalm headings should contain such strange words and phrases as those with the term “shushan” instead of giving the well known names of instruments like kinnor and nevel58 that are used in the main poetic text. In early Bible translations shushan is understood as a non-musical reference and appears mainly as “lilies” or “flowers of the testimony” (τν κρíνων μαρτυρíας in Aq., τν νθων μαρτυρíας in Symm., “pro liliis testimonium/testimonii” in PsHebr), or as “a change” (τν λλοιωθησομéνων in LXX, “his qui immutabuntur/commutabuntur” in PsGal). The latter theme was developed later in some traditions, such as English (“chaungid” in WyclB 1, “for them that shall be changed” in DouB), Italian (“se commutaran”, “son commutati” in BIM) and Church Slavonic (w èçìhíøûõñ#/w èçìhíøèõñ#/î èçìgíüøèõñÿ/w èçìhí#gìûõú in the original MS of the GennB and in its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, also in SkorB, OstB, MoscB, ElizB). Only the Targum shows a completely different approach to the etymology of the word “shushan”, deriving it from the noun “shonim” (šonîm/!ynv, “teachers”). Thus the headings of the four psalms listed above mention David, the sons of Korah, and Asaph as members of the Great Sanhedrin* (court). Some scholars (F. Vatable,59 F. J. Delitzsch, A. Tomaschoff, Sendrey) claim that the phrases al-šōšānnîm/ al-šôšannîm/!ynvvAl[, !ynvwvAl[ (lit. “on/to the

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lilies”, Pss 45, 69), al-šûšan ēÄûÓ/twd[ @vwvAl[ “on/to a lily of the testimony”, Ps. 60) and ’el-šōšānnîm ēÄûÓ/twd[ !ynvvAla (“on/to the lilies of testimony”, Ps. 80) may be the opening words of an ancient popular song. Its tune would have been chosen by the authors of the psalms for their performance. A large number of modern Bible versions (English, German, Dutch, Slovenian and Russian) render the word identically: “to the tune of ‘The Lilies’”, “to the tune of ‘Lily/Lilies of the Law’” in MofB; “tune ‘Lilies’”, “to the tune ‘The Decree is a Lily’ ”, “The Decrees are Lilies” in NJB; “to the tune of ‘Lilies’”, “to the tune of ‘The Lily of the Covenant’” in NIV; “to the tune ‘Lilies’”, ‘to the tune ‘Lily of the Promise’”, “to the tune ‘Lilies of the Agreement’” in NASB; “op de wijze van ‘De lelien’ ”, “op de wijze van ‘De lelie der getuigenis’” in BNBG; “nach der Weisung ‘Lilien’ ” in BEBD; “po napevu ‘Lilije’ ” in SSP, на мелодию ‘Лилии’, на мелодию ‘Лилии завета’, на мелодию ‘Лилии согласия’ in WCBT. Within the “lily” theme there are, however, some opaque expressions, like “sobre Lirios” in SBE, “according to Lilies” in RSV, “for liles/lilies” in WyclB, “de lilijs” in BLJ. Here also perhaps the tune of a song is implied, but not very clearly. In some translations the name of the flower has been changed unexpectedly from a “lily” to a “rose”: “on the roosis” in WyclB, “von den Rosen” in LB, “van der Roosen” in BGvW, “ad rosas” in CastB, “super rosa” in BLJ. Quite often shushan was regarded as a bell-shaped musical instrument resembling a lily. According to Bible commentators it may have been: (a) a six-stringed instrument of the dulcimer type (Rashi, an eleventh-century Talmudic scholar, sometimes W. Gesenius, a nineteenth-century scholar); (b) a kind of lyre like those depicted on the Jewish coins of 132–135 (P. Romanoff); (c) bells or small cymbals (F. J. Delitzsch); and (d) even a reed instrument (sometimes Gesenius) or a flute with three holes, similar to the whistle of the ninth century BCE in the shape of a bull’s head (see Figure 5.2) found beneath Tell Nimrud (S. H. Langdon). The idea of an instrument is reflected in different translations of the Psalter. Usually it is transliterated: “Sosannim/Susannim” (LyB),60 “Sçusçannim” (GenB),61 “on Shoshannim” (BpB),62 “na Ssossanym” (KrB),63 “ná Szoszánimech” (BudB), “na sosannim” (BP), “sosannim üzre” (KMT), “according to the Shoshannim” (CEV),64 “на шушаним/шошаним” (SynB, TanJer). There are, however, more specific identifications: a six-stringed instrument (íà øgñòèñòðóííhì îðóäiè, AmPs),65 a six-stringed lute (“liuto a sei corde”, BILC), and a guitar (“guitare” in BFC). In Modern Hebrew shushan retains its meaning of “a lily”, an ancient symbol of purity and innocence.

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Figure 5.2. Whistle, presumably of Babylonian origin. Nimrud, ninth century BCE (Royal Asiatic Society, London)

SUMPONIAH, siponiah (Aram. sûmpōnyā, sîpōnyā/hynpmws, hynpys), one of the unclear musical terms of the Bible. It occurs in the late book of Daniel (3:5, 10, 15) among the instruments of the court orchestra of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II. The omission of the word in Dan. 3:7 and the variation in its spelling are considered to be scribal errors, which were then incorporated into the Masoretic Text. The identification of the meaning of the term is extremely difficult, partly because of its phonetic similarity to the Greek noun συμφωνíα (“symphony”). To date biblical scholars have no clear idea of the origin of the term sumponiah. Its primary meaning of a “joint sounding” (συμ-φωνíα) could equally well signify the harmonious singing of several voices, or the playing of an instrumental ensemble. Alternatively it could be the name of a specific instrument.66 It may originally have been the name of a Chaldean instrument sumponiah, which the Greeks may have adopted from the east and developed. Later the sumponiah may have been re-exported with a new name. Such cases of the migration of musical instruments and of their names within a region happened quite often in the history of ancient cultures (see Chapter 2, Pesanterin and Qaytros). In addition the fact that at least part of the book of Daniel (2:4b–7:28) was probably written in Aramaic in the third or second centuries BCE should also be taken into account. It related events set

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almost 300–400 years earlier (sixth century BCE), but the author used the musical vocabulary of the Hellenistic period and naturally introduced some hellenisms.67 The interpretations of the term sumponiah are very diverse. Most plausible are two theories. In one of them sumponiah is regarded as harmony, concord. Pindar (518−438 BCE; “Pythian Ode” I, 70) was the first writer attested to use it in this sense. The LXX seems to have taken the same path, but projected it into the field of music. Here sumponiah obviously denotes harmony and ensemble playing. The only mention of the Greek equivalent of sumponiah in the Gospels: κουσεν συμφωνíας καì χορν (“he heard music and dancing”, Lk. 15:25) has the same meaning. Many works by ancient Roman historians (Polybius, ca. 200–ca. 120 BCE), philosophers (Seneca, ca. 4 BCE–65 CE), Church Fathers and western Christian theologians (Tertullian, ca. 160–ca. 220; Jerome, ca. 345–ca. 419; Augustine, 354–430; Isidore of Seville, ca. 560–636; Nicholas of Lyra, ca. 1270–1349) and humanists of the Renaissance (Johannes Reuchlin, 1455– 1522) also testify to a consistent understanding of the term. Jerome’s opinion is of particular importance, since he knew not only the original languages of the Old Testament, but the culture of the Near East as well. In his commentary on Daniel 3 he explains the term sumponiah as “consonantia” (“harmony”). Augustine also specifies the “harmonious sound” (“symphonia”) of the strings of the kithara (Enarrat. in Ps. I, 9). With the passage of time the word gradually changed its meaning. Nevertheless in the view of the theologians it still retained a similar sense (Isidore of Seville, “Etymologiae”, III:21) or was thought to have had this sense in the past (Nicholas of Lyra, “Postilla super totam Bibliam”; Johannes Reuchlin, “Vocabularius breviloquus”). The latter extends the notion of sumponiah, which then included both the instrumental and the vocal spheres. In one case the folk tradition (the Moroccan ShTaf) even specified the instruments of a string ensemble, namely a lute ( ūÄ) and its Maghreb variety, which according to M. Bar-Asher, was a rbâb. F. W. Galpin, C. Sachs and E. Kolari are among the twentieth-century scholars who share the view that sumponiah means the perfect harmony of the ensemble. This view is also presented in the Encyclopaedia Judaica (B. Bayer). C. H. Dyer does not exclude this possibility, but at the same time he claims that the phrase “and every kind of music” (wəÂōl zənê zəmārā’/ armz ynz lkw), which follows the word “sumponiah” in all three occurrences is synonymous with sumponiah. Of these two semantically close terms one of them (most likely sumponiah) he considers to be redundant. Dyer, however, fails to take into account that here the author may have used the principle of semantic parallelism (parallelismus membrorum) typical of semitic literature. Another proposal, by which sumponiah is rendered as the folk name of a double frame drum (“vulgo appelatur”: Isidore of Seville)68 is based on

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modern theories rather than on historical data.69 T. C. Mitchell and R. Joyce consider that the word “sumponiah” is a dialectal form of the ancient Greek τúμπανον that appeared as a result of phonetic change in eastern dialects of Greek, and from there penetrated into Aramaic. Dyer, A. Sendrey, L. F. Hartmann, A. A. DiLella and J. C. Whitcomb regard the sumponiah as a membranophone. Taking into account the information given in literary sources and supported by pictographic material from the Near East, they add a representative of the otherwise absent percussion group, thus providing a complete court ensemble. This, they say, matches the musical tradition of many Mesopotamian civilizations.70 Other theories are more speculative. In some sources the sumponiah is identified with the ‘ugav (Abraham Ibn Ezra; 1092−1167), with the metal flute (S. B. Finesinger, probably influenced by the Talmud* in m. Kelim XI:6, where sumponiah is described as a double flute), or with the lyre (Franciscan exegete Johannes Marchesini, 1455–1522). The sumponiah is also associated with the lute type instrument rbâb in the commentaries (Sharh) on The Studied Language (Ləšōn Limûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by the eighteenth-century Moroccan Bible commentator Rafael Bergudo. Finally it is interpreted as a specific kind of harp by the twentieth-century musicologist E. Wellesz. There are some dubious theories, in which sumponiah is presented as an uncertain musical instrument (ancient Greek grammarian Athenaeus of the second century CE; Talmudic tractates of the third–sixth centuries; Nicholas of Lyra). The bagpipe seems to be the most common interpretation of the sumponiah. It goes back to the Latin poet Venantius Fortunatus (ca. 530– 609), then appears in the Middle Ages (Sa‘adia ben Nahmani, 1194–1270) and in the Renaissance (Johannes Reuchlin, who gives it as an alternative meaning of sumponiah) and persists into the twentieth century (S. B. Finesinger, P. Barry, F. Behn, L. Wood, D. G. Stradling and K. A. Kitchen). The vitality of this interpretation can be partly explained by the fact that the term has been introduced into the musical folklore of different peoples. Thus in Syrian Greek, sumponiah is the name of a bagpipe. The late medieval French “chifonie” (hurdy-gurdy) also derives from the word “sumponiah.” The Russian scholar G. Diachenko believed that the early Russian word сиполица may have been a phonetically modified variant of sumponiah, with the meaning of a pipe, but there is no evidence to support this view. Similar names have been retained in some languages down to the present, for example, Italian “zampugna”, “sampugna”. However, musicologists such as C. Sachs think that in the period described in the book of Daniel and even later, bagpipes did not exist in the musical culture of Mesopotamia. Bible translations also have many conflicting interpretations of sumponiah. Both LXX and Vulg. render it as a harmonious playing of instruments (συμφωνíα and “symphonia” respectively). This understanding was then

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accepted by a number of other versions (late as well as early): Armenian (“miabanutiun nvagaras”, MtsB), English (“symphony”, WyclB 2, DouB), Italian (“simphonia”, BIM), Dutch (“simphonie”, BB), Latin (“symphonia”, CastB, BLJ), Polish (“głos symfonału”, BP),71 Church Slavonic (ãëàñú cqíôîíèi, ãëàñú ñúãëàñüíûèõ/ñúãëàñíûõú DanCyr, DanSim, the original MS of the GennB and its main complete and incomplete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, Proph 1 and 2, also OstB, MoscB; ãëàñú ñúãëàcíèö, DanMeth; ñîãëàñi#, ElizB) and Russian (симфония, SynB). There are some cases when sumponiah appears as a generic label for musical instruments (“nvagaranner”, EAB). Elsewhere it is taken to indicate the sound of a woodwind (mizmār, KMA; ïèñêú, DanCyr, DanMeth, DanSim, OstB, MoscB), even with an added aesthetic evaluation: “sweet sound” (“sladky zwuk”, Dan. 3:15 PrB). Of special interest are three editions (French GenB, Czech KrB and Georgian “Bakari” edition), all proposing a vocal interpretation of the term sumponiah: “chantrerie” (GenB),72 “zpiwanj” (KrB), “mehmeobi” (GB). However, the predominant interpretation of sumponiah is as a specific instrument, though different classes of instrument are suggested. Most commonly it is taken to represent the strings: zither or psaltery (“sautrie/sawtrie”, WyclB 1), small viola (“violeta”, BIM), lyre (“leyr”, NüB), lute (“Laute”, LB; “Luyte”, BGvW; “kobos”, Dan. 3:7 PrB),73 fiddle (“vedel”, BNvW), dulcimer (“dulcimer”, BpB, ASV), or harp (“гарфа”, SkorB). Another popular interpretation is as a woodwind: flute or oboe (nay, Tafsir;74 “doucine”,75 LyB; “diple”,76 SSP; “pipes”, NIV), bagpipe (“bagpipe”, MofB, RSV, NASB, NJV; “zampogna”, BILC; “zampoсa”, SBE; “doedelzak”, BNBG; “cornemuse”, BFC; “tik”, WAB; “stviri”, GCB; “gayda”, KMT; волынка, WCBT). Once it is rendered as a percussion instrument (тимпан, TanJer). In Modern Hebrew the word “sumponiah” spelt according to current orthographic norms as sîm¼ônyā/hynwpmys signifies “a symphony”, a genre of orchestral music.

Bibliography Baethgen, F. (1897) gittit; Bar-Asher, M. (1998) mahol, sumponiah; Barry, P. (1904) sumponiah; Bartolocci, G. (1675-93) shalishim; Bayer, B. (1968, 1982b) neginot, sumponiah; Behn, F. (1954) sumponiah; Calmet, A. (1780) gittit; Cheyne, T. K. (1891, 1899) sheminit; Cowley, A. E. (1923) neginot; Delitzsch, F. J. (1892) gittit, sheminit, shushan;

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Diachenko, G. (1993) sumponiah; Dvoretsky, I. K. (1958) sumponiah; Dyer, C. H. (1990) sumponiah; Ellermeier, F. (1970a) shalishim; Ewald, H. A. (1866) nehilot, sheminit; Finesinger, S. B. (1926) sumponiah; Forkel, J. N. (1788) shalishim; Foxvog, D. A. and Kilmer A. D. (1980, 1986) mahol, neginot, nehilot, sheminit, shushan; Fürst, J. (1840) neginot; Galpin, F. W. (1937, 1970) sumponiah, shalishim; Gesenius, W. (1906) gittit, mahol, shalishim, sheminit, shushan; Glaser, O. (1935) shalishim; Gressmann, H. (1903) shalishim; Hartmann, L. F., and DiLella A. A. (1978) sumponiah; Haupt, L. (1854) shalishim; Herder, J. G. (1833) mahol; Jahn, J. (1835) gittit, nehilot, shalishim; Jones, I. H. (1986) nehilot; Kolari, E. (1947) shalishim, sumponiah; Krauss, S. (1910–12) nehilot; Langdon, S. H. (1921) sheminit, shushan; Liddell, H. G. and Scott R. (1953) shushan; Mitchell, T. C. and Joyce R. (1965) sumponiah; Mowinckel, S. (1923-26) mahol, neginot, sheminit, shushan; Nowack, W. (1894) shalishim; Oesterley, W. O. E. (1955) gittit, shalishim; Olshausen, J. (1835) sheminit; Pfeiffer, A. F. (1779) mahol, shalishim; Redslob, G. M. (1831) gittit; Robertson Smith, W. (1926) shalishim; Romanoff, P. (1944) shushan; Saalschütz, J. L. (1925) mahol, nehilot; Sachs, C. (1978) gittit, neginot, nehilot, shalishim, sheminit, shushan, sumponiah; Sendrey, A. (1969) mahol, neginot, nehilot, shalishim, sheminit, shushan, sumponiah; Stradling, D. G. and K. A. Kitchen (1982) shalishim, sumponiah; Thirtle, J. W. (1904) gittit, mahol, nehilot, sheminit, shushan; Tomaschoff, A. (1983) mahol, nehilot, shushan; Weiss, J. (1895) shalishim; Whitcomb, J. C. (1985) sumponiah; Wood, L. (1973) sumponiah.

Endnotes 1. François Vatable, a sixteenth-century French Hebraist expresses the same opinion in his comment on this psalm. 2. This rendering of gittit in scholarly works has something in common with its interpretation in some early Christian exegesis: “The psalms with the inscription ‘about

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the winepresses…represent…the totality of the churches and the multitude of those gathered…, for as in winepresses out of a great amount of grapes of different kinds one mixed wine is produced so in the churches out of many prayers one prayer and one hymn is uplifted to God. Earlier there really had been a winepress in a certain place in Jerusalem, where those who gathered lifted up their prayer to God” (Origen, third century; Ες τοùς ψαλμοùς). 3. In the eighteenth-century scholarly commentaries (Sharh) on The Studied Language (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by the Moroccan exegete Rafael Bergudo gittit is even regarded as a stringed instrument qîtra, a local kind of lyre. 4. Both translations include marginal comments (probably written by the editors) that explain many of the unclear terms of the Tehillim. Thus, in LyB gittit has two meanings: “musical instrument” and “a song, or more likely, the beginning of a popular song”. The GenB of 1588 gives a slightly different rendering: “a musical instrument unknown in our days that accompanied certain psalms”. 5. Szymon Budny (sixteenth century) gives an explanatory marginal gloss: “gittit means an instrument for the singers”. 6. In BpB, as in many other Bible translations with comments the term gittit is interpreted as “a musical instrument or a tune”. In one case (Ps. 81) a more precise definition is added: “instrument of musike brought from Geth”. 7. The NJB translators leave the headings of Pss 8, 81 and 84 as they are, but explain the term in their footnote to Ps. 8:1 giving two possibilities: “Perhaps a harp of Gath, or a melody of Gath (of Philistine origin)”. 8. The term “choir” mentioned twice in DouB (Ps. 149:3 and 150:4) also refers to the category of dances, those accompanied by choral singing. 9. For this term see Chapter 1, endnote 2. 10. The term “hinga” is used in this meaning in Tg. Onq., where it appears as a synonym for halil. There are two other interpretations of the word: “stringed instrument” (see Chapter 2, Kinnor) and “dance”. 11. The old French term “flageol” (from Latin “flageolum”) means the end-blown flute. 12. However, in the marginal note to Exod. 15:20 and Judg. 11:34; 21:21, where mahol is translated as a musical instrument in the main text, it is rendered as “danse”. This interpretation occurs in the majority of other places. 13. “Chorus” is an instrument made of skin; it has two wooden pipes (fistulas): one through which it is inflated, and the other through which the sound is produced. In French it is called “chevrete”. The modern chevrette is a small shepherd’s bagpipe, still in use today in the Auvergne. 14. For instance, wayəhî ka-’ǎšer qāraº ’el-hamma ǎnē wayyar ’eÓ-hā ē©el ûmə ōlōÓ/ tljmw lg[hAta aryw hnjmjAla brq rvak yhyw (“As soon as he [Moses] came near the camp and saw the calf and the dancing”, Exod. 32:19). 15. Gesenius could possibly be thinking here of the medieval name of a Welsh lyre, the crwth. Originally it was a plucked instrument, but from the fourteenth century it became a bowed stringed instrument. 16. In the copy of 1596 in the RSLMB in Moscow there is a marginal note that explains the term as an “instrument with wind” (“nastrog s wetrem”), which could supposedly mean a woodwind instrument or a bagpipe. 17. In BpB the expression al-mā ǎlaÓ is explained in the same way as all other unclear terms as “an instrument or a tune”. 18. The metathesis (“стр” instead of “рст”) must be a scribal error.

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19. However, in the comments to the headings of Pss 53 and 88 the translators do not exclude the instrumental interpretation of mā ǎlaÓ, and suggest that it may be a flute. 20. In BLJ the comments on this psalm ascribed to the sixteenth century French Hebraist François Vatable explain the term mahol in two possible ways: “a musical instrument or the beginning of a folk song”. 21. In the Ethiopic Psalter (EthPs), təfāš āt the term used to render mahol carries an opposite meaning, namely joy. 22. The translators of NASB also share this opinion, as seen from their comments on these psalms. 23. The term ψαλμóς implies instrumental rendition as well as singing (for details see Chapter 3, ‘Ugav). 24. Perhaps the early translators were influenced at least to some extent by another meaning of the term “neginot” that had gradually been crystallizing and was finally established in post-biblical times. The Talmud* and Midrash* use it for a type of cantillation to which the Torah is recited (b. Ber. 62a; b. Meg. 3a, 32a; t. Sop. 3:10). Later on the phrase ā amê banə©inā/hngnb ym[f (“the accentuation to be used when cantillating”) became a common term in an elaborate system of accentuation signs (vowel pointing and accents; their graphic designation developed from the fixing of the cheironomic gestures). In fact this phrase became the name of a special notation which shows graphically not only the pitch of the recitation, but also the melismatics. In one of the modern editions of the haftorōt (PH p. 1035) the expression “binə©înoÓā”, as in the comment on Hab 3:19 (included in the haftora on the second day of Shavuot*) attests that the musical accompaniment of the Temple service was antiphonal: the exclamations of the priests were interspersed with the instrumental responses of the Levites. 25. According to the marginal comment to Ps. 4, the term “neginot” regarded as a musical instrument proves “that this psalm should not only be sung with a voice, but should also be accompanied by musical instruments”. 26. In the comment which explains a number of ambiguous terms of the Tehillim* the editors of the GenB of 1588 refer the word “neginot” (as well as ‘alamot and nehilot) to the sphere of singing. They state that it implied “the name of certain sounds [here the melodies are probably meant] of the ancient music of the Jews, which the sacred songs were to be sung to”. In the translation of some verses (Job 30:9; Ps. 69:13; Lam. 3:14) neginot is interpreted similarly as a “song” (“chanson”). 27. In the edition of 1596 (Moscow, RSLMB) there is a marginal note, in which it is rendered as “an instrument that produces sounds without wind” (“nastrog bez wetru zwuk wydawagicy”), that is, not by blowing the air in. 28. This verb may well be an earlier form of the post-biblical name of a well known tune niggûn/@wgn. 29. In the Hasidic musical tradition the jubilus syllables “ay”, “bay”, “oi” and “doi” are called “nigunin”. 30. The preposition ěl/la found in the Masoretic text instead of al/l[, as required by the context, is generally considered by textual scholars to be an ancient scribal error. 31. For the meaning of this term see Mahol above, endnote 10. 32. In the comments explaining a number of the unclear terms in the Tehillim* the editors of the GenB of 1588 refer the word “nehilot” (as well as ‘alamot and neginot) to the sphere of singing. They explain nehilot as “the name of certain sounds of the ancient music of the Jews, to which the sacred songs…were to be sung”. They are probably referring to melodies.

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33. In the copy of 1594 in the RSLMB there is a marginal note which explains this term as “instrument muzycky wetrem zwuk wydagjicy”, “a musical instrument that produces the sound by means of wind”, that is, by blowing the air out. This would imply a woodwind instrument or a bagpipe. 34. BpB explains nehilot as well as other ambiguous terms in a standard way as “a musical instrument or a tune”. 35. In the comments on this psalm in BLJ ascribed to the sixteenth-century French Hebraist François Vatable the term “lyricum” is rendered as “a musical instrument that got its name from the blowing by means of which it produces sound”. 36. The unclear term is given an explanatory marginal note, which says, “Nechilot is a musical instrument similar to the one that we call today domra”. 37. For this translation see Chapter 6, ‘Alamot. 38. For the meaning of the term see Chapter 4, Mena‘an‘im, endnote 11. 39. The word “pisstka” is probably a contraction of the term “pissialka”, although perhaps in the fifteenth century such a form existed in Czech. 40. The term “husličky” (a diminutive from “husle”) possibly means the bowed stringed instrument husle, or one of its varieties. 41. In the BLJ notes ascribed to the sixteenth-century French Hebraist François Vatable, a different terminological solution is proposed. The shalishim is interpreted both as a sistrum and as cymbals. Vatable also gives an alternative interpretation of the word: “In Hebrew shalishim are three-stringed instruments. Others say they are special songs.” 42. The editors of the GenB of 1588 give a marginal note to the term “shalishim” with two alternative renderings: “cymbals” (cymbales) and even “songs” (cantiques). 43. However in classical Latin poetry the term “barbitos” was often used as a generic label for the stringed instruments. Sebastiano Castalione also used the term with this meaning. 44. In commenting on the term “shalishim” the editors of NASB give other possible interpretations as “triangles, or, three-stringed instruments.” 45. In the commentary on BLJ, ascribed to the French sixteenth-century Hebraist François Vatable, the expression “ad octavam” is interpreted as “singing with a tense sound and a very clear voice”. 46. In the comments explaining the uncertain terms of the Psalter and in the marginal note to the heading of Ps. 6, the editors of the GenB of 1588 explained the word “sheminit” as “a musical instrument called by the Greeks ‘octachordon’ ” (an eightstringed instrument). 47. In the notes to the headings of these psalms the translators list three hypotheses about the meaning of the term “sheminit”: (a) an unusual musical instrument; (b) a special tuning of an instrument; (c) one of the two main groups of the Temple ensemble, that of the harps. 48. The editors of NASB also consider possible the interpretation of the term “sheminit” as an instrument tuned “according to a lower octave”. 49. In a marginal note to this phrase, the translator says with refreshing candour “Hoc non intelligo” (“This I do not understand”). 50. In the notes to 1 Chr. 15:21 the term шеминиф is tentatively explained as a low sound. 51. The marginal note to this verse contains a conjecture that the word “Seminith” could also mean “an eight-stringed musical instrument.”

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52. François Vatable suggests that here the word “sheminit” means playing “an eightstringed musical instrument.” However he adds “Others say that in Hebrew ‘seminith’ is a kind of melody.” 53. In the note to 1 Chr. 15:21 the editors of NASB give a similar explanation of the term “sheminit,” but in the Biblical text it appears in transliteration (“lyres tuned to the Sheminith”). 54. This idea is based on the parallel with ancient Greek music theory, in which the concept of an octave (διà πασν) as the eighth tone of the scale was indeed known. However it seems unlikely that the Jews, who strictly observed all national cultic traditions (including the musical tradition) would allow elements of pagan teaching to intrude into their sacred world. Such borrowing could arise from the instrumental sphere. The Greeks knew a specific method of playing on the kithara called “syrigma” (σúριγμα), which is described in the literature (Athenaeus, second century CE; Deipn. IV, 638−639). The point was that the performer, while plucking the string to produce its normal note, simultaneously touched it in the middle, thus giving the octave doubling of the main sound. It could well be that the Chronicler implied such a harmonic method of playing the kinnor (1 Chr. 15:21). 55. Such a parallel is impossible for many reasons, the most important of which are the chronological gap between ancient Jewish and Byzantine art, and the ideological incongruity of the Jewish and Christian musical cultures. However some scholars such as Sendrey do not exclude the possibility of a certain mode system in the ancient Jewish temple tradition of psalm singing. Within this tradition certain groups of Levite singers would have sung in specific modes. 56. Werner expresses his position in a private letter to C. Sachs, but he does not offer any alternative explanation. 57. This obviously cannot be correlated with the liturgical practice of the Temple. It is very unlikely that the singing of the psalms, the most important element of the service, could be entrusted to the lower rank of Temple servants, who merely attended the Levites (Ezra 8:20). 58. Thus in the Russian SynB the heading of Ps. 79 (MT 80) has the phrase “На музыкальном орудии Шошаним Эдуф”. 59. François Vatable, a sixteenth-century French Hebraist says in his comments to Pss 45 and 80 that the phrase “super sosanim” means “a musical instrument, or the beginning of a song perhaps sung during folk festivals; this psalm was sung to its tune”. 60. In the marginal note to Pss 45, 60, 69 and 80 the term “shushan” is rendered either “the beginning of a song to whose tune this psalm was sung, or a musical instrument”. 61. However “the pastors and professors of the Geneva Church”, who in 1588 edited the French ecclesiastical Bible translation of P. R. Olivetan, interpret the term “shushan” (as well as al-mā ǎlaÓ”, see Mahol above) and some others as “the opening words of certain songs that were known in those remote times and composed to praise the good deeds of the Lord”. 62. Following a sixteenth-century tradition the translators of BpB interpret the term “shushan” as a “musicall instrument”. 63. The copy of this Bible of 1596 (RSLMB) contains a marginal note to this term in the heading of Ps. 60, in which it is rendered as a six-stringed instrument (“instrument o 6 strunach”). 64. In footnotes on the headings of the psalms, however, the CEV editors interpret the term “shushan” as a lily.

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65. In the Introduction to the AmPs. the author, Amvrosi, Archbishop of Moscow, also writes that the term “shushan” (созанним in his spelling) may have meant “the beginning of a song, to whose tune this psalm was sung”. Another possible translation (“about the lilies” or “on the lilies of testimony”) implies in his opinion that “this psalm should be sung during the time of blossom, that is, in spring”. A similar rendering is given in the marginal note of the Polish Psalter (BudB), where the translator Szymon Budny says, “shushan means the lily flowers, but here it means a musical instrument, or this is the beginning of a song, to whose melody this psalm is to be sung”. 66. A surprising change in the meaning of the word sumponiah occurred in later Egyptian culture. It is now pronounced “sinfuniyya” and is used in the recitation of the Qur’an (qirā’at). It refers to the skill of the reciter in making big leaps and wide range runs. 67. See Chapter 2, Qaytros, endnote 56. 68. Isidore of Seville identifies the sumponiah as a double frame drum (“lignum cavum ex utraque parte pelle extentam”, “a hollow piece of wood covered with skin on each side”). However he describes its sound rather strangely as “the most sweet singing” (“suavissimus cantus”; “Etymologiae”, III:21). But in the previous chapter of the same treatise (III:20) sumponiah is associated with the sambuque and is treated as a generic label for the woodwinds (see Chapter 2, Sabbeka’). No sound characteristics are mentioned in the latter passage. 69. The “Ancient Greek-Russian Dictionary” compiled by I. K. Dvoretsky (vol. 2) gives one of the meanings of the word συμφωνíα as a “kind of percussion instrument”, referring to ancient Greek sources (Polybius, Diodorus, Plutarch). 70. The “Greek-English Lexicon” of Liddell and Scott gives one meaning as “band, orchestra” with a reference to Polybius. 71. The meaning of the term remains unclear. Perhaps the translators intended one of the possible forms of transcription of the word sumponiah. 72. In the marginal note the word sumponiah is explained as a “melody” (“melodie”). However, the editors of the GenB of 1588 admit the conjectural nature of the translation, as well as of the other instrumental terminology in Daniel 3. 73. PrB has an unusual term “krzidlo” (lit. a “wing”, nowadays also meaning a grand piano, and spelt “křidlo”). Perhaps the occurrence in Dan. 3:5 may imply a wing-shaped instrument, such as for instance the wing-shaped gusli. It is used in the Tanakh several times in different meanings: the wings of the cherubim (Exod. 25:20; 37:9; 1 Kgs 8:7; 2 Chr. 5:8), the wings of birds (Eccl. 10:20; Ezek. 17:2, 7), once in a symbolic way as the wings of wealth (Prov. 23:5), and once in a geographical context (Isa. 18:1). It was given a musical interpretation in the Talmud (m. Kelim XI:6) and in later scholarly literature (S. B. Finesinger and others). The dual form of the noun kəna¼ayim makes possible its rendering either as a double-reed or double flute (both instruments having two bores), or as a harp or lyre (the sound body of these instruments has two arms). But these are only hypotheses for which there is as yet no evidence. 74. The term “nay” comes from Farsi, where it probably meant a reed instrument (that is of an oboe type). In Arabic musical culture however nay is a generic label for all kinds of flutes. 75. The term “doucine” seems to be the early name of the dulcian, a woodwind reed instrument. 76. The term “diple” in Slovenian musical culture, apart from the generic label for woodwinds can also mean a bagpipe. So the alternative interpretation is also possible.

Chapter 6

GENERIC AND UNCLEAR MUSICAL TERMS

Terracotta fragment, probably of a cylindrical drum. Abu Hawan, ca. 1000 BCE (Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem)

‘ALAMOT (Heb. ǎlāmôÓ/twml[, from the noun almā/hml[ (“a girl”) or from the homonymous noun “a secret”. Other possible hypotheses of its origin are: from ôlām/!lw[ (“eternity”) or from ǎlûmîm/!ymlw[ (“youth”). It is one of the unclear biblical musical terms, and has some functional link with sheminit (Chapter 5). In the Tanakh* it is mentioned twice. The first time it occurs in 1 Chr. 15:20 together with the name of a musical instrument: “on the nevels on the ‘alamot” (binºālîm al- ǎlāmôÓ/twml[-l[ !ylbnb). The second time it appears in the heading of Ps. 46 along with another musical instruction “a song on the ‘alamot” ( al- ǎlāmôÓ šîr/ryv twml[Al[). All four etymological variants can be found in a great variety of contradictory interpretations of the term, both in Bible translations and in the extensive exegetical and scholarly comments. The last two meanings (“eternity” and

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“youth”) are dominant in the early translation tradition of the Psalter: “in the ages” (πèρ τν ανων in Symm.), “for the youth” (πì νεανικóτητων in Aq., “pro juventutibus” in PsHebr), and later on in the German and Dutch sixteenth-century versions (“von den Jugent” in LB and “van der eucht” in BGvW). The two main ancient translations of the Bible (LXX and Vulg.), as well as many of the later translations (including the first English WyclB1 and DouB, German NüB, Italian BIM, Czech PrB, and almost all Church Slavonic translations, from GennB down to ElizB) follow the second possible etymology of ‘alamot, “a secret”, and render it in Ps. 46 (LXX 45) as πèρ τν κρυφíων (LXX), “pro arcanis” (PsGal), “for the priue things” (WyclB), “for the hidden” (DouB), “le cose secrete” (BIM), “heimlichkeit” (NüB),2 “tayne wieczy prozpiewowachu” (PrB), w òàéíûõú (the original MS of the GennB and its main complete copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB,3 and also SkorB, OstB, MoscB, ElizB). In 1 Chr. 15:20 it appears as “mysteries upon psalteries” (DouB), “heimlich gesang” (NüB), “oor de verborghentheden” (BNvW), òàéíû ïî#õu (GennB, ElizB), and òèõîãëàñíî ïî#õu (OstB, MoscB). According to Sebastiano Castalione’s sixteenth-century Latin version (CastB)4 ‘alamot signifies the musical conducting of the ensemble of girls (“puellis praeerant”). This interpretation has nothing to do with the etymology of the term. In a number of cases (BLJ, KJV, RSV, NIV, NASB, SBE, KMT, TanJer) the translators preferred to maintain the enigma and give just a phonetic transliteration (alamoth, аламот)5, or put it as the name of a musical instrument.6 So in 1 Chr. 15:20 it is conveyed as ν νáβλαις πì λαμẃθ (LXX), “on Alamoth” (BpB),7 “sur Alamoth” (LyB),8 “sur Halamoth” (GenB),9 “super alamoth” (BLJ),10 “taviłnerov Alamoti” (WAB), на аламоф лирах (WCBT). In Ps. 46 (LXX 45) it is found as “na Alamot” (KrB, BP), “ad Alamoth” (CastB, BLJ), íà ìóñèêiéñêîì îðóäiè àëàìîòú èìÿíógìîì (AmPs),11 на музыкальном орудии Аламоф (SynB), на инструменте аламоф (WCBT). In the heading of Ps. 46 the expression al- ǎlāmôÓ appears in its early sense “girls”. Like the word “shushan” it may well be the first line of the text of a song, and Ps. 46, as some Bible translations render it, could possibly be sung to the melody of this song (“nach der Weise ‘Jungfrauen’ ” in BEBD, “op de wijze ‘De jonkfrowen’ ” in BNBG). There exists, however, another rendering as a vocal term. The editors of NJB explain the phrase “set to Alamot” as a song “probably intended for the soprano”. In 1 Chr. 15:20 the same expression is interpreted in a number of more modern Bible translations as an instrument with a high register (“pri zpewu wysokem” in KrB,12 “przy spiewaniu wysokiém” in BP, “les notes aigues” in BFC, “con tonalitá piu alta” in BILC, “hoog afgestemd” in BNBG, “lutes set for soprano voices” in

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MofB, “high pitched harps” in TEV, “harps tuned to alamoth” in NASB,13 “v nizki legi” in SSP, на псалтирях тонким голосом in SynB). Such understanding is based on the association of the high tessitura of a female voice with a special method of tuning a stringed instrument (the nevel). In the scholarly literature the range of renderings is also extremely wide. Some are very unlikely, as for instance, “a secret ritual at the feast of the enthronement of YHWH” (S. Mowinckel), or a distorted name of the clan of Temple singers amongst whose duties was singing psalms (T. K. Cheyne). Other hypotheses are more realistic. Thus the phrase could signify the participation of a female choir in the service14 (according to J. W. Thirtle), or a male ensemble singing (according to K. H. Cornill). There are a few theories in which ‘alamot is regarded as a musical instrument. (1) A double reed instrument with pipes of different lengths originating from the ancient state of Elam (H. H. Graetz). The adherents of this idea base it on the phonetic assonance of the word “‘alamot” and the name of the analogous ancient Greek double aulos elim (E. Werner).15 (2) A harp tuned in a special manner though without any specification of the manner (D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer). (3) A certain kind of bagpipe (A. Z. Idelsohn). (4) A nevel of small size with a high register (A. Sendrey). However, there is also the view that any specific instrumental rendition of the term is illegitimate and that the term relates to the musicians, young girls who played stringed instruments (C. Sachs). In Modern Hebrew the word “‘alamot” maintains its original meaning, “girls”. DAHAVAN, see KELIM HIGGAION (Heb. higgāyōn/@wygh, from the verb hā©ā/hgh, “to produce a sound”, “to utter”), one of the unclear words mentioned in the Old Testament with meanings that differ according to the context: the growling of a lion (Isa. 31:4), the moaning of a dove (Isa. 38:14), mourning (Jer. 48:31) and meditation (Ps. 19:15, RSV 19:14). Supposedly musical meanings are also ascribed to higgaion in two cases. In the first it is followed by the word “selah” (Ps. 9:17, RSV 9:16) and in the second it is followed by the name of the musical instrument kinnor (Ps. 92:4, RSV 92:3). In both verses the phrases make up one semantic unit.16 There has never been an agreed understanding of higgaion in the history of Bible translation. In combination with “selah” it is related in some of the early translations to the sphere of instrumental music and rendered as “a song of the interlude” (δ διαψáλματος in LXX and “canticum diapsalmatis” in PsGal). In other ancient versions, however, it is referred to singing: “a song forever” (δ εí in Aq.), “a sound forever” (φθóγγος εí in Theod. and

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“sonitu sempiterno” in PsHebr). In some early versions (Syr., for instance) it is omitted. In later Bible translations it is also often lacking (early English WyclB and DouB, Czech PrB, German NüB, sixteenth-century Latin CastB and Dutch BNvW, nineteenth-century Polish BP, all Church Slavonic versions and the Russian SynB). However, at times it appears in transliterated form as “higgaion sela/selah” (LyB, GenB,17 BLJ, KrB, BpB,18 KJV, RSV, NASB, TEV, NIV, SBE, BILC, BNBG, KMT, SSP, WCBT and TanJer).19 There are even a few cases where higgaion is represented as an “instrumental interlude” (KMA and BEBD). In combination with the kinnor higgaion is understood in the majority of Bible versions both ancient and modern as a song: μετ δς in LXX, “cum cantico” in PsGal, “col cantico” in BIM, “mit dem Gesang” in NüB, “s piesniczku” in PrB, “avec le cantique” in GenB, “metter lofsanck” in BNvW, “with the song” in BpB, “with the canticle” in DouB, “z spiewaniem” in BP, ñ ïhñíiþ in the original MS of the GennB, and in its main complete copies (SidB, JoachB, UvarB, also in OstB, MoscB, ElizB), and с песнью in SynB. In other versions it is identified as a melody (“melody” in RSV, NIV and TEV; “modulamine” in CastB) accompanied by the kinnor. Some translations give higgaion as a solo played on the kinnor: “mit Spielen” (LB and BEBD), “met Spelen, bij snarenspel” (BGvW and BNBG), “sweet music” (MofB), “resounding music” (NASB). Finally higgaion is translated as conveying the sound quality of an instrument (“with a solemn sound” in KJV, “en tono suave” in SBE, “to the murmur of the harp” in NJB, and на мелодичной арфе in WCBT). The scholarly literature gives a large number of hypothetical explanations concerning the lexical combination “higgaion selah”. Among them the three suggestions that have the most support are: (a) “higgaion selah” is a composite term, and “selah” is a shortened variant; (b) higgaion is either a gloss or a synonym for “selah” and when necessary they can replace each other; (c) in the original composition of the Psalter the expression “higgaion selah” was supposed to be used everywhere. Later the first word fell away in all cases, except for Ps. 9:17, since here it occurs for the first time. The opinions of scholars on the meanings of the word “higgaion” are diverse. W. Gesenius and O. Glaser assume that “higgaion” reflected a gentle, rustling plucking of the strings of the kinnor. In the opinion of Glaser, however, such an understanding can be applied only to Ps. 92:4. In Ps. 9:17 a sort of “intermezzo” is meant, performed by an instrumental ensemble similar to that described in 1 Chr. 15:16. According to A. Tomaschoff the term could signify both the manner of singing and a certain type of instrument. E. R. Wendland also leaves the question open. F. A. Tholuck and E. W. Hengstenberg state that “higgaion” and “selah” were particular lexical symbols that indicated the beginning of a rest during which the musicians

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had to meditate. S. Mowinckel, on the other hand, regards “higgaion” as the name of the interlude. Its loud sound was accompanied by special ritual exclamations (“Amen”, “Hallelujah”, “The Lord is holy” and others) sung by the whole congregation. By means of these exclamations people confirmed or emphasized the most important themes of the psalm. J. W. Thirtle rejects any musical rendering of higgaion. In Modern Hebrew the word “higgaion” does not have any musical sense. It is used in philosophy and means “logic” or “a thought”. KELE-‘OZ, see KELIM. KELE-SHIR, see KELIM. KELI-NEVEL, see KELIM. KELIM (Heb. kēlîm/!ylk, pl. from kəlî/ylk, lit. “a vessel”, figuratively meaning “a receptacle of the sounds”, that is, musical instruments),20 the most widespread generic term in the Bible. In this grammatical form it is mentioned in the Tanakh* just once (1 Chr. 23:5). However, there are also a number of other lexical and semantic variants: kele-‘oz (kəlê- ōz/z[Aylk, “loud instruments”, 2 Chr. 30:21), neginot and the Aramaic analogue “kol zene zemara’ ”21 (kōl zənê zəmārā’/armz ynz lk, “all kinds of music” that is, instruments in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15). The stringed instruments denoted by the phrase “kele-shir” or “kele-hashir” (kəlê-šîr, kəlê-hāššîr/ryvAylk, ryvhAylk, “vessels for singing” (that is, musical instruments that accompany the singing) form a special subgroup. These two phrases occur seven times, mainly in the historical books of the Tanakh (1 Chr. 15:16;22 16:42; 2 Chr. 5:13; 7:6; 23:13; 34:12; Amos 6:5). Other synonymous combinations are: kele-shir David (kəlê-šîr ÄāwiÄ/dwd ryvAylk, “David’s instruments for singing”, Neh. 12:36), kele-David (kəlê-ÄāwiÄ/ dwdAylk, “David’s instruments”, 2 Chr. 29:26, 27), keli-nevel (kəlî-neºel/ lbnAylk, “instrument of the nevel type”, Ps. 71:22), kele (han)nevalim (kəlê nəºalîm/!ylbn(h) ylk, “instruments of the nevel type”, 1 Chr. 16:5; Isa. 22:24), minnim (minnîm/!ynm, “strings”, Pss 45:9; 150:4). Sometimes the alternative phrase “lashsharim” (laššārîm/!yrVl, “for the singers”, 1 Kgs 10:12; 2 Chr. 9:11) follows the name of an instrument (kinnor or nevel). It confirms that these stringed instruments accompanied the liturgical singing of the Levites.23 The question whether king David produced musical instruments is still subject to debate, despite direct indications in the Bible (1 Chr. 23:5; Ps. 151:2-3) and indirect witness in the writings of Josephus (A.J. VII, 12:3). Some scholars (A. Sendrey and others) assume that David probably organ-

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ized and supervised the work of the instrument makers, supplying them with the necessary materials. Ancient Bible versions follow the MT and render all variants of the notion “kelim” as “musical organs” (ργανα in LXX, “organa” in Vulg., manē tušəb atā, znē zmarā in Syr.). The same interpretation is maintained in the first versions in English (“orguns/orgyns” in WyclB), Italian (“organa” in BIM) and Dutch (“organe der musike” in BB), as well as in the pre-Luther German editions (“orgeln der sayttenspiel” in NüB). It constantly appears in the Western Slavonic (“nástroge hudebny”, “hudbi nástrogi”, “wsseligaké muzyki”, “orudie piesni” in PrB and KrB), Church Slavonic and Russian traditions (wðãàíû/àðãàíû in GennB and its main copies, SidB, JoachB, UvarB, also in OstB, MoscB and ElizB; îðóäi#, орудия in Russian AmPs. and SynB). From the sixteenth century onwards the term “musical instruments” is introduced, and is used in the majority of more modern translations: “instruments de musique” in LyB, GenB and BFC; “instrumenten van musijcke”, “musijck instrumenten” in BNvW, “muziekinstrumenten” in BNBG; “instrumenty muzyczny” in BP; “musical instruments” in DouB, KJV, MofB, RSV, NIV, TEV, NJB, CEV; “instruments of musicke” in BpB, “instruments of music” in MofB and NASB; “gli instrumenti musicali” in BILC; “instrumentos de musica” in SBE; “glasbili” in SSP; “nvagaranner” in EAB and WAB; музыкальные инструменты in WCBT and TanJer. Sometimes kelim is interpreted as referring only to stringed instruments (“Snarenspelen” in BGvW, “Saitenspielen” in BEBD, which follows Luther’s rendering). The biblical text contains one more supposedly typological definition, that of dahavan (Äa ǎºān/@wjd, from the verb Äā ā/hjd, “to throw, to push”, Dan. 6:19). Presumably it relates to the membranophone subgroup of the percussion that usually accompanies women’s dances. The interpretation of this word both in Bible translations and in exegetical commentaries is very diverse. The ancient sources (LXX, Theod., Vulg., Syr.) unanimously associate it with food24 (δéσματα, cibus, mekultā), which fits the context of the verse. Many later versions follow this interpretation: (“metis” in WyclB, “meat” in DouB, “spiese” in BB, “eten” in BgvW,25 “spijsen” in BNvW, “mensa” in BLJ, “die essen” in NüB, “Essen” in LB and BEBD, “nourriture” in BFC, “cibo” in BIM and BILC, “yemek” in KMT, +äè in GennB and its main copies, also in OstB, MoscB and ElizB, пища in SynB). However, there are a number of translations where “dahavan” is regarded not merely as food, but figuratively as “entertainment, amusement” (“obwesseliti” in KrB, “wesele” in BP, “diversions” in RSV and AJV, “eating … entertainment” in NIV and “food…entertainment” in TEV, “afleiding” in BNBG, развлекали in WCBT). This understanding accounts for the “dancing girls” (MofB)26 accompanied by the percussion instruments so loved by eastern despots.

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“Dahavan” is also taken to mean the instruments themselves (“instruments de musique” in LyB, GenB and SegB, “instruments of musick/music” in BpB, KJV, MoultB, and ASV, “instrumentos di musica” in SBE, “nvagaranner” in WAB). The last mentioned understanding of the term as an instrument is attested in rabbinic literature, for instance, in the “Commentaries on the Book of Daniel” by the Talmudic exegete Abraham Ibn Ezra (1092–1167). In Modern Hebrew the word “kelim” in certain contexts retains the ancient meaning of a generic term for musical instruments. MINNIM (Heb. Minnim/!ynm, sg. mēn/@m, “a string”; the word is related to the Akkad. manani and Syriac mina’, meaning “hair, a string”). There are different views of the identification of this instrument. 1. According to A. Sendrey and E. Škulj27 it is a biblical instrument used in worship together with the ‘ugav (Ps. 150:4). 2. Others (such as A. F. Pfeiffer, J. N. Forkel) consider it to be a generic term for the ancient Jewish stringed instruments mentioned in the Tanakh,* like other similar terms (also Ps. 150:4). These include: kele-shir (kəlê-šîr/ryvAylk, “vessels [musical instruments] for singing”), keli-nevel (kəlî-neºel/lbnAylk “vessel of the nevel”), kele nevalim (kəlê-nəºālîm/!ylbn ylk, “vessels of the nevels”), keleoz (kəlê- ōz/z[Aylk, “vessels for praise” [lit. “vessels of strength”, “vessels of magnitude”; for detail see Kelim above]), neginot (nə©înôÓ/twnygn, “those playing”, from the verb “niggen” [niggēn/@gn, “to touch”, “to strike”]). In Talmudic literature this term occurs as “kele zemer” (kəlê zemer/rmz ylk, “vessels for singing”, Midr. Gen. 23:3), “minnē’ zemer” (minnē’ zemer/rmz anm, “strings for singing”, Midr. Gen. 50:9) or “minnē’ kele zemer” (minnē’ kəlê zemer/rmz ylk anm, “strings of the vessels for singing”, Midr. Gen. 50:9). 3. The word “minnim” also meant the strings themselves (minnim/!ynm, Ps. 45:9); in post-biblical literature the form “nimmim” (nimmîm/ !ymn) arose as a result of metathesis under the influence of the Greek νμα, “yarn”, “thread”, with the metaphorical meaning of “strings”. The strings were made mainly from sheep’s intestines, “the sons of sheep’s intestines”, as the Talmud says (b. Qinnim 25a), but sometimes plant fibres could also be used. Josephus states that different instruments had different numbers of strings. Thus the kinnor had from three to ten strings, whereas the nevel had 12. They were plucked either with a plectrum or with the fingers (A.J. VII, 12:3). In numerous translations of Ps. 150:4 minnim was most often rendered as a generic term for the chordophones, usually by the word “strings”:28 χορδαí (LXX), “cordae” (Vulg.), “tark‘” (MtsB), “strings” (DouB, MofB, RSV, NJB,

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NIV), “seyten” (NüB), “Seiten” (LB), “Snaren, snaren” (BGvW, BNvW respectively), “struny” (PrB), “strune” (TruPs), “strony” (BP), “cuerdas” (SBE), “lar” (WAB), ñòðuíû/ñòðóíû/cтруны (KievPs, the original MS of the GennB and its main copies: SidB, JoachB, UvarB, as well as SkorB, OstB, MoscB, ElizB, AFPs, AmPs and SynB). Also used were phrases like “playing on the strings”: “snarenspel” (BNBG), “musical instruments”: “instrumenti de corde” (BIM), “fides”29 (CastB), “stringed instruments” (KJV, NASB), музыкальные инструменты (WCBT and TanJer), or simply “instruments”: “orgues” (LyB),30 “organa” (BLJ). In some cases minnim is interpreted as a specific type of instrument: “husle” (KrB), “harp” (TEV), lute (“liuto” in BILC31 and “guitare” in BFC), zither type (“espinette” in GenB), and even as a keyboard instrument (“virginale” in BpB).32 In Ps. 45:9 the meaning of the term (minnî/ynm, “my string”) is changed, partly or completely in different versions. The musical aspect of its meaning is maintained mainly in more recent Bible translations:33 “music of…harps” (MofB), “stringed instruments” (RSV and NASB), “music of the strings” (NIV), “harps” (NJV and CEV); “Saiten” (BEBD); “snarenspel” (BNBG); “suono delle cetre” (BILC); “musique” (BFC); “strune” (SSP); музыка всех струн (WCBT); autār (“strings” in LPsA and KMA); “sazlar” (“strings” in KMT). The majority of earlier Bible translations follow the erroneous rendering of the LXX ηφραναν σε (“enjoyed themselves”). These include the Vulgate and the Peshitta, the Geneva Bible (GenB), Dutch (BNvW), the English KJV and DouB, also all Church Slavonic versions (GennB, as well as OstB, ElizB, AFPs, AmPs). There is one more understanding of Ps. 45:9 originating from the medieval Jewish exegetes Sa‘adia Gaon (882−942) and Abraham Ibn Ezra (1092− 1167). It is presented later, in the eighteenth-century commentaries (Sharh) on The Studied Language (Ləšōn Lîmûdîn/@ydwmyl @vl) by the Moroccan scholar Rafael Bergudo. Here the term “minim” is understood as “categories” (rəhû /fwhr, translated from the Hebrew mînîm/!ynym). In Modern Hebrew the ancient root mn/@m has been preserved in many musical terms, for instance, manggînā/hnygnm (“tune”), minggēn/@gnm (“to practise music”) or mənaggēn/@gnm (“musician”). The “string”, however, is designated by the word mêÓār/rtym. SELAH (Heb. selāh/hls,,; a word with several possible origins: (1) “for ever”; (2) presumably from the verb sālal/lls, “to lift”, “to exalt” related to the Akkad. sullu, “prayer”; (3) sālāh=śālāh/hlc=hls, “to be quiet and calm”, in certain contexts “to be silent”;34 (4) probably from the Aramaic root sl/ls, “bow down”. This is one of the most ambiguous terms with both debatable etymology and an unclear grammatical form. It occurs in the Old Testament 74 times, of which 71 are in the Psalter and only three elsewhere, all in the book of Habakkuk (Hab. 3:3, 9, 13).35

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In the Psalter the word “selah” occurs in the Psalms ascribed to King David (Pss 3, 4, 7, 9, 20, 21, 24, etc.) or to his circle, to the sons of Korah (Pss 47, 48, 84, 85, 87, 88) and to Asaph (Pss 50, 76, 77, 81–83). This may well imply, at least to some extent, the liturgical purpose of this poetry. In the Psalm texts the word “selah” appears both near the beginning (Pss 21:3; 82:2; 85:3), in the middle (Pss 7:6; 20:4; 44:9; 47:5; 48:9; 61:5; 83:9; 143:6 and others) and in the final verses (Pss 3:9; 9:21; 24:10; 46:12). Quite often it is used more than once in the same psalm: twice (Pss 4:3, 5; 24:6, 10; 39:6, 12; 57:4, 7; 67:2, 5; 87:3, 6, etc.), three times (Pss 32:4, 5, 7; 66:4, 7, 15; 68:8, 20, 33; 77:4, 10, 16) and even four times (Ps. 89:5, 38, 46, 49). However, there seems to be no regularity or system in its occurrence. Sometimes it occurs in the middle of a sentence (for example, Pss 55:20; 57:4) breaking both the syntactic structure and the logic of the content. Whether this is a specific literary device or just happens spontaneously still remains uncertain. In addition a comparative textual analysis of the Psalter preserved in early manuscripts reveals many divergences. Thus the number of times the term “selah” is used in the canonical MT and in some other manuscripts does not agree. Presumably the composition and structure of the Tehillim* was formed over a period of time,36 though scribal errors cannot be excluded. The musical rendering of the term “selah” is based first of all on its undoubtedly musical meaning in the prayer of the prophet Habakkuk. This prayer is supposed to have been part of the Psalter at one time and then for some reason to have become separated from it. In addition out of the 39 psalms in which selah occurs there are 31 headings where the word laməna ēa /jxnml is included. Many translators identify it with the musical indication “to the choirmaster”. In many Bible translations the term “selah” is omitted. It is retained mainly in the ancient versions (LXX, Aq., Symm., Theod., PsGal and PsHeb) and in a number of modern versions (BP, SSP, RSV, NASB, NJB, NIV, BNBG, BEBD, BFC, WCBT, TanJer). Some translations in liturgical use such as the ElizB ignore the ambiguous term. Others such as LB, BGvW, KJV keep it in the transliterated form Selah. Otherwise it appears only in some historical versions (“Selah” in BpB, KrB and BudB,37 “Sela” in TruPs), ecclesiastical versions (“Selah” in GenB) and individual versions of the Psalter (“Sela” in CastB and BLJ, ñgëàãú in AmPs). In ancient versions of the Bible the term “selah” is translated in different ways. LXX, partly Symm. and Theod. render it as διáψαλμα (lit. “in between the psalms”, that is, a pause in singing), which could imply an instrumental interlude. Aq. (second century), the Tg. text (second–third centuries) and Jerome (ca. 345−ca. 419; PsHebr.) treat it theologically as a symbol of eternity and render it as εí, lə olmê/yml[l, li‘olmîn/@yml[l and “semper” respectively.38 In later versions, despite including ample critical

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apparatus, selah is rarely commented on. Thus the editors of LyB and BpB carefully state that the word “occurs in places where it is necessary to raise the voice, as for instance, in a particularly important sentence, which should be marked”. In NJB and BFC selah appears as a “break” (“Pause”). The NASB translators explain it in a marginal note as “a pause, crescendo or musical interlude”. Other editions leave it as a transliteration: “Sela” (BEBD, BNBG and SSP), “selah” (RSV, NASB, NIV and SBE), Села (TanJer), Селах (WCBT). The exegesis of the term is rich but very diverse. A large number of the comments on the origin, meaning and purpose of the term “selah” fall into various categories, namely musical, poetic and liturgical. Among the musical explanations the most convincing are the proposals in which the term is identified with a pause in singing (Augustine,39 354−430; W. Gesenius, F. A. Tholuck, E. W. Hengstenberg). The pause begins with a clang of the cymbals (D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer). It is also regarded as a “filled in” pause, that is, musical interlude (A. F. Pfeiffer, E. F. K. Rosenmüller, A. Sendrey and E. R. Wendland). It could be either a prelude or a postlude (K. Budde). The Talmudic teachers have a similar position. They also thought selah to be a pause between the sections of the psalms for blowing the trumpet, to signal to the praying people the times to prostrate themselves (m. Tamid VIII:3; b. ‘Erub. 54а). Greek literature also confirms, albeit indirectly, the instrumental rendering of selah (Athenaeus, Deipn.). Here the noun διáψαλμα (from the verb ψáλλω, “to pluck the strings with the fingers”) means an interlude played by the stringed instruments.40 Many scholars assume that selah implied an increase in the volume of the sound (D. Kimchi, W. M. L. De Wette, H. A. Ewald and P. C. Craigie), even more concretely a shift from piano to forte (F. J. Delitzsch). This shift arose from the necessity for louder solo instrumental playing after the quieter accompaniment of the singing. It could also arise from an abrupt change in the mood or from the introduction of a contrasting theme into the poetic text (François Vatable,41 E. K. A. Riehm). All this was marked by the word “selah”. According to other theories selah designated a special manner of singing (Delitzsch), a modification of the rhythm or melody (Hippolytus of Rome, died ca. 236) or a variation of the tempo (J. G. Herder). According to J. Jahn, selah could also prescribe the repetition of the previous psalm verses, a sort of localized da capo.42 Perhaps selah was a marginal gloss, a “nota bene” for the singers, and marked the antiphonal alternation of the choir groups in the performance of the psalms (John Chrysostom, ca. 354−407; and much later K. J. Zenner, who referred to the opinion of Chrysostom).43 This form of singing was typical of ancient Jewish musical tradition and is mentioned specifically in the Bible (Neh. 12:31, 38, 40).

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There are also a few idiosyncratic speculations on the meaning of the term “selah”. Some scholars (J. Steinberg, J. Beimel and G. Diachenko) considering the assonance of the roots sālā/hls and sal/ls (“basket”) identify selah with a basket-shaped drum, used, as they suppose, in the Jerusalem Temple to give signals. However, neither the Bible, nor ancient historical sources, nor archaeological findings provide any evidence for the existence of such an instrument in ancient Israel. Another view (J. Stainer, citing E. C. Cure, also W. W. Longford) relates selah to programme music. It would then have been an interlude describing in music the contents of the text. This idea is completely unacceptable, because this genre of music would have flouted the most important ethical norms of Judaism and would not have fitted the canons of the Jewish liturgical rite. Also unacceptable is the speculation that the term “selah” meant solo vocal improvisation on the theme of the psalm, filling in the pauses between instrumental sections. Music was regulated as strictly as other aspects of the Temple ritual. Therefore any deviation from the standard practice would not have been tolerated. Some scholars (J. L. Saalschütz, W. Grimme, J. Ley, E. Kautzsch and M. Berkowitz) interpret selah merely as a division sign marking the strophic structure of the psalms. Others such as H. H. Graetz assume that this word introduces a new paragraph or even a quotation, for instance, in Pss 55:8; 82:2. Finally, those who support a liturgical interpretation (C. A. Briggs, S. Mowinckel) express the view that selah was a ritual exclamation, doxology or prayer interpolated into the singing of the psalm. In Modern Hebrew the word “selah” is used in liturgical practice, as before.

Bibliography Alekseev, A. A. (1999) ‘alamot; Bar-Asher, M. (1998) minnim; Bayer, B. (1972) minnim; Beimel, J. (1943) selah; Berkowitz, M. (1903) selah; Briggs, C. A. (1908) selah; Budde, K. (1906) selah; Cheyne, T. K. (1903) ‘alamot; Cornill, K. H. (1909) ‘alamot; Craigie, P. C. (1983) selah; Delitzsch, F. J. (1892) selah; Delitzsch, F.J. and C. F. Keil (1966) selah; De Wette, W. M. L. (1811) selah; Diachenko, G. (1993) selah; Ewald, H. A. (1866) selah;

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Forkel, J. N. (1788) minnim; Foxvog, D. A. and A. D. Kilmer (1980, 1986) ‘alamot, kelim, minnim, selah; Gesenius, W. (1906) higgaion, selah; Glaser, O. (1935) higgaion; Graetz, H. H. (1882-83) ‘alamot, selah; Grimme, H. (1902) selah; Hengstenberg, E. W. (1851) higgaion, selah; Herder, J. G. (1833) selah; Idelsohn, A. Z. (1929) ‘alamot; Jahn, J. (1835) selah; Kautzsch, E. (1902) selah; Ley, J. (1887) selah; Longford, W. W. (1916) selah; Manniche, L. (1991) kelim; Mowinckel, S. (1923-26) ‘alamot, higgaion, selah; Pfeiffer, A. F. (1779) selah; Riehm, E. K. A. (1893-94) minnim, selah; Romodanovskaya, V. A. (1999) ‘alamot; Rosenmüller, E. F. K. (1822) selah; Saalschütz, J. L. (1855) selah; Sachs, C. (1978) ‘alamot; Sendrey, A. (1969) ‘alamot, kelim, minnim, selah; Škulj, E. (1998) minnim; Stainer, J. (1914) selah; Steinberg, J. (1906) selah; Stradling, D. G. and K. A. Kitchen (1982) selah; Thirtle, J. W. (1904) ‘alamot, higgaion; Tholuck, F. A. (1843) higgaion, selah; Tomaschoff, A. (1983) higgaion; Wendland, E. R. (1998) higgaion, selah; Werner, E. (1962) kelim; Zenner, K. J. (1896) selah.

Endnotes 1. The abbreviation WyclB is used if in both of the Wycliffe versions the names of the instruments are identical. 2. The terms of the NüB are conveyed in their original spelling including the small initial letters of the nouns (capitals appear only in the first half of the sixteenth century, and at first were consistent, as the editions of the Luther Bible show). 3. According to A. Alexeev, JoachB and SidB were copied not from the GennB, but from another source common to all three codices. He considers that it is not known how UvarB is related to the GennB. However, V. Romodanovskaya regards all three manuscripts as copies of the GennB. 4. The translation of the Scriptures into Latin by the French theologian Sebastiano Castalione could be called “the Vulgate of the sixteenth century”, but unlike its predecessor, Jerome’s Vulgate, it is rather pretentious, as far as concerns the style and the terminology, especially that for musical instruments. Castalione, wishing to maintain

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both his own chronological distance from the source text and the historical authenticity of that text, sometimes uses for musical instruments rare names borrowed from classical Latin literature, such as fides (see Chapter 2, Kinnor, and Minnim, below), testudo (see Chapter 3, ‘Ugav), barbiton (see Chapter 5, Shalishim). 5. In the Dutch BGvW the expression “ten Alamot” is treated as a marginal gloss to the neutral biblical phrase “na te singhen” (“in order to sing”). 6. In the CEV the translators transformed the unclear term into a “smaller harp”. 7. In the BpB, as well as in some other sixteenth-century Bible translations with notes the term ‘alamot is rendered in a marginal gloss to 1 Chr. 15:20 as “a musical instrument or a tune, on which the psalms used to be sung”. The comment on the heading of Ps. 46 is similar, but it says that “the solemn tune was intended for performing this particular psalm”. 8. In the marginal comment to this verse the editors of the LyB give several explanations of the term: either “a musical instrument”, “for a girl”, or “secret things”. However they show no preference for any one of them, merely listing the options. 9. This expression is used in Ps. 46. The editors of the 1588 GenB wrote comments on the Book of Psalms explaining the unclear terms. The word “ ‘alamot”, as well as neginot and nehilot they interpret as “the name of certain sounds [here melodies are probably meant] of ancient Jewish music, to which … sacred songs should be sung”. 10. In the comments in the BLJ ascribed to the sixteenth-century French Hebraist François Vatable (the translation itself was carried out by the Swiss theologian Leo Jud, 1482–1541) the word “ ‘alamot” is rendered as “a musical instrument”. 11. However, in the Introduction to his translation of the Psalter (1770) archbishop Amvrosi gives an alternative meaning of the term “‘alamot” referring to the opinion of some “intelligent people” who said that it had been “the initial word of a certain Jewish song, which served as a model for the tune of this psalm”. 12. In the copy of the 1596 edition in the RSLMB there is a later seventeenth-century gloss (probably added by the owner) saying “k panenskiemu zpéwu” (“for singing by the girls”). 13. The NASB translators reckon that in 1 Chr. 15:20 “harps tuned on Alamot” means “harps of maidenlike tone”. 14. The Tanakh does not have direct information concerning women’s participation in the services: this is probably for the sake of maintaining the ideological purity of the text. Nevertheless, there are indirect indications about female performers in the sacred dances, who could well be the singers (Exod. 15:20–21; 1 Sam. 18:6, 7; Job 21:12; Ps. 68:26). In addition there exists an interesting linguistic parallel which can be understood as a further argument in favour of this hypothesis: in Arabic the noun âlima among other meanings can signify “a girl singing and playing perfectly”. 15. E. Werner expressed this idea in a private letter to C. Sachs. 16. bə¼ō al kappāyw nôqēš rāšā higgāyôn selāh/hls @ygh [vr vqwn wypk l[pb (“the wicked are snared in the work of their own hands. Higgaion. Sela”, Ps. 9:17); ǎlê higgāyôn bəÂinnôr/rwnkb @wygh yl[ (“to the melody of the lyre,” Ps. 92:4). 17. In the comments to Ps. 9:17 the editors of the GenB of 1588 assume that “the word higgaion means ‘meditation’ ”. Presumably they correlated the meaning of the term with that in Ps. 19:15. The commentators of the LyB hold a similar opinion. 18. In the BpB the comment to Ps. 9:16 is unclear. It simply says “Higgaion”. 19. In the last of the listed translations “higgaion” as stated in the footnote is used in its second meaning, “to meditate”.

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20. The notion familiar in many cultures of a vessel as a receptacle can be applied to different aspects of the nature of a human being. Thus, the human heart was thought to be the receptacle of the mind, and the chest that of the voice. The term “kele-shir” comprises the musical, and in particular, the instrumental aspect of this notion. 21. In the Talmud (m. ‘Arak. II:4; m. Kelim XV:7-8) the phrase kəlê-zemer is rendered as a generic notion, musical instruments for playing and singing. However, there is one example from the Hellenistic period where the term zmrt refers to a double reed instrument. This consists of a fourth-century CE drawing scratched on a stone with an inscription in Safaitic (one of the South Arabian dialects). 22. The term kəlê-šîr often refers only to stringed instruments (E. Werner, A. Sendrey, D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer). In 1 Chr. 15:16 however it may also include wind instruments and membranophones since both are mentioned in this verse. Such an interpretation is supported by the Talmud (m. Sukkah V:4). 23. The opinion of Rashi, a renowned Talmudic teacher (1040-1105) on the singing of the Levites to the accompaniment of brass instruments (kəlê-nə ôšeÓ/tvwjnAylk) differs from what is said in the Bible. However, when talking about the Last Judgement (b. Šabb. 55a) the author probably meant the hatsotserah (see Chapter 3, Hatsotserah) and metsiltayim (see Chapter 4, Tseltselim) in their function as signals. In that case the song of the Levites may be just a figurative image. 24. In addition to the physiological component, the semantic field of the word “dahavan” in the sense of “food” also includes a hedonistic component referring to pleasure and amusement. Similarly, in the opinion of L. Manniche, the ancient Egyptian verb hn (“to amuse oneself”) when conveyed graphically by a double “n” (hnn) meant “singing”. 25. The marginal note, however, gives the alternative translation of “dahavan” as “joy from playing [a musical instrument]”. 26. In some translations “dahavan” is rendered as “concubines” (JND, NJB, “sarāra” in KMA, Dan. 6:18). 27. Škulj offers the hypothesis of the lute origin of the minnim and rejects the idea of its relation to Philistine or Canaanite instruments. 28. There exists however, an unusual interpretation of the term “minnim,” for instance in the Aramaic Targum, where it is classed among the woodwinds, specifically the halils ( ǎlîlîn/@ylylj). 29. “Fides” in Latin literature is used for stringed instruments such as the lyre and the kithara. 30. The marginal comment however gives a more precise typological definition of the generic term “orgues”. Either the editors or perhaps the translator himself (P. R. Olivetan) state that “espinettes” are meant. They were a zither type of instrument. This word is also used in Ps. 150:4 of the GenB. 31. Such an interpretation corresponds to the view of some modern scholars, for instance B. Bayer also considered minnim to be a lute. This theory however was rejected by other authors such as D. A. Foxvog and A. D. Kilmer. 32. There was an earlier precedent for interpreting minnim as a keyboard instrument. In the early seventeenth century, the Jewish writer Abraham da Portaleone (1542–1612; šiltê haggibbôrîm) described minnim as a clavichord. 33. Some modern scholars such as B. Bayer hold the same opinion. 34. According to F. J. Delitzsch this etymology is wrong from the point of Hebrew grammar, which does not normally permit the fluctuation of the consonants s/s and c/ś.

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35. Apart from the Tanakh the word “selah” is uttered after the third and last of the 18 benedictions (šəmōnē- esrē) that are part of the daily ‘Amidah*. In many respects they are similar to the psalms. The very fact that selah was incorporated into one of the most important prayers of the daily services testifies that it had already been introduced into synagogue usage at an early stage. The term selah (διáψαλμα) also occurs in the Christian tradition of the liturgical readings of the OT. Thus it is interpolated three times in the text of the book of Genesis (Gen. 14:16-25) in the eleventh-century Byzantine Prophetologion (MMB vol. 1). 36. According to Cosmas Indicopleustes, the sixth-century Byzantine geographer, the term “selah” (διáψαλμα) occurs only “inside the psalm” (κατà τò μéσον το ψαλμο). This implies a different original internal organization and grouping of the psalms. Particularly noticeable are the discrepancies between the Tehillim in the Tanakh and the Psalter in the LXX in the number of occurrences of selah. The LXX (in its own numbering of the Pslams) introduces selah in Pss 33:11; 49:15; 79:8 where it is absent in the Hebrew, and omits it in Pss 3:9; 23:10; 45:12; 49:1; 87:11 where it is present in the Hebrew. (The conjoining of Ps. 9, which ends with the word selah, and Ps. 10 of the Tanakh into the one long Ps. 9 of the LXX resulted in two traditions of numbering in the Psalms: one, mainly western European, follows the Jewish canon, and the other, including Church Slavonic and Russian, follows the Greek tradition.) 37. In the Polish translation of Szymon Budny the enigmatic word is explained in a marginal note “Selah means yearning for God and raising the voice”. 38. Jerome gives his own instruction in his “Epistola ad Marcellam”: “Let Selah always be represented by something” (“semper quid sit Sela”). 39. In his commentary on Ps. 4 (Enarrat. Ps. IV) Augustine contrasts two Greek words, “diapsalma” (διáψαλμα), that is, a division sign between the verses of the psalm or an interruption in the singing of the psalm, and “sunpsalma” (σúνψαλμα), that is, a close connection in the poetic text or the singing of the psalm without any pause. The latter term, however, never occurs in the Psalter as an instruction. 40. Similarly “diaulion” (διαúλιον) is an interlude played on two auloi between the two strophes of a song. 41. The interpretation of François Vatable, the sixteenth-century French Hebraist, is rather unusual: in his opinion “The exclamation ‘Selah’ reminds the singers how many times they should raise their voices in order to balance the previous thought and the following one by means of singing the melody, as when one exclaims ‘Oh what terrible distress’ and a little later ‘Oh, the superior mercy of God!’ ” 42. J. Jahn assumes that the trilateral root s-l-h is an acrostic from the expression šûº ləma əlā haššār/rvh hl[ml bwv (“Singer, return to the beginning”), functionally similar to the modern phrase da capo. However F. J. Delitzsch and C. F. Keil state that this theory is unconvincing since such abbreviations are not typical of the style of the Tanakh. 43. K. J. Zenner develops the thought of John Chrysostom (Expositio in Psalmos). He gives a semantic parallel between the nouns “dialogue” (a conversation between two or more people speaking alternately) and “diapsalma” (singing in turn by two singers or choir groups). In his opinion there were six such groups, judging from the earliest copy of the “Christian Topography” (Χριστιανικ τοπογραφíα; Cod Vat Graec 699, ninth century) of Cosmas Indicopleustes. One of the illuminations in the codex, “King David and his choirs: the genealogical tree” depicts six groups of singers, three on each side of David’s throne. That, in the opinion of Jahn, conveys the idea of their antiphonal singing.

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Chapter 7

BIBLICAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN POST-BIBLICAL SOURCES AND IN BIBLE TRANSLATIONS

Moses with a trumpet. Miniature from the German Bible. Nürnberg, 1483 (Moscow, RSLMB)

Introduction Although the Bible is a unique and extremely important source of information about ancient musical instruments, nevertheless it does not contain full details. There still remains a good deal of uncertainty and a number of gaps in our knowledge. Later exegesis adds some new facts and fills in some of the gaps, thus to a certain extent improving our knowledge. Among a wide range of post-biblical comments about musical instruments mentioned in the Bible one can single out three groups as the most important:

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1. The Talmud* and later rabbinic literature; 2. The theological treatises of the Church fathers (both of the Eastern and the Western Churches) and Medieval Byzantine works on history, lexicography, grammar and rhetoric; and 3. The exegetical practices of Bible scholars and translators in more recent times. Though written in different periods, in different historical conditions and from varying ideological positions, these sources nevertheless contain an extensive layer of supplementary information.

The Talmud The Talmud is one of the most ancient and reliable post-biblical sources. Both the Mishnah* and the Gemara*, as well as the later books of the Tosefta’*, and the earliest midrashim* (those on Genesis and Leviticus) give authentic descriptions of Jewish musical practice current in the last decades of the Second Jerusalem Temple (30–70 CE). A number of the tractates of the Talmud deal with the musical instruments in use in those days.1 Yet because of the extraordinarily stable traditions of performance, and the strict adherence of the Jewish musical experts to all the directions of the Tanakh*, including those in the sphere of music, it is natural to find many threads that lead back from the biblical instruments listed in the Talmud to those named in the Old Testament. So it is entirely valid, first to push back the chronological boundaries of the information revealed in the Talmud by at least two or three centuries,2 and second to regard the data that it gives as sufficiently trustworthy. There is no doubt that some facts belong to the later period, that of the stabilization of the text of the Mishnah and the Gemara, and reflect a later situation. Therefore a retrospective extrapolation can sometimes produce distortions. In addition to this, in various mishnayot3 there are numerous contradictions in the description of the instruments. These arose from ambiguous interpretations of some of the sayings or from the divergent views of the different Tannaitic schools that existed in those days, and inevitably resulted in divergences of opinion and judgement. Aphorisms of the Tannaitic scholars are rich in sparkling metaphors4 and allegories, at times so intricate that a special explanation is needed.5 A number of parables and legends (haggadot*) about the instruments have a mythological or fictitious character.6 Nevertheless many of the facts related in the Talmudic tractates have already found support and are continuing to find support from archaeological findings, as well as from the ancient musical traditions of communities living in isolation from modern civilization. Such are the traditions of the Yemeni and Moroccan Jews, who were able to preserve them almost intact up to modern times.

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The range of themes associated with musical instruments mentioned in the Talmud is very wide and diverse. It embraces the main aspects of social life, both cultic (the use of the instruments in the Jerusalem Temple7 and in the synagogues) and secular (their use in court ceremonial, during public festivals and solemn family celebrations). Both aspects reveal the symbolism of the instruments and their aesthetic value, and describe their purpose, the materials and methods of their production, and the techniques and manner of their performance, right down to minute details.8 Not all instruments are represented in the same degree of detail. The scope of the information is determined by the place an instrument holds within the “instrumental hierarchy” of the Old Testament. Some instruments are not mentioned at all.9 The shofar (horn) and hatsotseerah (trumpet) receive the most extensive characterization. Certain aspects of their social and functional features, as has already been said, are exhibited rather well in the Old Testament itself. Sometimes Talmudic tractates explain the Biblical material, but as a rule they considerably extend and add to it. Thus, they point out precisely which animals’ horns the shofar must be made of (m. Roš Haš. 3:2), how to maintain it so as not to spoil its ritual purity (m. Kelim XI:1), how the yovel and the qeren differ from the normal shofar (m. Kelim 11:7; b. Šabb. 47a), when and how many blasts on the shofar and hatsotserah should be produced daily, and how many on the feast days (m. Sukkah 5:4, 5; Gem. ‘Arak., 2:3; b. Sukkah 53a).10 The rhythm of the ritual sounding both of the shofar and of the hatsotserah are thoroughly examined (m. b. Roš Haš. 9:9; b. ‘Arak. 10a; b. Sukkah 53b), but on this matter the opinions of the teachers do not agree.11 Because of the different theoretical transcriptions of the rhythmic complexes, misunderstandings and ambiguities often occurred in the actual liturgical practice, though from the point of view of the Talmud they were not permissible. This situation was over by the fourth century CE, when a compromise set of rules for the sounding of the instruments was accepted, and this ended all the disputes. This set of rules is still in use today. In a number of cases not only was there confusion on points of detail, but on the descriptions of the instruments as well,12 because the shofar and the hatsotserah often had the same functions, belonging as they both do to the category of “sacred vessels” (kele-qodesh). In addition, after the destruction of the Second Temple, the participation in the liturgical practice of all instruments except the shofar was forbidden. As a result the shofar was assigned many of the functions of the hatsotserah, such as announcing the eve of Shabbat*. Since the sound of the shofar remained the only permitted instrumental sound in worship, it acquired a new messianic and eschatological meaning, and outside the synagogue the semantic range of its regulatory social role increased considerably. This important aspect of the role of the instrument, thoroughly examined in the Talmud (m. Hul 105; m. Sotah 147a; b. Roš Haš.

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16b; m. Nid. 38a, 40; b. Mo’ed Qat. 16a, 27b; b Sanh. 7b; b. B. Bat. 91a) is still current in our own day. Two other ancient Jewish instruments, the kinnor (lyre) and the nevel (harp) are commented on in the Talmud, though in a laconic and rather limited manner. The notes of the Tannaitic scholars mainly concern the musical sphere. However, information about the etymology and construction of these instruments, their varieties, and the methods of playing them give us an accurate idea of their individual qualities. In addition we learn about certain peculiarities of their solo and ensemble performance,13 and about the hierarchical relationship of the kinnor and the nevel in the orchestra. Moreover these data make it possible to bring considerable clarity to the biblical characteristics of the sounds produced by the “vessels for singing” (kele-shir) and to enrich them with artistic and aesthetic aspects, based on the evaluations of the Talmudic scholars themselves.14 Furthermore, some specific pieces of information can be derived from this source. For instance, the shape of the nevel was reminiscent of a large round bottle (y. Sukkah 5:6), derived from the etymology of its name (literally “jug” or “water skin”). The way of fastening the pegs (niqtimonim) to the body of the kinnor is described (m. Šabb. 6:8; Kelim 15:6). The material of which the strings of the nevel and the kinnor were made is also stated: the large intestines of the sheep were used for the nevel (b. Qinnim 3:6) and the small intestines (“the sons of the sheep intestines”, b. Qinnim 25a) for the kinnor. All this gives a lot of help in recovering the appearance of the two principal Old Testament instruments. Apart from that, it adds objective confirmation of the classification commonly accepted in Biblical studies over recent decades.15 Historical facts about the halil (a double-reed instrument) and the tseltselim (cymbals) reported in the Talmud are also noteworthy. According to the unanimous opinion of the Tannaitic scholars, from ancient times the halil was among the instruments commonly employed in the Temple, though the Bible says nothing about this. As for the degree of its participation their views varied. According to one version (m. Sukkah 5:1) the halil was used in the daily services, whereas another (b. ‘Arak. 10a) claims that it was blown before the altar only 12 times a year at the great feasts (Pesah*, Shavu‘ot*, Sukkot*, etc.). In the daily services the performers were obviously Levites, while at feasts, according to Tannaitic scholars (m. ‘Arak. 2:4) they could be substituted by the nethinim*.16 The halil as asserted by the Talmudic tractates was sometimes regarded as a secular instrument17 and could have quite contrasting functions. Thus, for wealthy people it served as an extra source of domestic amusement during public festivals (m. Sukkah 5:1) and family celebrations, such as weddings (m. B. Mesi‘a 5:1).18 At the same time the plaintive nasal sound of the instrument was to be heard at funeral rites. Even a poor man was expected to hire at least two halil players for his wife’s burial (m. Ketub. 4:4).19

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Unlike the halil the use of the tseltselim in the Temple is often mentioned in the Old Testament (1 Chr. 16:4-5, 42; 2 Chr. 5:12, 13, etc.). Even the names of some musicians are recorded (Asaph, Heman, Ethan, Jeduthun). The Talmud, accepting the historicity of the Old Testament, testifies not only to the authenticity but also to the number of the instruments (one pair)20 that were played in the Second Temple during its final years (m. ‘Arak. 2:5). Furthermore, it gives the name of the cymbalist (Ben Arza), who was listed among the minor priests (m. Šeqal. 5:1; Tamid 7:3). The secular functions of the tseltselim expanded, probably in the post-Temple period. It was used in many public festivities and apparently became very popular, so that it accompanied “a song of thanksgiving on every corner and on every big stone of Jerusalem”, as described figuratively in one of the tractates (b. Šebu. 15b). About the rest of the biblical instruments there is relatively little information in the Talmud. There is some further confusion and contradiction in the terminology. Thus, shalishim is erroneously called pa‘amonim (b. Zevah. 88b). Often the name of an Old Testament instrument is replaced by a later term for a similar instrument familiar in Talmudic times. As a result of such transformations, tof (tambourine) became ’erus (m. Sotah XIV:14; Kelim XV:6) or tabla (b. ‘Arak. IIa; b. Šabb. 110a; b. Mo’ed Qat. 9b; b. Git. 7a, etc.), pa‘amonim and metsillot (somewhat larger bells such as those attached to a horse’s harness) merged in the perception of Tannaitic scholars into a single instrument called zog (m. Šabb. 5:4, 6:9; b. Šabb. 58a; Sipre, Numbers 24). On the other hand the sharkukita, supposedly an idiophone, is correlated in the same paragraph of the tractate (y. Qidd. 1:4) with two different biblical instruments, mashroqita’ (pan pipes) and metsillot. There are some exceptional cases where an Old Testament instrument is recognized as an ancient Greek one, completely alien to the musical customs of the Jews and absolutely forbidden in their liturgical practice. This, for instance, happened to the ‘ugav (flute). On the one hand, according to the Mishnah (m. ‘Arak. 2:3) it is one of the earliest cultic instruments, already known in the period of the First Temple. On the other hand, in the same Mishnah the ‘ugav is identified as a hydraulus, an ancient Greek water organ, associated strongly with the pagan musical world.21 Despite the variety of interpretation, and terminological and historical discrepancies, biblical instruments presented in the Talmud are both a witness to and a bearer of the developing musical practices of many centuries. Simultaneously the Talmud demonstrates the surprising stability and steadfastness of some of the important ideological traditions and their links with the centuries-old national culture and with its sacred origins.

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Later Jewish Scholars The writings of the gaons* and of the later generations of rabbinic teachers contain some new data about the construction, performance, and functioning of the Old Testament instruments. In general they continue the Talmudic tradition of understanding. Often however they reflect, either directly or indirectly, the contemporary situation of the musical milieu of their own communities. And the greater the historical distance between these later comments and the ancient original, the greater the divergences between them. Quite often the public image of post-biblical instruments changes so much that it bears little resemblance to the original. The exception is the shofar, whose image is preserved virtually unchanged. Only the sphere of its application is expanded, though it never exceeds the limits of the significance determined by the Tanakh.22 In the tenth century CE the Old Testament canon, the views of the Talmudists and the subsequent teachers were summed up by the famous scholar Sa‘adia Gaon (882–942). They were supplemented two centuries later by another outstanding thinker, Maimonides (Moshe ben Maimon, 1135–1204). In his comments Sa‘adia Gaon underlines particularly the eschatological and messianic aspects of the purpose of the shofar.23 These embraced the sounding of the shofar on the Day of Judgement (Yom Din) and general resurrection, and the call for the return of the dispersed Jewish people to the Holy Land24 respectively. In Maimonides’ opinion the focus shifts to the moral and ethical component of the sounding of the shofar.25 The only question that caused arguments in the rabbinic literature concerned the methods of blowing the shofar and the order of their use in the liturgical worship,26 particularly at Rosh HaShanah. Different schools were represented by the Gaon of Sura, Amram ben Sheshna (Amram Gaon, ninth century), and Yakov Tam (twelfth century). Amram ben Sheshna was a compiler of the Sephardic synagogue liturgy, and Yakov Tam established two different traditions of playing the shofar (see Shofar). At the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth centuries these were adopted by the Jewish diaspora settled in Europe. Thus the Sephardi and the Ashkenazi generally followed the system introduced by Amram Gaon, though in some Eastern European communities Yakov Tam’s system prevailed. The descriptions of the biblical stringed instruments in the works of the medieval exegetes of the Tanakh are highly contradictory. To a certain extent this was conditioned by historical factors. In the course of the centuries the instruments had evolved, the number of the members in each group had increased, and their construction had significantly changed. Nevertheless in many cases the Biblical prototypes of these later instruments are easily recognizable. Some of the exegetes discern common features between the biblical instruments and those of their own day, while others describe similarities

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of detail. For example, the comparisons of the ancient Jewish kinnor and nevel with their Assyrio-Babylonian analogues the qaytros and the pesanterin look very similar in two different twelfth century “Commentaries on the Book of Daniel”. One is by Abraham ibn Ezra (1092–1167), who regards the qaytros as equivalent to the kinnor, and another is by Sa‘adia ben Nahmani (twelfth century) who thinks that the pesanterin is descended from the nevel. The assertion of Ibn Ezra about the similarity of the shape of the kinnor to that of the menorah* – the Jewish seven-branched candlestick27 is also rather plausible. However, the same author relates the nevel to the woodwind, probably judging only by the etymology of the term,28 and he considers the Babylonian harp sabbeka to be the late biblical mahol (presumably a flute). Sa‘adia, on the other hand, interprets sabbeka as the early biblical flute ‘ugav. Also there is no agreement in the definition of sumponiah. Sa‘adia considers it to be a bagpipe, whereas Ibn Ezra believes it is a Babylonian analogue of ‘ugav. The most fanciful interpretation of the Old Testament instruments is found in the treatise “Shields of the Mighty” (Shilte ha-gibborim)29 of Abraham da Portaleone, a rabbinic authority and antiquary living in Italy in the sixteenth century. His views about the lute origin of the nevel,30 about the 47 strings of the kinnor, and about the shalishim belonging to the stringed group are completely without foundation. The description of the shofar as a kind of flute (probably the only instance of such a claim in the history of this instrument) and of the tseltselim as castanets31 are manifestly wrong. But strangest and most unexpected is his explanation of the tof, including both its appearance and its construction,32 and his aesthetic estimation as this instrument as “of little value, unfit for any artistic purpose”.

Secular Historical Sources: Josephus Historical sources also contain important information about biblical musical instruments. Quite often their interpretations are based on real facts and are therefore highly reliable. Such, for instance, is the foundational work of the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus (37–ca. 101 CE) entitled “Jewish Antiquities”, which reports many significant details concerning Old Testament instruments.33 Thus, this writer describes precisely the construction of the hatsotserah34 and the tseltselim, testifies to the participation of the halil in royal banquets (A.J. VII, 11:4), and to the use of the shofar during an attack on the enemy (ibid. V, 6:5). He also relates some facts about the number of the strings on the kinnor35 (10) and the nevel (12), and characterizes the method of playing (with fingers on the nevel and with a plectrum on the kinnor). These data can be considered generally reliable, though not without some reservations. However, the information about electron36 as the material

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from which, according to Josephus, both instruments were made, finds no objective support. The number of the trumpets (200,000) and other instruments, both solo and those used to accompany singing (40,000), that Josephus claims were made by order of King Solomon for the services in the Temple he built (ibid. VIII, 3:8) is surely a hyperbole. Some comments are purely fictitious and figurative. These include the likening of the tinkling of the pa‘amonim to a peal of thunder (ibid. III, 7:7) or the colourful story about the feast on the occasion of Solomon’s accession to the throne, when “the earth and the air echoed with the multitude of the instruments of music” (ibid. VII. 14.5, Whiston’s translation).

The Church Fathers The next group of sources, which is large and rich, includes the exegetical writings of the Church Fathers37 and the works of later theologians, historians and lexicographers. Their treatises contain a lot of interesting details, particularly about biblical stringed instruments.38 Scholars belonging to different periods and traditions, including Clement of Alexandria, Origen (both third century CE), John Chrysostom, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa, Jerome, Augustine, Athanasius of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, Didymus of Alexandria, Evagrius of Pontus, Rufinus, Hilary of Poitiers, Andrew of Caesarea (all fourth–fifth centuries CE), Aurelius Cassiodorus (fifth–sixth centuries), Isidore of Seville (sixth–seventh centuries), Bede (eighth century) and the compilers of the Byzantine compendium “Suidas” (tenth century) all show a surprising unanimity in the definition of the kinnor and the nevel, identifying them with the ancient Greek kithara and psalterion. When explaining their construction both western theologians such as Jerome and Augustine, and eastern theologians such as John Chrysostom, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa and Didymus of Alexandria, hold the same opinion about the location and fastening of the strings. The kinnor had them stretched underneath the frame but the nevel on the top of the frame. This difference would certainly have influenced the character and quality of the sound produced.39 As for the shape, Jerome and Augustine, and the later authors Cassiodorus, Isidore and Bede ascribe to the nevel the contours of the Greek letter delta (Δ). Concerning methods of playing, the predominant belief is that the strings of the nevel were plucked with the fingers, and those of the kinnor played with a plectrum. However, Augustine thinks that it is the kinnor that “is carried and played with the hands”.40 There is some information about the number of strings and the material they were made of. According to Jerome there were six strings, and Basil says that they were made of copper.41 The problem of the historical origin of the instruments was also broached. Thus Eusebius speaks about the invention of the nevel by the Cappadocians on the Assyrian model.

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Among other biblical instruments mentioned in the patristic writings are the shofar, hatsotserah, tof, mashroqita’, sumponiah and pa‘amonim. But they are surely represented by different terminology. Jerome, for instance, wishing to clarify the confusion resulting from the wrong rendering of shofar and hatsotserah in the early translations of the Bible, describes them in general terms and points out the main purpose that corresponds to their Old Testament prototypes (Comm. Os. II:8, 9).42 The tof, identified by Isidore of Seville as the tambourine, also coincides with the ancient original (Etymologiae III, 21:2, 10).43 His reckoning of the sabbeka’ (sambuca) as equivalent to the bagpipe (ibid. III, 20:7) reflects the contemporary notion of this instrument. Its association with the trigon (horizontal angle harp) in the Suidas seems to be a lot more reasonable. Patristic writings and theological works contain a good deal of information about the participation of the instruments in worship, though for the most part the attitude towards this is very negative. The prohibition of the use of instruments in the Christian liturgy expressed by the early theologians and many of the later ones is well known, and is still preserved in the Orthodox Church, except for the semantron and bells.44 These theologians supported their point of view by two arguments. The first was that instrumental music had something mechanical in its foundation and thus lacked a live spirit (John Chrysostom, Augustine, Eusebius, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, George of Pisidia).45 The second was that it had a sensuality which was inevitably introduced by the sound of the musical instruments (Clement of Alexandria, Isidore of Pelusium, Thomas Aquinas).46 The use of instruments in the Old Testament ritual they explained as a “spiritual infirmity” of the people, a lack of the “fear of God” (Clement), and regarded it as a means of “deviation arising from idolatry”, that is, from pagan rituals (John Chrysostom, Isidore of Pelusium, Thomas Aquinas). The Christian when “joining the holy choir of God” realizes that in the service “neither psalterion, stretched strings, plectrum …, nor any musical instrument” is needed (John Chrysostom, “On Psalm 1”). Instruments dedicated and described in the Epistle of Pseudo-Jerome “Ad Dardanum”, known in musicological studies as “Jerome’s instruments”,47 belong to a special category. By the time this work appeared in the ninth– tenth centuries CE many of the Old Testament instruments had already been forgotten. Therefore the characteristics of the tuba, cithara, psalterium and tympanum are only vaguely associated with actual instruments of the biblical period. In almost every case the construction of the instrument, which often corresponds with the complex mechanical instruments used in the Middle Ages, is interpreted metaphorically, either in a spiritual or a mystical manner. In addition one can certainly discover elements of numerical symbolism related to the Old Testament, the Gospels, or the wider Christian tradition.

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For instance, the ten strings of the psaltery represent the Ten Commandments, the 24 strings of the cithara denote the 24 elders of Revelation, the three sides of the sound box of the cithara signify the Trinity, and the four sections of the Roman tuba as well as the square shape of psaltery signify the four evangelists. Patristic writings also contain allegorical interpretation of musical instruments. Thus Origen finds in the very notion of the “musical instrument” (ργανον) “the Church of God consisting of contemplative (θεωρητικν) and active (πραγματικν) souls” (On Psalm 150:3). Ten strings, he thinks, fill “the body” of ‘asor (ψαλτριον δεκαχóρδον) with five feelings and five energies of the soul (On Psalm 33:2). Clement of Alexandria assumes that strings can be associated even with the Logos, that is, Jesus (Paed. II:4).48 According to Augustine their number was a sort of musical embodiment of the Ten Commandments (Enarrat. Ps. 150, 5f.), and was governed by general principles that applied to more than just music (De doctrina christiana II:16). Similar are ideas about the number of the strings of the ‘asor in the works of Basil the Great. He also believes that they symbolize the Ten Commandments “written in the first law-giving” (Homily on Psalm 32). Basil discovers a deeper meaning in the construction of the nevel, which is able to provoke the performer into searching for the heavenly world,49 and its purpose is to be the bearer of the Holy Spirit.50 This concept is developed by Hilary of Poitiers who finds a latent link between the shape of the nevel and the contours of the body of the Lord (Tractatus super psalmos, 7). Nicetus, bishop of Remesiana (second half of the fourth century) notes that in the shape of the kinnor one can discern an outline of the cross of Jesus whose image “is secretly embodied in [its] wood [that is, its sound box] and in the stretching of the strings” (De psalmodiae bono, 5). According to Origen, the Biblical shofar and hatsotserah were made to “praise God with their loud blasts” (On Psalm 150:3). In the comments of Ambrose of Milan (Librum de fide) they announce “heavenly, celestial exultation”, and therefore it is necessary to recognize their “power and the quality of the sound”. The trumpets of the Revelation, he assumes, mean “the Father’s call from heaven”, the arrival of “the Sabbath of peace”, when the Spirit would prevail over the flesh.51 Many writers (the author of the Didache, Clement, Origen, and Athanasius of Alexandria) compare the trumpet with the Gospel itself, which proclaims the good news of the advent of the Saviour. The trumpeters of the new era, as Origen states, are evangelists and apostles (Hom. Jes. Nav. VII:1). Cassiodorus declares that the psalterium (nevel) “has an extremely pleasant and sweet harmony of the heavenly virtues”, whereas “the twanging of the cithara, the banging of the tympanum, and the clanging of the cymbals”, as

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well as the decachordon itself can surely be regarded as a “result” of the Decalogue (De musica, 9). Origen implies that cymbals (tseltselim) correspond to “pure reason, brought to life by the salvation of Christ”. The booming sound of the tympanum (tof) signifies “the killing of lust by virtue”. Strings (minnim) “bound together in harmony are ancient commandments and teachings about many things that have absolutely no discord between themselves” (On Psalm 150:4-5).52 John Chrysostom (Sac. III:4) asserts that the pa‘amonim on the robe of an Old Testament priest, like the bells on the vestment of a Christian priest, carry a latent link between the sacred rite and the divine Word that they often foreshadow.53 Quite often the Church Fathers resort to a figurative, and sometimes extremely picturesque comparison of the musical instruments with the “human instruments”, that is, the different parts of the human body, through which people can “exalt God through the spirit”. Thus the kithara is interpreted by Origen as “an active soul, put into motion by the commandments of God”, and the psalterion is considered “pure reason put into motion by spiritual knowledge” (On Psalm 33:2; 92:4). Didymus of Alexandria (308-395) follows his predecessor Origen and adds that “the soul that has conformed itself to the kithara, that acknowledges, as it were, its ability to remember, approve and deny…plays an instrument, as it were” when “it confesses the Lord secretly” (On Psalm 33:2). Basil the Great believes that the “composition of the body is figuratively a psalterion and an organ54 tuned musically for songs of praise to God” (Homily on Psalm 30). John Chrysostom writes, “Our tongue is a string of the live kithara which produces various voices, but in harmonious piety” (On Psalm 146). In his commentary on Psalm 150 Clement of Alexandria assimilates the psalterion and the kithara to the human tongue. The kithara is equivalent to the mouth, and the organ [that is, the sounding box] and the strings are equivalent to the body and sinews that “convey one’s mood”, and imply the action of the Holy Spirit (Paed. II:4). Theodoret of Cyrrhus advances the same analogy between people as “instruments of the Spirit”, and “musical instruments” when making an appeal “to establish ourselves as a euphonious and harmonious instrument” (Homily on Psalm 33:2). He also says that in obedience to the call of King David to “sing praises to the Lord with the kithara (RSV ‘lyre’), with the kithara and the sound of melody” (Ps. 98:5), when in church we should “utter divine melody, plucking the spiritual kitharae”. In a profusion of extravagant metaphors, he continues “with these spiritual kitharae we make our bodies, and our teeth…serve notes. The tongue is set in motion by the brain as an entity experienced in music theory, and carrying out the tongue’s modulations” (Homily on Psalm 97). In the other comments of Theodoret the kithara and the psalterion are regarded as instrumental

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embodiments of the human intellect and tongue (Homily on Psalm 150:4), whereas a man himself “from whom a voice is born is the tympanon” (Homily on Psalm 149:3), for on it he brings to God “a rhythmic song [that is, singing accompanied by the tambourine, and probably by dancing]” (Homily on Psalm 68:26). John Chrysostom (On Psalm 149), Augustine (Enarrat. Ps. 150) and Andrew of Caesarea (Commentary on Revelation 39) write about the symbolical “concord between the harmonious sounding of the strings” and the heavenly singing of the saints that helps towards “the mortification of bodily lust”. Such imaginative thought55 represents the intercourse of man and God via the voice, the richest living instrument fashioned by the Creator himself. The voice is not of human making but by passing through the prism of the instruments made by man, which are mechanical, it has become mechanical and therefore less expressive. This imaginative thought reflects a new aspect of aesthetic perception and a certain stage of comprehension of the role of musical instruments as seen in historical retrospect.

Medieval and Renaissance Scholarship Late medieval and Renaissance western exegesis continues the same trend, but from a slightly different angle, orientated towards contemporary realities. Bible scholars of the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries repeatedly underline the link between the Old Testament and Christian dogmatics. Such scholars include Cardinal Hugo de Sancto Caro (Hugh of St Cher, 1200–1263), the Franciscan monks Nicholas of Lyra (ca. 1270–1349) and Johannes Marchesini (fifteenth century), the German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455–1522), the Italian scholar and Bible translator Nicolo di Mallermi (15th century), abbot of the monastery of San Michele di Lemo, and the German reformer Martin Luther (1483–1546). As well as mentioning the historical facts,56 and information taken from the Bible57 or borrowed from their predecessors (especially Isidore of Seville),58 and their own studies,59 these scholars repeatedly underline the link between Old Testament instruments and Christian dogmatics, and often draw parallels between the ritual use of the instruments by the ancient Jews and the musical tradition of the Catholic liturgy. Thus according to Hugh of St Cher the seven shofars (yovels) used in the capture of Jericho are likened to seven prophets, and to the seven mortal sins “that should be torn up by the roots”.60 The sound of the shofar, calling the assembly to complete the sacred rite, he associates with the peal of the church bells that announce the beginning of the mass. Nicholas of Lyra finds an analogy between the bells and the biblical tof (Commentary on Jer. 31:4). And the sound of the yovel which declares the initiation of the year of Jubilee he equates with joyful acclama-

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tions “Nativity! Nativity!” on the day of the great feast of the Nativity of the Virgin (Commentary on Lev. 25:9). The same author unexpectedly compares the women players on tambourines (tympanistriae) with early Christian holy women (St Thecla and many others),61 and even with the Virgin Mary, when he mentions the well known sermon of Augustine in which she is called “tympanistria”.62 Nicholas collates the instrumental music allowed in the Western liturgy with the Old Testament liturgy. There it also meant “spiritual joy overflowing the soul” (Commentary on Psalm 150:3).63 Mallermi distinguishes three ways of praising God: singing without accompaniment, and two variants of the combination of singing and instrumental music (the sound of the organ). In one the music precedes the singing and in the other the singing comes first. All three possibilities were reflected in the titles of the different procedures for performing psalms: (1) an unaccompanied song (cantico); (2) the music precedes the singing (psalmo del cantico); (3) the singing precedes the music (cantico del psalmo) (Introduction to Psalm 2).64 Following the Church Fathers, Nicolo di Mallermi parallels the ten strings of the psalterium decachordum (‘asor) with the Ten Commandments of Moses. However, he expands the semantic field of the combination of singing and music, assuming that not only the instrument itself, but playing on it as well signifies keeping the basic code of the Decalogue (ibid.). In his opinion, which coincides with the ideas of “the Catholic scholars” (li catolici doctori), another stringed instrument, the sheminit, probably an eight-stringed instrument, symbolizes the advent of the Messiah to accomplish the Last Judgement, reckoned to take place on the eighth day of creation. For, as he says, “David when playing contemplates many sins committed by himself against God” (Introduction to Psalm 6). Finally, this insightful monk regards “the invitation … to glorify God” including by the use of musical instruments as a kind of apologetic tour de force. The development of religious (including liturgical) art, and the increase in the corpus of relevant texts and of the pictorial base stimulated the beginning of a new hagiographic, iconographic and hymnographic period in the life of the Old Testament instruments. They are repeatedly mentioned in prayers and liturgical hymns,65 in historical sources and in hagiographic literature.66 They are depicted in external stone carvings (Figures 7.1, 7.2) and in wall paintings inside churches, as well as in numerous manuscript miniatures67 (Figures 7.3, 7.4). Sometimes instruments themselves and their functions are transfigured in surprising ways in cultures temporally and geographically distant from those of the Bible.68

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Figure 7.1. King David playing a psaltery. Stone relief on the façade of the church of the Protection by the Theotokos on Lake Nerl, near Moscow, twelfth century CE

Figure 7.2. King David playing a triangular psaltery. Internal frieze of the baptistery. Parma, thirteenth century

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Figure 7.3. Musician playing psaltery. Miniature from the Stuttgart Psalter of northern French origin, end of the ninth century CE (Stuttgart Public Library)

Figure 7.4. Miriam dancing accompanied by a frame drum and cymbals. Miniature from the Tomich Psalter, Bulgarian origin, mid-fourteenth century CE (Moscow, GIM)

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Figure 7.5. Lute player. Miniature from the Italian Bible (Venice, 1493)

Nonetheless everywhere the prevalent understanding is one and the same: the instruments are considered either as sacred or as metaphorical symbols of the “voice of God” or of the human voice praising the Creator. In Byzantine theological thought hymnographers themselves are represented as the ideal “organs” (ργανα) for the glorification of God. Thus, the church calls “the gold-streamed” John of Damascus “a kithara of the Shepherd … harmoniously sounding as if played by David”. However, the artistic interchange between instruments and people found its most concentrated expression in the poem by Nicephor Kallistos (fourteenth century): Here are the singers of the divine hymns: Wonderful Cosmas is a spiritual lyre, Damascus has given a new Orpheus to the world, Theodore and Joseph the Studion Are beautiful instruments of music, Joseph the Hymnographer is a marvellous peal, Andrew is sounding in harmony, And Theophanes is a mellifluous flute, 69 As are George, Leo, Mark, and Kassia.

These lines can truly be called a projection of Psalm 150 onto a hagiographic screen. Clothed thus in the images of the famous creators of “the divine songs”, the ancient musical instruments reveal a new spiritual and aesthetic aspect of their existence.

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Translations of the Bible The history of Bible translation covers over two thousand years. During such a long period numerous schools and traditions appeared throughout the world. Many of them are rich and prolific, others are less representative, and some have arisen only in recent times. Each has its own peculiar features, conditioned by different factors. The most important of them are: the religious needs of the society in a given historical situation, the linguistic evolution that affects virtually all levels both of the literary and of the colloquial language, and new trends in the culture (including music) in conformity with the spiritual needs of the age. A special sphere of the afterlife of the Old Testament instruments is found in the interpretation of the biblical instruments in translations of the Scriptures. They display numerous interpretative changes that took place as a result of the temporal and geographic transmission of the ancient Jewish instrumental terminology, not to mention linguistic and cultural adaptations. As a rule the more often the Bible was translated into any particular language, the greater the terminological diversity. Various interpretations of the instruments had appeared already in ancient times, and since then they have migrated from one version of the Scriptures to another, and from one language to another. Both the Septuagint and later translations by the Hellenistic Jews Aquila, Theodotion and Symmachus, the Aramaic Targums, the Latin Vulgate and finally the Syriac Peshitta generally follow the Hebrew original. But some (Aquila and Symmachus) were too zealous in their literalism, whereas others, such as the Vulgate and the Peshitta cared mainly about “the essence of the thought being clear”.70 Nevertheless all of them admit a considerable amount of divergence, confusing or often interchanging both typologically different instruments, such as the kinnor (lyre) and the nevel (harp), and typologically similar ones, such as the shofar (horn) and the hatsotserah (trumpet). In some places one instrument or another is omitted from the text (for example, the qeren is not mentioned in Joshua 6:5 in the Septuagint), and in others the instrument may be interpreted wrongly. Thus, the ‘ugav, which represents the woodwind, appears in the Septuagint either as a stringed instrument, the kithara (Gen. 4:21), and the “psalmos” (Job 30:31),71 or a sound produced by the voice, “a sound of the psalmos” in Job 21: 12. The ‘ugav also appears as a generic term “organs” in Psalm 150:4, meaning “the instruments”. In the Peshitta ‘ugav is counted with the strings and specified as the kenara. In some verses the word is either replaced by the adjective “sweet” (halyata), as in the figurative expression “sweet strings” (mene halyata) or else is understood abstractly. In the Targums (including Tg. Onq.) the ‘ugav is counted as a woodwind and is translated by its Aramaic

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equivalent, abbuba. In the Vulgate it is not identified at all and is rendered by the generic notions “instrument” (organum) and “the sound of the instrument” (sonitum organi).72 From the point of view of typology the term most adequately rendered is tof, which is presented nearly everywhere as a membranophone. The translations of the Scriptures into modern languages that follow the examples of the Septuagint and the Vulgate contain even more mistakes, and the obscure places do not decrease in number! However, there exists a certain logic within any individual cultural tradition, for, as has already been mentioned, the richer the tradition, the more terminological and typological diversity it generates. Thus in the numerous English versions of the Bible from the fourteenth century and down to the present day73 that draw on the Vulgate as a significant source, one can find many inconsistencies in the interpretation of certain instrumental terms. For instance, the typology of the nevel comprises almost the whole spectrum of the stringed group. It is treated as a plucked instrument such as the lute family (“gittern”, “sitol” in WyclB, “lute” in MofB), or the zither family (“sauter” in WyclB, “psaltery” in DouB and HarkB), or the harp family (“harp” in RSV, NASB), or the lyre family (“lyre” in NIV, NJB). It is also treated as a bowed instrument of the viola family (“viole” in BpB, “viol” in KJV). In some translations it is understood as a certain “instrument for singing” (“syngonge instrument” in WyclB) and even in the generic sense of “stringed instruments” (CEV). The idiophone pa‘amonim in different periods as well as being given a suitable rendering as “sistrum” (HarkB), “rattles” (MofB) or the functionally similar “castanets” (MoultB, ASV, NASB, RSV, CEV), was also perceived at an early stage as an aerophone, “trumpis” (WyclB) and a horn, “cornet” (BpB, DouB).74 If the origin of the instrument is unknown, then its translation is conjectural and variations become more evident. Such is the case with the shalishim, which is ascribed either to the class of aerophones (“trumpis” in WyclB, “cornets” in BpB, DouB), to the class of idiophones (“cymbals” in MofB), or to the class of stringed instruments (“rebecks” in BpB, “threestringed instruments” in JV, “lute” in NIV). Once it is rendered by a generic term (“instruments of musick” in KJV). At the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century there appeared many of the so-called “historical Bibles”. Among these versions are the “Biblia vulgar historiata” by Nicolo Mallermi, 1471; the Dutch “Biblia belgica”, 1477; the Prague Bible, 1488; the Kralice “Biblia swiata”, 1572–86; numerous pre-Luther German editions published in the last third of the fifteenth century and the first quarter of the sixteenth century,75 as well as the translation of Luther himself, 1534; the Spanish “La santa Biblia” by Cassiodoro de Reina, 1569; the Polish Biblia by Szymon

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Budny, 1572; and Slovenian versions by Primoš Trubar, 1555–82 and Juri Dalmatin, 1584 and others. In these versions the text of the Scriptures was translated into everyday languages, and the ancient Jewish instruments alongside previous relatively unknown Graeco-Latin “images” often appear in the guise of specific national instruments that existed in a certain period76 (Figures 7.6, 7.7). Such little known terms include “cimbali/cymbali”, “tympano/timpano”, “cythara/cithara/cittera” in BIM; “cimbalen/cymbalen”, “chytare/cithare”, “lire/liere/lyere” in BB, “czymbaly/cymbalky” in PrB; “cymbály” in KrB; “zimmeln/zimeln/zymmeln/zymbaln”, “psaltery” in NüB; “cymbaln/cimbeln” in LB; and “psalter” in TruPs. When modernizing biblical instruments the translators at times are not consistent.77 So the kinnor becomes both zither (“zither” in LB) and harp (“harf/harpf/harpff” in NüB; “harfa” in KrB; “arfa” in TruPs), and the halil becomes a kind of a flute or oboe (“pisscialka/ pisstialka” in PrB, KrP; “holer”, “schwegel” in NüB; “Pfeiffe” in LB; “pifaro”, “piva” in BIM; “schalmey/schalmai” in NüB).

Figure 7.6. King David playing a harp, and a shawm player. Miniature from the German Bible. Nürnberg, 1483 (Moscow, RSLMB)

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Figure 7.7. “Let everything that breathes praise the Lord” (Ps 150:6): a group of people playing trumpets, drums and a psaltery. Miniature from the Tomich Psalter, Bulgarian origin, mid-fourteenth century CE (Moscow, GIM)

Figure 7.8. Miriam dancing accompanied by a frame drum and cymbals. Miniature from the Kiev Psalter, 1397 (St Petersburg, RNB)

In many cases the shofar and the hatsotserah, typologically similar aerophones, are not differentiated at all. Both become “tromba” in BIM, “trompe/ trompet” in BB, “truba” in PrB, “trauba” in KrB, and “horn” in NüB. Quite often in this context, instruments that have suffered a change of interpretation depart from their original significance not only lexically (which is understandable), but also organologically. Thus, the kinnor is transformed into a lute (“lutna” in PrB) and even into a bowed instrument, the violin (“Geige” in LB) and viol (“violeta” in BIM). The nevel is rendered similarly as a lute (“luc” in LyB) and viol (“viole” in LyB, BpB). Minnim (strings or stringed group) becomes a virginal (“virginals” in BpB), a stringed keyboard instru-

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ment. Instead of the woodwinds ‘ugav and halil a generic term “instruments” (“organe” in BB, “warhany” in PrB, KrB) appears. So the creators of the “popular” Bibles, while in general following the principle of historical accuracy, nevertheless present the Old Testament instruments using the musical inventory of their own time. However, because of their insufficient knowledge of the facts and of the ancient instruments, and due to their lack of direct contact with the original text of the Tanakh, the translators often make wrong decisions about the classes of the instruments. The later “Church” translations of the Bible (the most significant are the English KJV, 1611; the Dutch “Statenbijbel”, translated according to the resolution of the States General into the vernacular of the low countries, 1637; and the French “Geneva Bible”, 1560, 1588) continue the same trend of modernizing the Old Testament instruments, especially the strings, right up to the beginning of the twentieth century. Since then new translations (SegB, MoultB, JV, ASV, MofB, HarkB) have been made, and numerous versions in different languages prepared in the last 50 years under the aegis of the United Bible Societies have been published. The translation teams of these new and revised translations have drawn on the accumulated experience of their predecessors, and used the results of historical research, Biblical studies, linguistics, and musicology. They have applied new archaeological data and have been able to assess more realistically the authentic Hebrew text. In short they have identified more accurately the earliest biblical instruments, and have found corresponding modern terms. So the classification of the nevel as a harp (“harpe” in BFC, “harp” in BNBG, “harfa” in SSP, “harp” in NASB) and halil as a flute (“flute” in NASB, TEV, NIV, CEV; “flûte” in BFC, “flauto” in BILC, “flauta” in SBE, “fluit” in BNBG, “flavta” in SSP) are quite close to the original source culture. Nevertheless there are still some mistakes and discrepancies not merely in different versions, but even within one and the same translation there are many cases when the interpretation of the instruments is inconsistent, and sometimes simply wrong.78 A number of recent editions render kinnor as a harp (“harp” in RSV, TEV, NIV, NJV, CEV; “arpa” in SBE), as a zither (“citer” in BNBG, “cetra” in BILC) or as a lute (“al-‘ud” in KMT). In other translations it is associated simultaneously with several stringed instruments. For instance kinnor becomes “harp”, “lyre” and “lute” in NIV, zither and harp (“cetre”, “harfa”) in SSP, and guitar, lyre and harp (“guitare”, “lyre”, “harpe”) in BFC. Nevel becomes both harp and zither (“arpa”, “cetra”) in BILC, psalterion, harp, vihuela and flute (“salterio”, “arpa”, “vihuela”, “flauta”) in SBE, santur and rebab (“santur”, “rebab”) in KMT. Shofar is rendered as trumpet and horn in NASB, TEV, NIV, CEV, and cornet in KJV. Hatsotserah is taken not only as a trumpet (the majority of the versions), but also as a horn (“šep‘or”, “poł”) in EAB, and a bugle in MofB, MoultB, RSV.

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The Slavonic Tradition of Bible Translation In the Slavonic tradition of Bible translation stretching over 11 centuries from the first translation carried out by Cyril and Methodius in the ninth century, the situation in the instrumental vocabulary is also complicated. Unlike Western versions based on the Vulgate, early Slavonic translators were orientated more towards the Septuagint, at least in most of the books where musical instruments are mentioned. In the later Russian versions this orientation remained basically unchanged, though not completely invariable. Therefore along with the original Slavonic names of the instruments obvious traces of Greek influence can be seen. The Vulgate was attractive for the period at the end of the fifteenth century when members of the circle of Gennady, the archbishop of Novgorod, were translating the whole corpus of the Slavonic Bible. The Latin source among others is reflected in the musical terminology both of the original Gennady Bible and of its later manuscript copies. The Hebrew text of the Tanakh was seriously studied only in the nineteenth century, when the Synodal version of the Holy Scriptures was being prepared in Russian. This becomes apparent in the more precise typology of some instruments, rather than in the lexical terms used. Hatsotserah did not cause any problems for the Slavonic Bible translators and was always interpreted as a trumpet. As for the shofar the picture is not so fortunate. In the early Slavonic manuscripts of the eleventh to fourteenth centuries (mainly preserved are selections from the Psalms and the Prophets) it is rendered mostly as trumpet (труба) under the influence of the Septuagint. In the Gennady Bible (1499) and its copies of the middle of the 16th century (SidB, JoachB, UvarB) in addition to the Greek, Latin influence is also obvious, judging by the word buccina (буксина) in some verses. The classical Church Slavonic edition, the so-called Yelizavetinskaya Bible of 1751, still read in the liturgy today, follows the Septuagint very scrupulously, consistently using the terms trumpet (труба), horn (рог) and trumpet made of horn (труба рожана) in all the relevant places. Francisco Skorina, translating into a western Russian form of language also known as Byelorussian, among other renderings uses just once (in Job 39:24 in the 1517 Prague edition) an interesting word гук, which has an onomatopoeic etymology and means “a long sound”.79 The translator seems to have chosen it deliberately in order to show the emotional tension of the dialogue between God and the righteous Job and to mark the culmination of the symbolic image of the steed “that is not scared at all when the long blast is sounding”. Though in the Synodal Bible the term “trumpet” (труба) predominates, in some verses “the echo” of the Tanakh is to be seen, for instance in “jubilee trumpets” (юбилейные трубы in Josh. 6:3, 7, 12), wrongly implying the

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term “yovel” in the source text. The authors of the recent WCBT edition decided in some places to define the precise purpose of the instrument (“military trumpets”: военные трубы in Jer. 42.14), the material they are made of (“rams’ horns”: бараньи рога in 1 Chr. 15:28; 2 Chr. 15.14), or the character of its signal (“martial blasts”: воинственные гласы in Amos 2:2). So there are two tendencies in the Church Slavonic and Russian traditions of interpreting the shofar. In the former one can see a gradual assimilation to the Septuagint, whereas in the latter a deviation from the Greek original and a slight movement back towards the Hebrew text is apparent. As regards the kinnor and the nevel the situation with their translation is much more complicated. Kinnor underwent numerous changes in interpretation in the course of the centuries.80 In the early manuscripts (ChudPs, OTC 2, Proph. 1 and 2, GennB and its copies) it was understood as a zither (gusli: гусли), a lyre (лира), a lute (лютня), a bowed instrument (pevnitsa: певница), a harp (pesnitsa: песница), a kithara (sitara: ситара) and a psaltery (псалтирь). Later on the kithara (кифара) and the generic instruments (органы in ElizB), the kinyra (кинира in OstB, ElizB), the zither (цитра), the harp (арфа: both in SynB) and even the cymbals (кимвалы in ElizB) were added to the list of variant renderings of kinnor.81 The nevel was interpreted even more inconsistently. In addition to the stringed instruments such as nablom or navla (навла), psaltery, gusli, pevnitsa, pesnitsa (ChudPs, GennB and its copies, ElizB), pregudnitsa (прегудница in OstB, MoscB), or a generic term “strings” or smytsy (смыцы in SkorB), it was rendered as various types of woodwind such as sopel (сопель), pishchal (пищаль), and svirel (свирель in OstB, MoscB). Only in the last two centuries were the incongruities resolved, and the nevel presented within the range of stringed instruments (SynB, WCBT). Anyway, in the Church Slavonic and Russian tradition of Bible translation kinnor and nevel both appear in fact under identical names, mainly as gusli and psaltery. But neither term clearly reflects the typology of the ancient Hebrew instruments. As for the woodwinds halil and ‘ugav, the former occurs under various labels: sopel, tsevnitsa (цевница, that is, pan-pipes), pipela (пипела, a pipe with a very high tessitura), pishchal and svirel (GennB, OstB, MoscB, ElizB), all within their proper class. The ‘ugav, though mentioned only four times in the Old Testament, was not correctly understood until the end of the nineteenth century, when it became a woodwind instrument (svirel in SynB), and finally a century later was rendered as a flute (флейта in WCBT) in accordance with its primary meaning. The Biblical percussion instruments tof and tseltselim turned out to be the least problematic for the Slavonic translators. Tof was rendered either by the Graecism tympan (тимпан in GennB, MoscB) or by its Russian analogue the timbrel or buben (бубен in ChudPs, Proph. 1, GennB, SkorB, MoscB).

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But in some cases it was erroneously assigned to the woodwind (pipola in GennB, sopel in OstB), and even to the strings (pevnitsa in MoscB, pesnitsa in GennB, MoscB, psaltery in SynB). Modern translations such as tambourine (тамбурин)82 and drum or baraban (барабан in WCBT) are correct from the point of view of the instrument class, but are anachronistic. The tseltselim and metsiltayim were by general agreement interpreted as cymbals (кимвалы) both in the early Slavonic manuscripts and in the later printed editions. Finally the mena‘an‘im (sistrum), which appeared in the Russian tradition only from the sixteenth century, became either a woodwind tsevnitsa (цевница in OstB and ElizB) or quite unexpectedly a brass trumpet (труба in SkorB).83 In the last two centuries, however, the situation improved, and the Hebrew sistrum was conveyed adequately (SynB, WCBT). Thus, just a short historical survey of the various traditions of Bible translation shows many and varied changes occurring in the evolution of the instrumental terminology. Some names (such as trumpet, cymbals and pipe) are found constantly over different periods; others (such as Geige, virginal, musette, guitare and castanets) appear rarely or only once, and a third group (harp and flute) were introduced only later, and were then taken up by subsequent versions.

Figure 7.9. King David playing a harp. Miniature from a Tanakh of northern French origin, thirteenth century CE (London, British Library)

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Figure 7.10. King David playing a harp. Miniature from the German Bible. Nürnberg, 1483 (Moscow, RSLMB)

Figure 7.11. “On the willows there we hung up our lyres” (Ps 137:2): trumpets and drums. Miniature from the Tomich Psalter, Bulgarian origin, mid-fourteenth century CE (Moscow, GIM)

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Summary In the course of the many centuries of translating the Bible into different languages the musical instruments mentioned in the Old Testament underwent numerous transformations of interpretation and terminology. At times these were so great that modern readers of the Scriptures may not even be able to recognize what class of instrument the Hebrew original had been. Among the many reasons that caused such significant transformations the most important and easily identifiable are the following. 1. The enormous temporal distance, covering several millennia, often caused the chain of contact that might have brought a certain consistency in the interpretation of the biblical instruments to snap. 2. The terminological overlapping which appeared in the process of linguistic change was unavoidable. 3. The contact of the translators with the Hebrew text was often only indirect, either via the Septuagint or via the Vulgate, and both of these already had divergences from the Hebrew text of the Tanakh. 4. The cultural milieu of the receptors was alien to that of the Bible, so its interpretation was naturally adapted in accordance with the local culture and the lexical resources of any new language.84 Furthermore one should take into account that translators, though well educated and knowledgeable in Christian doctrine and in the lexical inventory of their own languages could be unaware of the types of instruments that the Israelites and their neighbours had had in those long past times. So they replaced strange and unfamiliar names by the names of instruments familiar in their own days, so that a person reading the Bible would perceive concrete associations with contemporary instruments. In whatever period a new translation of the Bible was done, each time it reflected the contemporary musical culture and undoubtedly introduced an element of creativity. Nevertheless the respectful attitude towards the sacred text that was absolutely necessary for such work was always retained.85 Therefore through the centuries, overcoming distance and national differences, there extends an invisible thread linking the divergent cultures. The fullest realization of this link can be seen in the translation of Psalm 150. This paean of praise to the Creator, the climax of the whole Book of Psalms, is the final consummation, presented in a sublime poetic form,86 where the three components of the ancient idea of “music” are combined. The first is singing: the psalm belongs to the genre of songs of praise, “hallel”, as is indicated in the introductory “Hallelujah” in verse 1. The second is instrumental playing: verses 3-5 in fact constitute a typological list of all the biblical instruments, comprising brass and woodwind (shofar in verse 3 and

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‘ugav in verse 4), strings (nevel and kinnor in verse 3, and minnim in verse 4), membranophones (tof in verse 4), and idiophones (tseltselim in verse 5). The third is dance (mahol in verse 4 is very likely to refer to dancing accompanied by the tof). In whatever language these sublime, impressive and expressive lines are recited, they convey a central theme of the Bible, the heartfelt worship of God. |–hy√= ˚l¸lh aú haləlû yāh

Praise the LORD

:Ùï∑zuv fivyú÷qËri–b ˚h˚Äl¸la¡hä ÙÚHd Ë q “ b –¸ lú' E -˚l¸lïh a haləlû -’ēl bəqoÄšô haləlûhû birəqîa ūzzô

Praise God in his sanctuary; Praise him in his mighty firmament!

:Ùøld Ë gF… b˘r O k –¸ ˚h˚Äll ¸ h ¡a ä wy°AtOr˚bÃgib ˚h˚Bl¸lïah haləlûhû ºi©əºûrōÓāiw haləlûhû kərōº guÄəlô

Praise him for his mighty deeds; Praise him according to his exceeding greatness!

:rÙïFnikÃw lebûˇ ≈n¸–b ˚h˚Äl¸lïahä rˇˇ°ApÙH v—qûˇ Et¸–b ˚h˚l¸lïh a õ Praise him with trumpet sound; haləlûhû bəÓēqa šô¼ār Praise him with lute and harp! haləlûhû bənēºel wəÂinnôr :bïg√ ˚vÃw £yú«Fnim¸–b ˚h˚Äl¸lïahä lÙÚxAm˚ •ZOt¸b ˚h˚l¸lïahõ Praise him with timbrel and dance; haləlûhû ºəÓō¼ ûmā ôl Praise him with strings and pipe! haləlûhû bəminnîm wə û©āº ä vamH A° -yElc ¸ l ¸ c i b ¸ ˚h˚Bll ¸ ïh a :hïv A ˚r¸t yúl E c ¸ l ¸ c i ï–¸b ˚h˚Äll ¸ ïh a haləlûhû bə il əlê-šāma haləlûhû bə il əlê Óərû ā

Praise him with sounding cymbals; Praise him with loud clashing cymbals!

:–hïy√ -˚l¸lïh a h – y√Æ lúGElh a t G¸ hAmH A nFà h a õ lZk –O kōl hannəšāmā təhallēl yāh

Let everything that breathes praise the LORD!

:h=y√ ˚l¸lh aú haləlû- yāh

Praise the LORD!

Endnotes 1. In general the character of the text of the Talmud is authoritative and declarative. The teaching of the Tannaim* based on the Old Testament canon (ideally the chain of knowledge should lead back to Moses) was perceived as axiomatic, and was transmitted from generation to generation without being critically analysed or stylistically changed, not to mention altering the meaning. 2. Such a substantial chronological shift is absolutely justified considering that the first period of Tannaitic activity, which was still connected with oral tradition, falls in the last third of the fourth century BCE. 3. In this context the word mishnayot (mišnāyôÓ/twynvm, a plural form from Mishnah), means short, logically complete sayings of the rabbinic teachers. 4. The figurative phrase “its voice is heard in Jericho” (m. Tamid 2:8, 7:3; y. Sukkah 5:3) describes the sound timbre characteristic of the instruments (both real, as halil, and

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hypothetical, as magrefa, which in tj. Sukkah 55b is said to be capable of producing a thousand tones; this is of course another exaggeration). It is perceived as a proverb to be compared for instance with the proverb, “All roads lead to Rome”. It is quite possible that the former proverb was already in use in the same Talmudic period as the latter. Some, however, hold that “All roads lead to Rome” appeared only in the fourteenth century and came from the pen of the English poet Geoffrey Chaucer. 5. One of the allegorical sayings from the Mishnah is, “When it [an offering ram] is alive, it has one sound, and when it is dead it has seven sounds”. Fortunately the Gemara gives the meaning of the aphorism: “Its [the ram’s] two horns become two trumpets (i.e. shofars), two tibiae become halils, and the skin becomes a tof; the large intestines are used for the nevel, and the small intestines for the kinnor”. A certain parallel can be seen between this Talmudic haggadah and the Arabic legend about the invention of the ‘ud (a lute type instrument). The elements of its construction symbolize parts of a human body. This was the body of the little dead son of Lamak (biblical Lamech). The sound box of the instrument was associated with the thigh, its neck with a leg, the peg box with the feet, and the pegs themselves with the toes. The strings were associated with the intestines. The father, as the legend says, made the instrument hoping that playing on it would comfort him in his great grief. 6. One haggadah, for example, tells about the daughter of the Pharaoh. Having become the wife of King Solomon she brought among other things in her dowry “a thousand kinds” (’ele¼ mînê/ynym #la) of Egyptian musical instruments (m. Šabb. 56b). Another haggadah relates the legend mentioned above about the halil, kinnor and tseltselim that existed in the time of Moses. They had a beautiful sound and for many centuries had been kept on the altar of the Temple. Then they were gilded, and their construction was also improved. After that the quality of the sound was lost. Each instrument was immediately returned to its original state, and the previous timbre was regained. According to a third haggadah, in the period of Ezra the priests used to stand on the destroyed walls of Jerusalem and blow the trumpets, thus calling on the citizens to restore them. The priests rented the trumpets from the common people for one gold dinar. The first two legends could have a concealed historical motif. As for the third one, its character is no doubt fictitious, since the trumpets, being sacred instruments, were not at all accessible to anybody except the priests. 7. For instance different tractates give different numbers of instruments in the temple ensemble. According to one (m. ‘Arak. 2:3) there should be “not less than two nevalim, though not more than six; not less than two halilim, though not more than twelve”. Or (ibid. 2:5) there should be “not less than nine kinnorot, with no upper limit; not less than two hatsotseerot, with no upper limit; and there should be only one tsiltsal”. Again, the quantity of “the kinnorot, the nevalim, the metsiltayim, the hatsotserot and other instruments” could simply be “without number” (m. Sukkah 5:4). 8. For example, there was a prohibition of any kind of repair to a shofar, except for shortening it (b. Roš Haš. 27b). There was also instruction about where, when and how the torn string of a kinnor should be tied (b. Qinnim 25a). 9. Among 20 instruments mentioned in the Tanakh only ten (shofar, hatsotserah, yovel, qeren, kinnor, nevel, ‘ugav, halil, tseltselim, and shalishim) are referred to in the Talmud under their original names. Quite often the initial meaning of the term is partly or even completely lost. Thus, the definitions of the horn (shofar) and of the trumpet (hatsotserah) were reversed (see endnote 12 below). This probably reflected the real musical practice of a certain late period of the Temple or the post-Temple period. Fur-

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thermore, sometimes alongside the Old Testament names later names are also used. Thus along with the word “kinnor” “hinga” is also to be seen, and along with “‘ugav” one also meets “’abbub”, “korablin” and “kalameyles” (the last, an Aramaicized form of the Greek word κáλαμος, appeared only in the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth century). A number of the biblical instruments are concealed under other Talmudic names, and therefore represent a different type or a new variety of an earlier instrument. Such, for instance, are an idiophone zog, which replaced the pa‘amonim and metsillot, or the whole group of membranophones: tabla, tanbura and ’erus. They were understood as the analogues of the tof (see details below). Some instruments were ignored by the tannaim and amoraim. Among these are ‘asor, metsillot and mena‘an‘im. 10. In the course of history the rules for the signals were changed. Quite often the reason for the change could be an external event, for instance, the tragic case of the Roman attack mentioned earlier. The Romans committed a massacre of Jews who were praying in the synagogues, because they misinterpreted the blasts of the shofars as a signal for them to attack (y. Roš Haš. 4:8). The Talmud states precisely all the changes in the rules. 11. The three methods of blowing the shofar and hatsotseerah mentioned in the Bible (meshek, teru‘ah and teqi‘ah) changed many times in the Talmud. Thus, the term “meshek” is omitted altogether, teqi‘ah is sometimes described as a long, and sometimes as a short sound (in the latter case it is renamed shevarim). Teru‘ah is interpreted either as tremolo, or as staccato (b. Roš Haš. 33b). As a result of such fluctuating definitions a similar situation developed with the rhythmic groups of blasts that are compiled from certain patterns of signals. 12. A transposition of the notions took place: “what earlier used to be called hatsotsrata (hatsotserah in Aramaic) is now called shifurta (shofar in Aramaic), and what earlier used to be called shifurta has now become hatsotsrata” (b. Šabb. 36a; Roš Haš. 36a; Sukkah 34a). 13. Alongside reliable facts there are some obviously fictitious stories. Such is the Talmudic legend about King David’s kinnor included in the comment to Ps. 119:62 (“At midnight I rise to praise Thee because of Thy righteous ordinances”). The legend says that the instrument hung above his head, and at midnight started sounding by itself, when the air flow of the northern wind touched the strings. On hearing these sounds the king would immediately get up and begin reading the Torah until dawn (b. Ber. 3b; Sanh. 16a; y. Ber. 1:1). 14. Following the Bible the Talmudic teachers talk about the “sweet” ( allā) sounds of the kinnor. They saw the advantage of the nevel over other instruments in its louder sound (m. ‘Arak. 2:6) and conveyed it by saying that the kinnor “put to shame” other instruments (hiÂlā; m. Kelim 11:6). 15. For centuries scholars had been arguing about the true nature of the kinnor (called either a harp or a lute) and of the nevel (regarded as a lyre, a lute, cymbals, and even a bagpipe). Modern research has established that the kinnor was a lyre and the nevel a harp, or possibly a bass lyre. 16. They all played real instruments made of reed or wood which had “a pleasant and sweet” sound (m. ‘Arak. 2:3) and were “not susceptible to uncleanness” (m. Kelim, 11:6). 17. In this case the secular kind of halil, made of the sheep’s tibia (m. Kinnim 3:6) or of metal (m. Kelim 11:6) was used. Such instruments had a sharp sound and were “susceptible to uncleanness” (m. Kelim 11:6). It was particularly this kind that continued to exist in musical practice after the halil had been excluded from cultic usage. In the

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Talmud it is called ’abbub (the term “halil” is often used in the generic sense of a “woodwind instrument”). 18. The “halil for a bride” is often mentioned both in this and in the other tractates. 19. Gentiles were also allowed when necessary to be invited as performers (b. Šabb. 151a). 20. Here the name of the instrument is used in the singular (tsiltsal). 21. Hellenistic Jews no doubt knew the water organ. It is somehow associated with the magrefa, one of the most enigmatic and debatable Jewish instruments mentioned in the Mishnah (m. Tamid 3:8; 5:6) and the Talmud (tb. ‘Arak 10b; tj. Sukkah 55b; 55d). It was thought to be a kind of ancient Jewish organ (probably pneumatic), intended for use in the Jerusalem Temple in the period of Herod the Great’s rule (40–4 BCE). But it is very unlikely that the priests, who were zealous keepers of the traditions, would allow such a “pagan” instrument to penetrate into the Temple. Some scholars such as C. Sachs, J. Yasser and A. Sendrey dispute its existence at all. J. Braun, however, does not exclude the possibility that such an instrument was used in the Samaritan liturgy in the third– fourth centuries CE. 22. This process goes on in our day as well. Thus, when in 1948 the new state of Israel was established, the shofar as a symbol of power became a customary feature in the ceremony of the inauguration of the president. This is in fact a revival of the Old Testament tradition, when the blowing of the shofar accompanied the anointing of Israelite kings. The instrument sounded at the moment of the anointing (1 Sam. 15:10; 1 Kgs 1:34, 39, 41; 2 Kgs 9:13). The loud call of the shofar can still be heard today during other important official public ceremonies. 23. In the religious and philosophical work “The Book of Beliefs and Opinions” (se¼er ha’emûnôÓ wəhaÄē ôÓ), Sa‘adia Gaon refers to ten cases when, according to the Tanakh, the symbolic calls of the shofar were to be sounded. Among them are: the giving of the Torah on Mount Sinai; the anointing of a king; the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple; and the sacrifice by Abraham of his son Isaac. Understanding their deep sense defines the range of further historical events that require the ritual use of the horn. 24. In “The Book of Radiance” (se¼er hazōhar), the central work of late medieval cabbalistic literature (from the end of the thirteenth century) the messianic implications of the shofar took on a mystical sense: “the sound of the shofar awakens the Superior Grace” (Emer 99b). 25. “Awake those who are asleep from the dream … remember your Creator. Don’t be as those…who lose their years searching for vain things that give no profit and do not save. Look well inside your souls and reform your character. Everyone leave your evil ways and intentions” (Maimonides, Mishne Torah, Yadayim, Teshuva 3:4). 26. This problem, as mentioned earlier, had already been discussed in the Talmudic period. 27. Such similarity does not seem to be accidental. The author probably wanted to underline the symbolic link between the two attributes of the service that referred to the category of the “sacred vessels”. 28. Here Ibn Ezra most likely means the bagpipe, because he could associate the word “nevel” (which signifies a “wineskin”, a “bulbous jug”) with the bellows, the main sound producing part of this instrument. 29. šil ê haggibbôrîm, Mantua, 1612. The instruments are mentioned mainly in the chapter “The Temple Music at the New Moon”. Here the author gives his own reconstruction of the order of the festive service, mixing fact and fantasy. One can readily

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observe the contamination of different historical periods and national traditions: “In front of the singers…there are eighteen musicians, one with a ten-stringed nablon, from two to five others with harps, and another six with ten-stringed nablons. In the centre in front of the singers a castanet player is standing. On his right and left…there are nine trumpeters each side. Each trumpeter tries to produce the same tones as the singers are singing in order to attain harmony and avoid chaos. Then the castanet player gives a signal introducing the singing…accompanied by two nablons and four harps. After that…together with the clashing of the castanets eighteen trumpeters sound three blasts in the normal range. Then the people prostrate themselves.” 30. In the detailed description of the construction and exterior of the instruments one can recognize the theorbe (also known as the chitarrone), an Italian bass lute, popular in the sixteenth century. 31. Here the biblical small cymbals (tseltselim) are probably meant. But the instrument intended for attracting God’s attention and for announcing the beginning of the service cannot be correlated with their quiet and gentle sound. 32. Abraham da Portaleone likens the ancient kind of tof to the “long and narrow ship with the middle part bulging a lot, and made of red and yellow copper”. 33. When writing his work Josephus referred to the text of the Septuagint, as is well known. However he also used another historical source, written by Nicholas of Damascus, describing items in common use in Jewish history, which unfortunately has not survived. 34. Josephus describes the trumpet as less than a cubit long, having a narrow tube, a large mouthpiece and a wide bell. It had the same shape as in contemporary depictions of the instrument, for instance, the trumpets taken as booty from the Jerusalem Temple carved on the triumphal Arch of Titus in Rome. However it was of a smaller size. Josephus’s trumpet also resembles samples belonging to a considerably earlier historical period (Egyptian trumpets of the fourteenth century BCE found in the tomb of Tutankhamun, from which the ancient Jewish hatsotseerah originated). 35. Josephus indicates the technique of playing the nevel with the verb κροúω (“to beat”, that is, to beat the string [with the fingers]; A.J. VII, 12:3). 36. A.J. VIII, 3:8. According to Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. 33, 4:23) electron is an alloy of gold and silver in the proportion 4:1 (in Greek, though, the term also means “yellow amber”). It is likely that these materials could be used for decoration of the instruments. 37. A basic knowledge of the sphere of music and of playing instruments was regarded by some theologians (such as Clement of Alexandria) as an absolutely essential skill for those who study the Bible, since in order to strengthen his faith a man should listen inspirationally to the word of God as when listening to the enthusiastic playing of a kithara. On the other hand, the Scriptures, being “the ecclesiastical consonance of the Law, of the Prophets and of the Apostles, together with the Gospels” can help in providing better understanding of music (Strom. 6:2). 38. The ideas of the theologians about biblical instruments are presented mainly in their comments on the book of Psalms (see the commentaries of Origen, John Chrysostom, Basil the Great, Jerome, Augustine, Eusebius of Caesarea, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Hilary of Poitiers, Cassiodorus and others), but in some cases on other scriptures (Jerome, Bede, etc.). Some thoughts can also be found in their historical and theological writings (for instance, in Eusebius’s “Praeparatio evangelica” and in Isidore of Seville’s

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“Etymologiae”), and in philosophical treatises (such are “The Tutor” and “Stromateis” by Clement of Alexandria, and “Liber de fide resurrectionis” by Ambrose of Milan). 39. According to Jerome (Breviarium in Psalmos, 32), the kinnor had a “singing” sound. 40. Enarrat. Ps. 42. This point of view could be based on the biblical indication of King David’s method of playing (1 Sam. 16:16, 23, etc.), which was probably unusual and is therefore mentioned specially. 41. Homily on Ps. 1. From the scholarly point of view current today this statement cannot be accepted, since it contradicts the well known fact that in ancient times metallic strings did not exist. Strings were made mainly from sheeps’ intestines. The passage most likely reflects post-biblical practice, possibly that of the author’s lifetime. 42. “Buccina is a shepherd’s [instrument] made of a curved horn. That is why it is called in Hebrew ‘shofar’ and in Greek ‘keratine’. The tuba was made of bronze or silver. It produces a loud signal during warfare and at other ceremonies”. Jerome also shows an amazing insight in another difficult case. In his own Bible translation he was the first to differentiate the nevel (harp) from the ‘asor (zither). The latter is mentioned in the Old Testament three times (Pss 33:2; 92:3; 144:9), and each time together with the nevel (neºel āśôr). There is just one small detail, the conjunction “and” (wa), which is used only once ( āśôr…wanāºel, Ps. 92:3), to point out the difference between the two instruments. It is a pity that in his comments Jerome does not say anything about this difference. Fortunately, it was taken into account by later Bible translators. 43. Isidore notes that the frame drum (tympanum) has either bronze or silver plates (he calls them “acetabula”, cups), and when touched they “give a gentle tinkling sound”. This is more characteristic of the instrument of his own time. 44. Here the views of the Church Fathers coincide with those of the Talmudic teachers who also preferred the voice. Moreover, they considered it indisputable as the commandment of the Almighty who said that “It is pleasing and sweet for Him to listen not to the music of the kinnor, but to the solemn word of the mouth” (Midrash on Ps. 92:3). There is however historical evidence that in the period of the iconoclastic controversy musical instruments were sometimes introduced into the liturgy. John of Damascus confirms this indirectly when he protests against this practice (“Three Homilies against Iconoclasm”). 45. This characteristic was absolutely unacceptable to the Church Fathers. They contrasted the “lifeless musical instruments” used in the Old Testament cult with the “live vocal instruments” established in the Christian liturgy (Theodoret of Cyrrhus, “Commentary on Ps. 97:5-6 [MT 98:5-6]”). They also summoned people to glorify God “not on the discordant tympana, but on the organs of the heart” (George of Pisidia, “On the Persian War”) and to use “a live kithara and a live psalterion” in the hymns and spiritual chants (Eusebius of Caesarea, “Commentary on Ps. 91 [MT 92]”). This was because the human voice, like the voice of the angels, “utters the sound of the grace of the Holy Spirit that uses the mouth of the saints instead of trumpets, kitharai and flutes” (John Chrysostom, Hom. Matt. 68:4). The notion of the lifelessness of musical instruments finds echoes in the New Testament, when Paul says, “If even lifeless instruments, such as the flute or the harp, do not give distinct notes, how will any one know what is played?” (1 Cor. 14:7). Probably the re-interpretation of their spiritual and aesthetic significance in Christianity had already happened at an early stage in the formation of the liturgical canon. In later theology this trend was steadily continued.

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46. Thomas Aquinas (1224-1274) writes, “Our church does not accept musical instruments” that “indulge the heart rather than incline it to goodness” (“Summa theologiae”, 95:2). Isidore of Pelusium (ca. 360–ca. 440) regards the aulos as “exciting” and “raising sensuality”, and thinks that along with the cymbals it is “the instrument of deceit” (“Epistles” 1:456). Clement of Alexandria asserts that instruments “incite desire” and “ignite passions and sensual lust, bring the heart into a terrible state of excitement, irritating it and filling it with wrath” (Paed. 2:4). However, alongside such a negative estimation he admits that there is an apologetic value in playing musical instruments, and states that in a certain context, “if somebody imitating the righteous Jewish king [David] wished to sing a thanksgiving song to God accompanied by the lyre or the harp, there would be nothing offensive in it” (ibid.). Presumably the reference is to a nonliturgical context. Clement compares instrumental accompaniment (“the soothing effect of playing an instrument”) to a smile, “joviality spreading harmoniously all over the face” (ibid. 2:5). After many centuries the same ambivalent relation to musical instruments remains established in musical science and a polarity of attitudes is even more evident. Thus, the German priest and theorist Sebastian Virdung describes the percussion instruments in his treatise “Musica getutscht” (1511). Some of them, for example the tympanum, he thinks to be useful, since they were played “for the glory of the Almighty Lord”. Others (drums and kettledrums) he regards as harmful, for “they were invented and made by the devil. There is neither blessing nor goodness in them, and instead of a sweet melodious sound and all the music, [they produce] only noise”. 47. The work “Ad Dardanum Sancti Hieronymi de diversis generibus musicorum epistola” is found in widely dispersed illuminated manuscripts that appeared in the Carolingian period (probably in the ninth–tenth centuries) and were copied many times in the tenth–fourteenth centuries. The text, a commentary on the Book of Daniel (Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15) coincides largely with the chapter called “De musica et partibus eius” from the encyclopedic treatise “De universo” by the outstanding German scholar Rabanus Maurus (776–856). The chapter contains many quotations from ancient Roman orators such as Quintilian, from the Christian philosopher Boethius, and from the writings of the Church Fathers Augustine and Isidore of Seville. This fact gave good reason to ascribe the treatise to Pseudo-Jerome (R. Hammerstein 1959, p. 117). “Jerome’s instruments” are mentioned in music theory up until the seventeenth century. The last time they are referred to is in the second book (“De organographia”) of the famous work “Syntagma musicum” (1618), the best encyclopaedia of its time, by the German composer and theorist Michael Prätorius. The main items of this opus are based on the material of Sebastian Virdung’s treatise “Musica getutscht”. 48. It seems likely that by this parallel Clement means a numeric sense of the Greek letter ‘ι’, the initial of the name of Jesus (Ιησος). Allegorical interpretation of the image of Jesus Christ, who appears in various forms, is quite characteristic of early Christian literature. Thus, in the “Physiologos”, an Alexandrian collection of stories (second–third centuries), which later became very popular in the Slavonic countries (including Rus, from the twelfth–thirteenth centuries), Jesus assumes the appearance of different animals and birds, both real and fictitious, such as the lion, the pelican, the panther, the phoenix, the unicorn, the ichneumon, the deer, the baby elephant and the dove (Belova 2000). 49. “The mind, which is searching for exalted things, can be called psalterion, for this instrument by its construction is able to produce the sounds in a high register” (Homily on Psalm 32 [MT 33]).

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50. “In it [the psalterion] grace produces sounds that are from heaven, from the Spirit” (Homily on Psalm 1). 51. The images created by the early Church Fathers are echoed in the prophetic writings of the twelfth-century abbess Hildegard of Bingen (“Scivias seu Visiones” and “Liber divinorum operum simplicis hominis”). 52. Although in Migne’s “Patrologia graeca” these “Commentaries on Psalms” are attributed to Origen, many scholars think they were compiled later by his successor Evagrius of Pontus (345–399). 53. A little earlier the pa‘amonim acquire a transcendental meaning in JudeoHellenistic philosophy (Philo of Alexandria, Moses), but there the instrument is described within the Greek conception of cosmogony (see Chapter 4, Pa‘amonim). 54. In the Septuagint the term ργανον (Ps. 150:4) is used as a generic term for “musical instruments”. That was how the Hebrew word “ ‘ugav” was translated. 55. Comparative musical characteristics can be found in the Scriptures themselves. Such for instance, is the comparison of the human voice with the blast of the shofar (Isa. 58:1), the definition of some stringed instruments as “instruments of singing” (kəlê šîr/ryvAylk, 1 Chr. 15:16; 16:42; Neh. 12:36, etc.), or the ascription of the ability of the natural world or the heavenly bodies to glorify the majesty of the Creator by singing (trees, fields, forests, mountains, deserts and stars; 1 Chr. 16:33; Job 38:7; Ps. 65:13; Isa. 35:1, 2; 44:23; 55:12). 56. For instance, Nicholas of Lyra (Postilla to Exod. 15:20 and to 1 Sam. 18:6) and Johannes Reuchlin (Vocabularius breviloquus; entry “Sistrum”) write about the Egyptian origin of the tof and mena‘an‘im, and note that both instruments were played by women. 57. Nicholas of Lyra refers to the Bible and points out that the hatsotserah participated in the ancient Jewish liturgy “all day and all through the night” (Postilla to 1 Chr. 16:6). He also states that the blast of the shofar “scared away the approaching enemies” (Postilla to Neh. 4:12). 58. Thus, in Reuchlin’s “Vocabularius breviloquus” a number of the definitions (tympanum, cymbalum, symphonia) are identical with those of Isidore of Seville. Some of Reuchlin’s explanations (for example, tympanum) are similar to those in “Mammotrectus super Bibliam” by Johannes Marchesini. (This title is a distortion which occurred over the course of time of the title of his Bible compendium “Mammothreptus super Bibliam”, meaning “Nourished from the Bible”.) Martin Luther’s commentaries on his own Bible translation are based to a considerable extent on Lyra’s “Postilla”. Luther himself admitted this fact, and did it unusually through a pun. He changed a popular epigram “Si Lyra non lyrasset/Totus mundus delirasset” (“If Lyra had not played the lyre,/The whole world would have gone mad”) to “Si Lyra non lyrasset/Lutherus non saltasset” (“If Lyra had not played the lyre,/Luther would not have danced”). This is presumably an allusion to the saying of Jesus in Mt. 11:17 about playing musical instruments and dancing. It is just possible, though, that here Luther also employs a figurative meaning of the Latin verb “saltare” as “to speak in a jerky and abrupt manner”, thus making a double pun. 59. For instance, Nicholas of Lyra offers a functional classification of the biblical instruments. He divides them into three categories considering their purpose: “those used by people in wars…when entertaining in dances, and in services” (Postilla to Judith 16:1). 60. “The chief vices are: the obstinacy of the Jews, the idolatry of the pagans, the

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pride of the heretics, the apostasy of the false Christians, the perfidy of the demons, and the arrogance of the Antichrist, his constant stubbornness” (Biblia cum postilla domini Hugonis Cardinalis de Sancto Caro, Josh. 6:4). 61. Thecla of Iconium (first century CE) is referred to here. In the eastern churches she is reckoned to be the protomartyr among women, and equal to the apostles. 62. Such comparison is possible, but is rather dubious. To prove his position Nicholas of Lyra refers to the authority of Augustine. He quotes a fragment from the sermon of his great predecessor, which was included as the third Lectio in the second Nocturnus of the Matins at the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary. The text of the well-known hymn of Mary “Magnificat anima mea Dominum” continues the Old Testament tradition (compare Exod. 15:20-21; Judg. 11:34; 1 Sam. 2:2-10) and therefore implies singing with the accompaniment of the tambourine. Lyra states, “Listen, how our tympanistria used to sing, for [Mary] says: ‘Magnificat anima mea Dominum’ ” (Postilla to Ps. 68:25). 63. In Lyra’s “Postilla” the leitmotiv idea of the Jews (either Levites or King David himself) “praising [the Lord] not only with the human voice, but also by playing instruments” (Postilla to Ps. 47:5) occurs very often not only in Ps. 47:5 but also in Pss 81:23; 92:3; 108:2; 150:3-5). 64. Surprisingly the genre classification of the psalms offered by Mallermi has a lot in common with the systematization offered by the eighteenth-century Russian scholar Amvrosi, the archbishop of Moscow. He categorized them by the same criteria: “(a) Psalms that were sung only with voices, without any support from musical instruments are called songs (песни)… (b) Psalms played on different musical instruments are called psalms (псалмы)… (c) Psalms that were sung with music and in which voices preceded musical instruments are called psalms of a song, or a psalm-song (псалмы песни или псалом песнь)… (d) Psalms, in which voices followed the musical instruments are called a song of the psalm or a song and a psalm (песнь псалма или песнь и псалом)” (Introduction to the translation of the Psalter, 1770, § 38). 65. For example, musical instruments are mentioned in many chants (especially ancient ones), such as the canons (for the feasts of the Assumption and of the Holy Trinity), the stichera from the services, both of Byzantine origin (the Nativity of Jesus Christ, the feasts of the Apostles Peter and Paul, of the great martyr and victory bearer George, of Gregory of Nazianzus, and of John of Damascus) and of Russian origin (the feasts of the blessed Basil of Moscow, fool for Christ, of Alexander of Svirsk, of Zosima and German of Solovki). The texts of these two genres are rich in instrumental terminology, which is often very close to the biblical, and at times is absolutely identical with it. Thus, some phrases from the Assumption canon, as well as the stichera of Nicholas, Gregory of Nazianzus and Zosima are associated with the symbol of the trumpet. The kithara theme is presented in the stichera for the Nativity of the Theotokos and for John the Divine. The image of the cymbals appears in the first canon for the Assumption. St Cyril, the Teacher of the Slavs, is likened to the pan-pipes. There are even metaphorical instrumental ensembles, such as the one in the sticheron to Romanus the Melodist, in which this famous hymnographer is compared to a “beautifully singing… flute… a sweet speaking kithara, and a celebrated string…”. Ambrose of Milan is also described in a chant as “a speaking flute… a divinely sounding kithara… a great organ of God, a praiseworthy and true trumpet”. A parallel to 2 Chr. 5:12-13 is obvious in the rendering of the harmonious ensemble playing in the second canon for the Holy Trinity (by John of Damascus), which says “…the instruments sound in concord” (Ode 7, heirmos).

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A Compendium of Musical Instruments

66. Thus, the Jericho trumpets (yovels) are mentioned in the Byzantine “Legend of the building of the church of St. Sophia” (its Russian translation is included in the “Hellenic Chronologist” from the fifteenth century). Other instruments, for instance, the kithara (kinnor), the psaltery (nevel), the trumpet (hatsotserah), the horn (shofar), and the tambourine and frame drum (tof) are presented in many paragraphs of the “Russian Chronographer” (1599 version). Here one can find the apocryphal story of how King David organized the choir especially for singing psalms (in the paragraph “On the Compilation of the Psalter”), where the cymbals (tseltselim), gusli (kinnor), psaltery (nevel), and musical instruments in general (kele-shir) are referred to. The life of King David contained in some of the hagiographical collections, for example, “The Golden Chain” (fourteenth century) and the “Menaia” by St Makari, Metropolitan of Moscow (sixteenth century) also mentions the name of the instrument (псалтирь, psaltery, that is, the kinnor), which he played. 67. Instruments are reproduced in many places, for instance in the stone reliefs of the famous Russian church of the Protection by the Theotokos on the lake of Nerl (Figure 7.1) and in similar reliefs in the cathedral of St Demetrius in Vladimir, on the façade of the church of St. Isidore in Leon and on the façade of the cathedral in Santiago de Compostela (all these buildings belong to the twelfth century). Instruments also appear on the internal frieze of the baptistery in Parma from the thirteenth century (Figure 7.2). Additionally they are present in the wall paintings of the Roman catacombs (catacomb of Priscilla, first century) and of Westminster Abbey (thirteenth century), as well as in the frescoes in the monastery of Lesnovo in Macedonia (fourteenth century) and in the mosaics of the church of Santa Maria in Trastevere in Rome (1291). Instruments are depicted in the miniatures of the Lindisfarne Gospels (698) and in a great many psalters, both of the Western and Eastern traditions. Among the former the most widely known are the Vespasian Psalter from the eighth century, the Stuttgart Psalter from the third quarter of the ninth century (Figure 7.3), the Paris Psalter from the first half of the tenth century, the Westminster Psalter from the twelfth century, and the Macclesfield Psalter from the fourteenth century. Among the latter the most outstanding are the Khludov Psalters (a Greek manuscript from the ninth century and a Church Slavonic one from the end of the thirteenth century), a thirteenth-century Latin Psalter, Slavonic Tomich (Figure 7.4), Munich and Kievskaya Psalters (Figure 7.8), both from the fourteenth century, and the Godunov Psalter, from 1584–1600. Sometimes the instruments undergo amazing metamorphoses. Thus, in one of the eighteenth-century illuminated Bibles from the collection of the Historical Museum in Moscow (GIM, Uvar. 34) the court ensemble of King David that accompanied the ceremony of his anointing is in fact a band of Russian folk instruments. It consists of a horn (aerophone), a gusli, a domra (both plucked stringed instruments), a Russian horn, a svirel and a bagpipe (woodwinds). 68. An invisible thread links the ancient Jewish shofar and hatsotserah with the semantron and bell in the Russian Orthodox rite of the consecration of the latter instrument, as the priest’s prayer shows. They all have similar purposes, such as summoning people for the services, warning them of enemy attacks and of natural calamities. The same link between the Old Testament and Christian symbols can be found in religious literature, starting from the writings of John Climacus (579–649). Phrases like “the voice of the spiritual trumpet” signify figuratively the sounding of the semantron and the bell in the Byzantine and Russian liturgies respectively. 69. The tradition of comparing hymnographers with musical instruments dates back to early Christian times. Thus the outstanding Syrian writer of liturgical poetry Jacob of

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207

Sarug (451–521) was called by his contemporaries “the flute of the Holy Spirit and the harp of the believers”. The Ethiopian poet Jared the Sweet Chanter (sixth century) was considered the inventor of church singing and thought to be “the divine kithara”. 70. Jerome, “Epistola 57 Ad Pammachium” (De optimo generi interpretandi). 71. On the instrumental meaning of the term see Chapter 3, ‘Ugav, endnote 74. 72. In the Vulgate ‘ugav rendered as “organum” is definitely a generic term. In some recent translations, however (for instance the interlinear translation of the Tanakh into Russian, Jerusalem, 1978), it seems to be interpreted as “organ” in the modern sense. The reason for this may be the assumption expressed by some musicologists (J. Yasser, 1960; E. Werner, 1949), that such an instrument had existed in the Jerusalem Temple. Others scholars (C. Sachs, 1978; A. Sendrey, 1969), consider this very unlikely. 73. Wycliffe’s translation of 1380 is considered one of the earliest. In the latest Contemporary English Version (CEV, 1995) the interpretation of the biblical text is rather free, and the language over-simplified, often even with elements of colloquial speech. The enthusiasm with which the translators and editors of the CEV follow the functional method of translation sometimes results in the impoverishment and distortion of the historical and cultural background. Thus in Dan. 3:5 the Babylonian court orchestra is described in full detail (“trumpets, flutes, harps, and all other kinds of musical instruments”), but in verses 7, 10 and 15 it is reduced to just “music”. 74. The Catholic translation of 1609–10 known as the Douay Bible, from the name of the small town now known as Douai in the north of France where it was published. In addition to the Vulgate, its translators also used the Septuagint and the Hebrew original as secondary sources. 75. Eighteen Bibles in various high and low German dialects were published between 1475 and 1534 in Augsburg, Nürnberg, Köln, Lübeck and other towns. 76. The illuminations also show this modernization. In Mallermi’s Biblia historiata (Venezia, 1499) the term “cithari”, a latinised rendering of the kinnor (1 Chr. 15:28) is illustrated as a typical Renaissance Italian lute (Figure 7.5). In one of the pre-Luther editions of the Bible (Nürnberg, 1483) the halil is depicted as a shawm (Figure 7.6). This, however, corresponds to its translation in the text (2 Sam. 6:5). 77. The orthography of instrumental terminology is also inconsistent. One can find metathesis and reduplication, as well as the voicing and devoicing of consonants. All these phenomena are evident in the variable spelling, which is to be seen in several verses within one chapter (harpffen/harpfen in 1 Chr. 15:20, 28 in NüB), and even in one and the same verse (pisstialka/pisstalka in Isa. 30:29 in PrB). Such instability was caused by the lack of a standard literary language that was taking shape only in the period when the “historical” Bible translations were being created. 78. Such, for instance, is the word twqrv (šəriqōt, Judg. 5:16). In BEBD it is interpreted as Flötenspiel, but the majority of modern translations (RSV, NJV, BILC, BFC, SBE) render it more accurately as a non-musical sound such as “the piping for the flocks” (RSV), “the whistle for the flocks” (NJV), “fischio dei pastori” (BILC), “écoutez les bergers appeler leur troupaux” (BFC), “balidos de los rebaños” (SBE). In the context of this passage, the situation is described in which the shepherds (Reubenites) stayed in their camps to guard their flocks of sheep from the raids of nomads. If such an attack occurred they would whistle to signal the alarm and call the sheep. 79. See Dal, 1955, vol. 1, p. 406. 80. For a long time (from the sixth century to the twentieth century) the kinnor was thought to belong to the harp family. That is where the phrase “King David’s harp”

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comes from. This wrong rendering percolated both into religious painting and into book illuminations. Quite often one comes across representations of the king playing the harp. Such, for instance, are the miniature from the thirteenth century Tanakh manuscript of Northern French origin (British Museum MS Add. 11695 f. 117b, Figure 7.1), woodcuts in the Nürnberg Bible of 1483 (1 Sam. 16:23; 2 Sam. 6:5, Figure 7.6), and woodcuts in the Russian “Rhymed Psalter” of 1680 by Simeon Polotsky (made by A. Trukhmensky, after the sketches of the famous seventeenth century icon painter Simon Ushakov), the picture “The Dancing David” by a seventeenth-century Dutch painter Leonart Bramer (GMII, Moscow), and the Bible illustrations by Gustave Doré (1 Sam. 18:10; 19:9-10). 81. Noteworthy are the illuminations to Ps. 136:2 (MT 137:2) in the Old Church Slavonic Kievskaya Psalter (1397) and in the Bulgarian Tomich Psalter (middle of the fourteenth century). In both manuscripts the plural of the word “kinnor” is translated as “органы на вербиих” (“musical instruments on the willows”), but the illustrations are different. In the former the Jewish stringed instruments become cymbals hanging dejectedly from the branches of a tree (KievPs, f. 189), whereas in the latter they are transformed into tympana and trumpets, and lie abandoned on the ground (TomPs, f. 229, Figure 7.11). 82. In nineteenth-century Russian literature the word “тамбурин” (tambourine) used to signify a timbrel, though strictly speaking this is the name of a Provençal drum. Today it is classified as a single-frame drum. 83. It seems likely that here Skorina chose as his source one of the recent Bible translations into a contemporary language, though it is not certain which one. Anyway there were earlier precedents. Such for instance are the early English versions (WyclB 1 and WyclB 2), the German pre-Luther editions (NüB), and the Italian Biblia historiata of Nicolo di Mallermi. 84. Lexical adaptation is unavoidable when translating cultural categories and artefacts, including musical ones. 85. In recent Bible versions the functional method of translation is the prevalent one. However, in such versions care should be taken not to over-simplify the specific details of the source culture. 86. The well proportioned structure of this psalm is based on the principle of “parallelismus membrorum” fundamental to ancient Jewish poetry. The core of this principle consists in the comparison of homogeneous semantic units in linked pairs. Here the names of the instruments represent such units. The halləlû (“praise [him]”) exclamation at the beginning of each hemistich is a sort of leitmotiv for the psalm and serves as an additional element that binds the form together. In addition in verses 1 and 6 it forms an inclusio for the whole composition.

APPENDIX 1 List of all the places in the Bible where musical instruments and instrumental terminology are mentioned This list contains both OT, DC and NT books. In the books which are included in the MT canon, the verse numbers correspond with the MT as published in BHS. For those DC books translated from Greek (Jdt, Sir and 1 Macc) and Latin (3 Esd) the verse numbers follow the Russian SynB.

Old Testament Genesis 4:21 31:27 Exodus 15:20 19:13, 16, 19 20:15 28:33, 34 32:19 39:25, 26 Leviticus 23:24 25:9 Numbers 10:2-5, 8-10 23:21 29:1 31:6

1 Samuel 10:5 13:3 16:16-18, 23 18:6, 10 19:9 29.5 2 Samuel 2:28 6:5, 15 15:10 18:16 20:1, 22 1 Kings 1:34, 39-41 10:12

Joshua 6:4-6, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20

2 Kings 3:15 9:13 11:14 12:14

Judges 3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20, 22 11:34 21:21, 23

1 Chronicles 13:8 15:16, 19-21, 24, 28 16:5, 6, 42 23:5 25:1, 3, 6

210 2 Chronicles 5:12, 13 7:6 9:11 13:12, 14 15:14 20:28 23:13 29:25-28 30:21 34:12 Ezra 3:10 Nehemiah 4:12, 14 12:27, 35, 36, 41 Job 21:12 30: 9, 31 39:24, 25 Psalms 3:2, 5, 9 4:1, 3, 5 5:1 6:1 7:6 8:1 9:17, 21 20:4 21:3 24:6, 10 30:12 32:4, 5, 7 33:2 39:6, 12 43:4 44:9 45:1, 9 46:4, 8, 12 47:5 48:9 49:5, 13, 15 50:6 52:5 53:1

List of references to musical unstruments 54:1, 4 55:1, 8, 20 57:4, 7 59:6, 14 60:1, 4 61:1, 5 62:5, 9 66:4, 7, 15 67:1, 2, 5 68:8, 20, 33 69:13 71:22 75:4 76:1, 4, 10 77:4, 10, 16 80:1 81:1, 3, 4, 8 82:2 83:8 84:1, 4, 9 85:3 87:3, 6 88:1, 8, 11 89:5, 38, 46, 49 92:4 98:5, 6 108:3 137:2 140:4, 6, 9 143:6 144:9 147:7 149:3 150:3-5 Song of Solomon 7:1 Isaiah 5:12 14:11 16:11 18:3 22:24 23:16 24:8 27:13 30:29, 32 38:20 58:1

List of references to musical unstruments Jeremiah 4:5, 19, 21 6:1, 17 31:4, 13 42:14 48:36 51:27 Lamentations 3:14, 63 5:14, 15 Ezekiel 7:14 26:13 28:13 33:3-6, 32 Daniel 3:5, 7, 10, 15 6:19 Hosea 5:8 8:1 Joel 2:1, 15 Amos 2:2 3:6 5:23 6:5

Habakkuk 3:3, 9, 13, 19 Zephaniah 1:16 Zechariah 9:14 14:20 Judith 3:10 15:16 16:2 Ecclesiasticus (Sirach) 39:20 40:21 45:10 50:18 1 Maccabees 3:45 4:13, 40, 54 5:31, 33 9:12, 13, 39 13:51 16:8 3 Esdras 6:23

211

212

List of references to musical unstruments

New Testament Matthew 6:2 9:23 11:17 24:31 Luke 7:32 1 Corinthians 13:1 14:7, 8 15:52 1 Thessalonians 4:16

Hebrews 12:19 Revelation 1:10 4:1 5:8 8:2, 6-8, 10, 12, 13 9:1, 13 11:15 14:2 15:2 18:22

APPENDIX 2 A typological table of the terminology of biblical instruments This table includes all the categories of instrumental terminology that occur in the Tanakh. A double underline means that the typology of the instrument is exact; a single underline means that it is probable; no underline means that the typology varies, with the dominant type mentioned first. Group/Class

Name

Typology (exact or probable)

chordophones

kinnor

lyre

nevel

harp; bass lyre

‘asor

zither

qaytros

kithara

pesanterin

dulcimer; zither; harp

sabbeka’

angle harp

aerophones

shofar

horn

embouchure type

yovel

horn

qeren

horn

flutes

qarna’

horn

hatsotserah

trumpet

‘ugav

flute

mashroqita’

pan-pipes, double flute

reed instruments

halil

double reed

membranophones

tof

frame drum (tambourine)

idiophones

tseltselim

cymbals; small cymbals

generic terms unclear terms

metsiltayim

cymbals; small cymbals

men‘an‘im

sistrum

pa‘amonim

jingles

metsillot

little bells

kelim

musical instruments

minnim

strings; stringed instruments

gittit

stringed instrument; playing on a stringed instrument

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A typological table of the terminology of biblical instruments

instruments

instruments and musical instructions

mahol

flute, dance

sumponiah

bagpipe; lute; double reed

shalishim

sistrum; three-stringed instrument

sheminit

eight-stringed instrument

shushan

lyre; flute; double reed; little bell; cymbals

‘alamot

double reed; flute; harp; bagpipe; nevel of a small size

dahavan

percussion instrument

e

musical instructions

n ginot

stringed instrument

nehilot

double reed instrument

selah

instrumental interlude; pause

higgaion

solo playing (on the kinnor); song

APPENDIX 3 Table of the instrumental ensembles mentioned in the Bible

nevel – kinnor

kinnor – nevel

Ps. 57:9

1 Kgs 10:12

Ps. 71:22

2 Chr. 9:11

‘asor – nevel – kinnor

kinnor – nevel ‘asor

Ps. 92:4

Ps. 33:2

shofar – hatsotserah

hatsotserah – shofar

Hos. 5:8

Ps. 98:6 2 Chr. 15:14

tof – kinnor

tof – shalishim

Gen. 31:27

1 Sam. 18:6

Isa. 24:8; 30:32 Ps. 149:3 nevel – kinnor – metsiltayim

metsiltayim – nevel – kinnor

1 Chr. 15:16

Neh. 12:27

1 Chr. 16:5

1 Chr. 25:6

nevel – kinnor – hatsotserah

kinnor – nevel – metsiltayim

2 Chr. 5:12; 29:25 2 Chr. 20:28

1 Chr. 25:1

tof – kinnor – ‘ugav

kinnor – ‘ugav

Job 21:12

Gen. 4:21

tof – kinnor – nevel

hatsotserah – metsiltayim

Ps. 81:3

Ezra 3:10 1 Chr. 16:42 2 Chr. 5:13

kinnor – nevel – tof – halil

nevel – tof – halil – kinnor

Isa 5:12

1 Sam. 10:5 e

kinnor – nevel – tof – m tsiltayimhatsotserah

shofar – hatsotserah – metsiltayim – nevel – kinnor

1 Chr. 13:8

1 Chr. 15:28

216

Table of the instrumental ensembles mentioned in the Bible

‘atsey beroshim – kinnor – nevel – tof – mena‘an‘im – tseltselim

shofar – nevel – kinnor – tof – ‘ugav – tseltselim

2 Sam. 6:5

Ps. 150:3-5 e

qarna’ – mashroqita’ – qaytros – sabb ka’ qarna’ – mashroqita’ – qaytros – sabbeka’ – pesanterin -sumponiah/siponiah – pesanterin Dan. 3:5, 10, 15

Dan. 3:7

143:9

Ps

Ps 32:2 Atsimiani Ps 91:4 Atsimiani čangi Ps 143:9

Ps

32:2 91:4 143:9

GCB Atsimiani ebani

GB Atzali sapsalmuni

143:9

91:3

91:4

Psalterio del dieci corde

32:2

Ps

Ps

32:2

PrB Zaltarz o desyeti strunach

33:2 92:4 144:9

BIM Psalmo del dieci corde

Ps

@iiymyn ytrs[d albn

RSV Harp of ten strings Ps 33:2 Ten-stringed harp Ps 144:9 Lute Ps 91:4

33:2 144:9

92:4

Tg

KJV Instrument of ten strings Ps 33:2 92:4 144:9

Ps

rwc[ lbn

Ps

rwc[

Tanakh

‘Asor

144:9

92:4

33:2

Ps 32:2 Tasnalar sałmosaran Ps 91:4 Tasnalar nvagaran Ps 143:9

EAB Taslarani nvagaranov sałmos

Ps

KrB Nástrog o desyti strunach

NIV Ten-stringed lyre Ps 33:2 92:3 144:9

&EJACÃQDNMXAKS¬QHNM Ps 91:4

9AKS¬QHNMDEJACÃQDNM Ps 32:2 143:9

LXX

^ti ‘aZara aUt^r Ps

Ps

92:3

33:2 144:9

KMA rab^b D^ti ‘aZara aut^r

144:9

92:4

Instrument а dix cordes Ps 33:2

GenB

NJB Ten-stringed lyre Ps 33:2 92:3 144:9

Vulg Psalterium decachordum Ps 91:4 143:9 Psalterium decem chordarum Ps 32:2

144:9

33:2

On telli saz Ps

Ps

KMT On telli santur

Ps

92:4

33:2 144:9

92:4

Zehen Seiten und Psalter

Ps

LuB Psalter von zehen Seiten

TEV Stringed instrument Ps 33:2 92:4 Harp Ps 144:9

Syr qYtarA d’asar menYn Ps 33:2 kenarA d’asar Ps 92:3 143:9

91:4 143:9

32:2

143:9

91:4

32:2

BP Instrument o dziesięciu stronach Ps 33:2 92:4 144:9

Ps

BNvW Psalter van thien snaren

CEV Harp with ten strings Ps 33:2 Term absent Ps 92:4 Harp Ps 144:9

MtsB K‘nar Ps Sałmosaran Ps

This chart includes only the biblical terms which have been identified as musical instruments in the versions of the Bible mentioned in chapters 2-6 of the Compendium. These versions come from different periods and different traditions of Bible translation. A dash in any cell in the chart indicates that the relevant Bible book is not found in that version.

SYNOPTIC TABLE OF REFERENCES TO THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN THE BIBLE IN THE ORDER IN WHICH THE NAMES ARE FOUND IN CHAPTERS 2–6

Appendix 4

143:9 91:4

Ps

91:4

Ps

143:9

32:2

Десятострунный Псалтирь

Ps

Десятиструнная Псалтырь

143:9

32:2

Ps

91:4

32:2

Ps

92:4

144:9

33:2

OstB Псалтирь десятострунный

Ps

Ps

SkorB Псалтирь десятиструнный

Corde del liuto

Ps

BILC Arpa di dieci corde

Lira in harfa

92:4

144:9

GennB Псалтирь десятострунный

144:9

92:4

33:2

Ps

Ps

33:2

SSP Harfa deseti strun

BEBD Psalter mit zehen Seiten

92:4

143:9

32:2

Ps

91:4

Десятострунный Псалтирь

Ps

ElizB Псалтирь десятострунный

Ps

Luth

144:9

Harpe à dix cordes Ps 33:2

BFC

92:3

33:2

92:4

91:4

32:2

Ps

91:4

Десятострунный

Ps

SynB Десятострунная Псалтирь

Ps

Salterio con decacordio

Ps

BSE Decacordio 144:9

33:2

92:4

Ps

143:9

91:4

32:2

WCBT Лира десятиструнная

Ps

Tiensnarig instrument

Ps

BNBG Tiensnarige harp

218 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

2 Chr Ps

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

1 Sam

KJV Harp Gen

Neh Job

2 Chr

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5 5:12 33:2 etc.

Harp Ps

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

1 Sam

RSV Lyre Gen

Isa

rwnk

1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs Job Ps

arnk

Gen 1 Sam

Gen

1 Sam

arwnk

rwnk

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5 25: 1, 3, 6 5:12 9:11 20:28 29:25 12:27 21:12 etc.

Tg

Tanakh

Kinnor

150:3 etc.

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5 etc.

5:12

10:5 6:5 10:12 21:12 33:2 43:4 49:5 71:22 81:3 92:4 108:2 etc.

4:21 16:16, 23

2 Sam 1 Kgs Lute 2 Chr Lyre 2 Chr Neh

1 Sam

NIV Harp Gen

‰0QGAMNM Ps

9AKS¬QHNM Gen Ps

2 Sam

,HMœQA 1 Sam

,HP]QA Gen 2 Chr Job

LXX

29:25 12:27 etc.

20:28

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16 6:5 10:12 etc.

136:2

4:21 48:5 80:3 149:3

10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 etc.

31:27 9:11 21:12 30: 31 etc.

Lyre Ps

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

1 Sam

NJB Harp Gen

Organum Ps Cinyra 1 Macc 4:54

136:2

48:5 149:3

15:16 16:5

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 etc.

33:2 150:3

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 etc.

Psalterium Ps

2 Sam 1 Kgs Lyra 1 Chr

1 Sam

Vulg Cithara Gen

Lyre 1 Sam Ps

1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

TEV Harp Gen

Neh Job

2 Chr

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Syr qYtarA Gen Ps kenarA Gen 1 Sam

10:5 49:5 etc.

4:21 31:27 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5 etc.

31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21 25:3 9:11 20:28 29:25 12:27 21:12 etc.

4:21 92:3

4:21 31:27 16:16, 23 10:12 25:1, 3 etc.

12:27 21:12 30:31 32:2 42:4 48:5 56:9 etc.

4:21 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5 etc.

1 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr Small harp 2 Sam 6:5 1 Chr 13:8 etc. Other stringed instruments 1 Chr 15:16, 28 16:5 etc.

CEV Harp Gen

Ps

Sałmosaran Neh Job

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

MtsB K‘nar Gen 1 Sam

Appendix 4 219

Husle

1 Sam

10:12

3:15

13:8

15:16, 21, 28

1 Kgs

2 Kgs

1 Chr

Čangi

Gen

Ezek

5:8

14:2 etc.

Rev

2 Chr

136:2

Atzali

1 Kgs

48:5

Ps

Ebani 1 Sam

GCB Knari Gen 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Chr

149:3

4:21 56:9 70:22 etc.

31:27 5:12 etc.

136:2

Sapsalmuni Ps Sagalobeli

GB Knari Gen Isa Ebani Gen Ps

Ps

Ps

Zaltarz

26:13

4:21

9:11 etc.

10:12

10:5

31:27 16:16, 23 6:5 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5 25:1 etc.

149:3

48:5

48:5

Ps

Organo

9:11

Isa

P‘oł

1 Chr

Sring

Ps

Sałmos Ps Erg Ezek Term absent

1 Sam

EAB K‘nar Gen

Ezek

Cytara

30:32

15:21

136:2

26:13

150:3 etc.

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16 etc.

26:13

9:11 etc.

5:12

25: 1, 3, 6 2 Chr

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

16:16, 22

10:5

31:27

4:21

16:5

25:3

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

KrB Harfa

15:21, 28

10:5

1 Chr

29:25 etc.

1 Sam

Lutna

20:28

6:5 etc.

25:1, 3, 6

2 Sam

16:16

10:5

16:11

16:5

Ps

21:12

4:21

Cittera

2 Chr

Gen

4:21

Gen

Job

PrB Hausle

BIM Cythara

2 Chr

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

1 Sam

KMA ~Ud Gen

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

GenB Violon

29:25 etc.

20:28

9:11

5:12

25:1, 3, 6

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5

29:25 etc.

20:28

9:11

5:12

25: 1, 3, 6

16:5

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

2 Chr

2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

1 Sam

KMT Çenk Gen

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

Harffe

Gen

LuB Geige

29:25 etc.

20:28

9:11

5:12

25:1, 3, 6

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 21, 28 16:5

20:28 etc.

9:11

5:12

25:1, 3, 6

16:5

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

107:2

29:25

15:16, 21, 28

16:5

10:12 etc.

6:5

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

Isa

Lutnia

2 Chr

2 Sam 1 Kgs Cytra 1 Chr

1 Sam

BP Harfa Gen

Ps

30:32

23:16

16:11

5:12 etc.

15:16, 21, 28 25:1, 3, 6

4:21 31:27 10:5 16:16, 23 6:5 10:12 etc.

136:2

Musijck instrumenten

Ps

2 Chr

1 Chr

Cyther/chiter

1 Chr

Liere

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

BNvW Herpe

220 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

10:5

1 Chr

15:16, 28

16:5 etc.

10:12

13:8

15:16, 21, 28

1 Kgs

1 Chr

Ps Ezek

26:13

136:2

Ezek

Ps

13:51

Орган Песнивица

Орган

4:54

149:3

Ps

Псалтирь

1 Chr

Киннира

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

Гусли

Gen

OstB Певница

Ezek

Arpe

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

BILC Cetra

Песнивица

1 Macc

Синара

107:2

48:5

80:3

15:28

Ps

16:5

1 Chr

Псалтирь

15:16

1 Chr

31:27

Ситара

Gen

Гудба

1 Kgs

25:1, 3, 6

5:12 etc.

6:5

2 Sam

15:21

10:12

16:16, 23

10:5

4:21

3:45

15:21

13:8

10:12

13:8

1 Sam

Лира

2 Chr

1 Chr

4:21

Gen

Гусли

Gen

1 Macc

29:25 etc.

SkorB Гусли

1 Chr

25:1, 3, 6

GennB Певница

Harfa

16:5

1 Chr

1 Kgs

6:5

6:5

2 Sam

2 Sam

16:16, 23

1 Sam

16:16, 23

31:27

10:5

31:27

4:21

Gen

1 Sam

Gen

4:21

Gen

Harfe

SSP Citre

BEBD Zither

26:13

136:2

149:3

80:3

48:5

15:21

6:5 etc.

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

26:13

16:5 etc.

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

Ps

15:21

1 Chr

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Sam

Цитра

Ps

Neh

1 Kgs

1 Sam

Gen

SynB Гусли

Ezek

Job

Neh

Citara

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

Арфа

4:54

136:2

149:3

48:5

15:28

6:5 etc.

16:16, 23

10:5

26:13

4:21

26:13

5:12

16:16

10:5

31:27

137:2 etc.

43:4

30:31

21:12

4:21

BSE Arpa

Кимвалы

1 Macc

Кинира

Ps

Орган

Ps

Псалтирь

1 Chr

Кифара

2 Sam

1 Sam

Гусли

Ezek

Gen

ElizB Певница

Ezek

Isa

Harpe

1 Sam

Gen

Lyre

Ps

Job

Gen

BFC Guitare

136:2

9:11 etc.

5:12

25:1, 3, 6

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

6:5

42:4 etc.

32:2

12:27

10:12

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

26:13

21:12

12:27

15:16, 21, 28 etc.

13:8

10:12

6:5

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

Isa

Лютня

Ezek

2 Sam

Цитра

2 Chr

1 Sam

Лира

1 Sam

Гусли

1 Chr

1 Kgs

Gen

WCBT Арфа

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Gen

BNBG Citer

30:32

26:13

6:5

9:11 etc.

5:12

10:5

16:16, 23

25:1, 3, 6 etc.

16:5

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

10:12

4:21

9:11 etc.

5:12

25:1, 3, 6

16:5

15:16, 21, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

16:16, 23

10:5

31:27

4:21

Appendix 4 221

Amos

Viol Isa

KJV Psaltery 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Neh Ps Isa

5:12 14:11 5:23 6:5

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 etc.

Lute Ps

2 Chr

RSV Harp 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Amos Term absent Isa

arnk

Isa

lbn

1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs Ps

1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

2 Chr

albn

lbn

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 25:1, 6 5:12 9:11 20:28 29:25 12:27 150:3 14:11 etc.

Tg

Tanakh

Nevel

150:3

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 5:12 9:11 20:28 etc.

14:11

5:23

5:12

10:5 6:5 10:12 57:9 81:3 92:4 108:2 150:3 80:3

,HP]QA Ps

Neh Isa

Harp 2 Chr

NIV Lyre 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Term absent Isa

20:28 29:25 12:27 14:11 etc.

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 etc.

14:11

5:23 6:5

12:27 56:9 etc.

9AKS¬QHNM Neh Ps

‰0QGAMNM Amos

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 etc.

/]BKA 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

LXX

Harp Ps

2 Chr

NJB Lyre 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Lyra 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr Isa Nablium 1 Chr 1 Macc Term absent Isa

Vulg Psalterium 1 Sam 1 Chr

150:3

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 25:1, 6 5:12 9:11 etc.

14:11

15:20, 28 13:51

6:5 10:12 15:16 5:12 etc.

10:5 13:8 16:5 25:1 etc.

Isa Amos

TEV Lyre 2 Sam 1 Kgs 2 Chr Ps Harp 1 Sam Ps

kenarA Isa

Isa nablA 1 Chr

Syr qYtarA 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs Ps

10:5 57:9 150:3 14:11 5:23 6:5

6:5 10:12 9:11 81:2

14:11

13:8 15:16

10:5 6:5 10:12 57:9 81:2 108:2 150:3 5:12

15:28 25:6 etc.

5:12 14:11 5:23 6:5

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 25:1, 6 12:27 etc.

10:5 15:16 16:5 etc. Other stringed instruments 2 Sam 6:5 1 Kgs 10:12 etc. Music Ps 57:8

Small harp 1 Sam 1 Chr

CEV Harp 1 Chr

Amos

Neh K‘nar Isa

MtsB Tavił 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

222 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Nadoby k hudbie

16:5

25:1, 6

1 Chr Еrg Isa

Ps

Čangi

Ps

Organo

Amos

6:5

150:3

56:9

K‘nar

Amos

80:3

Sapsalmuni

2 Chr

9:11

5:12

Ps

Sring 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Chr

EAB Tavił 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Isa

Sagalobeli

13:8 15:16 16:5

10:5 6:5 10:12 etc.

149:3 etc.

92:4 etc.

5:12

15:20

5:23 etc.

10:5 6:5 15:16

10:12 13:8 15:28 16:5 25:1, 6 etc.

14:11

Zwuk hudebnych nástrogu

Ebani 2 Chr

2 Chr Ps

13:8 15:16 5:12 150:3 etc.

10:12 15:16 etc.

10:5

GCB Knari 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs Bobyani 1 Chr

Ps

14:11

Isa

GB Knari 1 Sam Ebani 1 Kgs 1 Chr Psalmuni 1 Chr

Neh

Term absent

12:27

29:25

Isa

5:12

33:2

20:28

Amos

Isa

2 Chr

KMA rab^b 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Ps

Neh

6:5 etc.

5:23

5:12

29:25

20:28

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 25:1, 6 5:12 9:11

150:3 etc.

12:27

29:25

20:28

9:11

5:12

20:28

16:5

15:16, 20, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

25:1, 6 2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

GenB Musette

5:12

25:1, 6

16:5

15:16, 20, 28

13:8

6:5

10:5

Violete

Ps

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

29:25

2 Chr

9:11

15:16, 20, 28 etc.

10:5

KrB Lautna

5:12

Zaltarz

10:12

1 Kgs

2 Chr

Leuta

5:12 etc.

1 Chr

15:16, 20, 28

2 Chr

1 Kgs

13:8

1 Chr

10:12

2 Sam

6:5

2 Sam

6:5

1 Sam

10:5

1 Sam

Smyczec

PrB Zpiewanie

BIM Psalterio

Ps

Rebab

Ps

Neh

2 Chr

KMT Santur 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Amos

Psalterspiel

Isa

Harffe

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

LuB Psalter

57:8

150:3

81:2

12:27

10:5 6:5 10:12 13:8 15:16, 20, 28 16:5 25:1, 6 5:12 29:25

5:23

14:11

9:11 etc.

5:12

25:1, 6

16:5

15:16, 20, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

1 Chr

Cytra

2 Sam

Skrzypiec

Harfa 1 Chr 2 Chr

BP Lutnia 1 Sam 1 Kgs 1 Chr

Isa

Term absent

Isa

Lyre

1 Kgs

2 Sam

Liere

1 Chr

Herpe

1 Chr

1 Sam

BNvW Psalter

29:25

13:8

6:5

25:1 5:12 20:28

10:5 10:12 15:16, 28 16:5 25:6 etc.

14:11

5:12

10:12 etc.

6:5

15:20, 28

25:1, 6 etc.

16:5

13:8

10:5

Appendix 4 223

6:5

Amos

6:5

2 Sam

Isa

Isa

14:11

Term absent

Term absent

Isa

Isa

5:12

Прегудница

13:51

1 Macc

2 Chr

Певница

12:27

25:1, 6 etc.

1 Chr

Amos

16:5

Neh

Наблом

1 Chr

10:12

Пищаль

Псалтирь

1 Kgs

6:5

6:5

1 Kgs

Сопель

Neh

2 Sam

1 Sam

OstB Свириль

Ps

13:8

2 Sam

5:23

Amos

Псалтирь

Смытцы

150:3

1 Kgs

Пищаль

80:3

56:9

10:5

Сопель

10:12

1 Sam

10:5

1 Sam

Ps

SkorB Псалтирь

GennB Свирель

150:3 etc.

108:2

1 Chr

14:11

Cetra

Isa

92:4

81:3

Ps

Ps

12:27

10:5

1 Sam

14:11

5:12

20:28 etc.

9:11

5:12

25:1, 6

15:20

6:5

5:23

10:12

12:27

6:5

10:5

81:3

15:16

29:25 etc.

20:28

29:25

Harfe

Neh

9:11

5:12

20:28

2 Chr

5:12

5:12

Isa

2 Chr

9:11

2 Chr

25:1, 6

25:1, 6

10:12

1 Kgs

13:8 16:5

1 Chr

6:5

10:5

16:5

13:8

2 Sam

1 Sam

Zither

1 Chr

15:16, 20, 28

6:5

10:5

15:20, 28

2 Sam

13:8

1 Chr

BILC Arpa

15:16, 20, 28

1 Sam

6:5

2 Sam

16:5 etc.

SSP Harfa

BEBD Psalter

Isa

Term absent

Isa

Певница

1 Chr

Гусли

2 Chr

1 Chr

Псалтирь

1 Kgs

Сопель

2 Sam

1 Sam

ElizB Свирель

Isa

Lyre

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

BFC Harpe

14:11

5:12

15:20, 28

20:28 etc.

9:11

5:12

25:1, 6

16:5

15:16

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

5:12

29:25 etc.

20:28

9:11

5:12

25:1, 6

16:5

15:20, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

14:11

5:12

15:16, 20, 28 etc.

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

Isa

Term absent

Amos

Isa

Гусли

Neh

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

SynB Псалтирь

Amos

Flauta

Amos

14:11

6:5

5:23

5:12

12:27 etc.

29:25

20:28

9:11

5:12

25:1, 6

16:5

15:16

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

6:5

5:23

Salmodia de instrumento

Isa

Arpa

Isa

Vihuela

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

BSE Salterio

Isa

Звуки арф

Amos

1 Sam

Гусли

Ps

Neh

2 Chr

Арфа

1 Chr

1 Kgs

WCBT Лира

Ps

Neh

2 Chr

1 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

BNBG Harp

14:11

6:5

5:23

10:5

80:3 etc.

70:22

12:27

29:25

9:11

5:12

25:1, 6 etc.

16:5

15:16

13:8

10:12

57:9 etc.

12:27

29:25

20:28

9:11

5:12

25:1, 6

16:5

15:16, 20, 28

13:8

10:12

6:5

10:5

224 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Dan

3:7, 10, 15

Dan

3:5

Dan

Прегудница

SkorB Прегудница

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

−

GennB Песница

Flöte Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

RSV Harp Dan PrB Zaltarz

Tg

GCB Knari Dan SSP Psalter

3:5, 7, 10, 15

KJV Psaltery Dan BIM Psalterio

GB Sapsalmune Dan BEBD

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

@yrtnsp

Tanakh

Pesanterin

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

OstB Прегудница

Dan

EAB Tavił Dan BILC Salterio

Dan

NIV Harp Dan KrB Lautna

9AKS¬QHNM Dan

LXX

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

ElizB Псалтирь

Dan

KMA CinTIr Dan BFC Psalterion

Dan

NJB Harp Dan GenB Psalterion

Vulg Psalterium Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

SynB Гусли

Dan

KMT Rebab Dan BSE Salterio

Dan

TEV Harp Dan LuB Psalter

Syr kenarA Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

WCBT Лира

Dan

BP Harfa Dan BNBG Harp

Dan

CEV Term absent Dan BNvW Psalterspelen

MtsB Tavił Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Appendix 4 225

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

SkorB Гусли

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

GennB Гусли

SSP Citre

BEBD Harfe

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

RSV Lyre Dan PrB Husli

GCB Bobyani

3:5, 7, 10, 15

KJV Harp Dan BIM Cythara

Tg

GB Knari

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

swrtyq

Tanakh

Qaytros

−

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

OstB Гусли

Dan

BILC Cetra

Dan Term absent Dan

EAB Tembuk‘

Dan

NIV Zither Dan KrB Cytara

,HP]QA Dan

LXX

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:7, 10

3:5, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

ElizB Гусли

Dan

BFC Cithare

Dan

KMA ~Ud

Dan

NJB Lyre Dan GenB Harpe

Vulg Cithara Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

SynB Цитра

Dan

BSE Tamboril

Dan

Çenk

KMT

Dan

TEV Lyre Dan LuB Harffe

Syr qYtarA Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

WCBT Цитра

Dan

BNBG Citer

Dan

BP Lutnia

Dan

CEV Harp Dan BNvW Herpe

MtsB Tark‘ Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

226 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

Dan

Dan

3:10, 15

Цевница

Dan

Цевница

3:7

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

OstB Пипела

Dan

EAB K‘nar Dan BILC Arpa

Dan

Пищаль

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:10, 15

3:7

3:5

3:5, 7, 10, 15

NIV Lyre Dan KrB Husli

4ALBœJI Dan

LXX

Самбика

SkorB Смыцы

Dan

GCB Samviki Dan SSP Harfa

Dan

GennB Пипела

3:5

3:5, 7, 10, 15

GB Samviki Dan BEBD Zither

Bzowa trubeczka

Dan

3:15

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7

Dan

RSV Trigon Dan PrB Kobos

−

Bzowa pisstialka

3:5, 7, 10, 15

KJV Sackbut Dan BIM Sambuco

Tg

Zaramella

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

akbc

Tanakh

Sabbeka’

3:10, 15

3:7

3:5

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

ElizB Самвика

Dan

KMA rab^b Dan BFC Sambuque

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

NJB Trigon Dan 3:5, 7, 10, 15 GenB Sacqueboute

Vulg Sambuca Dan

Dan

SynB Цевница

Dan

KMT Ud Dan BSE Arpa

Dan

TEV Zither Dan LuB Geige

Syr kenarA Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

WCBT Самбука

Dan

BP Skrzypiec Dan BNBG Luit

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

CEV Term absent Dan 3:5, 7, 10, 15 BNvW Schalmey

MtsB K‘nar Dan

Appendix 4 227

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

SkorB Труба

GennB Труба

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

RSV Horn Dan PrB Truba

GCB Saquiri Dan SSP Rog

3:5, 7, 10, 15

KJV Cornet Dan BIM Tuba

Tg

GB Saquiri sastvineli Dan 3:5, 7, 10, 15 BEBD Posaune

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

anrq

Tanakh

Qarna’

−

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

OstB Труба

Dan

EAB P‘oł Dan BILC Tromba

Dan

NIV Horn Dan KrB Trauba

4]KOHGW Dan

LXX

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

ElizB Труба

Dan

KMA qarn Dan BFC Trompette

Dan

NJB Horn Dan GenB Cor

Vulg Tuba Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

SynB Труба

Dan

KMT Boru Dan BSE Bucina

Dan

TEV Trumpet Dan LuB Posaune

Syr qarnA Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

WCBT Труба

Dan

BP Trąba Dan BNBG Hoorn

Dan

CEV Trumpet Dan BNvW Trompet

MtsB P‘oł Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

228 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

6:5

Josh

Josh

Josh

6:5

Josh

GCB Buki Josh SSP Ovnov rog

SkorB Term absent

6:5

GB Nestvi rkisa Josh BEBD Posaune

GennB Въструбите велми

6:5

Josh

Josh

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

Josh 6:5 RSV Ram’s horn Josh 6:5 PrB Truba leta milostiwe

Josh KJV Ram’s horn Josh BIM Tromba

6:5

arpwv

@rq

6:5

Tg

Tanakh

Qeren

Josh

OstB Труба

Josh

EAB P‘oł Josh BILC Trompa

Josh

4]KOHGW Josh NIV Trumpet Josh KrB Roh beranj

LXX

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

Josh

ElizB Труба рожана 6:5

Une note prolongée Josh 6:5

KMA qarn al-hut^f Josh BFC

Josh

Vulg Tuba Josh NJB Ram’s horn Josh GenB Cor de belier 6:5

6:5

Josh

6:4

SynB Юбилейный рог

Josh

KMT Boru Josh 6:5 BSE Cuerno de carnero

Josh

Syr qarnatA Josh 6:4 TEV One long note Josh 6:5 LuB Des Halljars Horn

Josh

WCBT Труба

Josh

BP Trąba z rogów Josh BNBG Ramshoorn

Josh

MtsB Ełjyur Josh CEV Trumpet Josh BNvW Trompet

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

Appendix 4 229

Hos

6:4, 6, 8, 13

Josh

Lev

RSV Trumpet Exod

Jer

anrq

Lev Judg

rpwv

1 Sam 2 Sam

Judg

Horn 2 Sam 1Chr 2 Chr Ps

13:3 2:28 6:15 18:16 etc.

25:9 6:4-6, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20 3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

KJV Trumpet Exod 19:16, 19 20:18 Lev 23:24 25:9 etc. Cornet 1 Chr 15:28 2 Chr 15:14 Ps 98:6 Trumpet of ram’s horn

1 Sam 2 Sam

Judg

Josh

Josh

Exod

Exod

19:16, 19 20:15 23:24

arpwv

rpwv

Lev

Tg

Tanakh

Shofar

5:8

6:15 15:28 15:14 98:6

19:19 20:18 23:24 25:9 etc.

4:19, 21

25:9 7:8

13:3 2:28 etc.

3:27 6:34

19:16, 19 20:15 6:4-6, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20

19:19 20:15 25:9 etc.

15:28

98:6

Lev Horn 2 Chr 15:14 Hos 5:8 Ram’s horn 1 Chr 15:28 Ps 81:3

NIV Trumpet Exod

4VFvQ 1 Chr

25:9 6:5, 7, 9, 13, 16, 20 etc. 13:3

19:16, 19 20:18 23:24

6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20 etc.

1 Sam ,EQASŒMI Judg 3:27

Josh

Lev

4]KOHGW Exod

LXX

23:24

19:16, 19 20:18 25:9 etc.

Ps

9:13

97:6

47:5 etc.

3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20 etc.

25:9 6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20 13:3 2:28 etc.

Ram’s horn

NJB Trumpet Lev Josh 1 Sam 2 Sam Horn Josh

Ps Cornu Rev

Josh 6:20 Judg 7:8, 16, 18, 20 etc. Tuba cornea

Tuba Lev

Lev

Vulg Bucina Exod

Exod

18:3

4:18, 20

15:28 98:6

19:19 25:9 6:6, 9 13, 16 3:27 etc.

6:7, 8, 19 7:8, 16, 19, 20 15:28

qarnatA Josh Judg 1 Chr TEV Trumpet Exod Lev Josh Judg Horn 1 Chr Ps Bugle Neh

23:24 6:3, 5 7:16, 20, 22 etc.

6:34 etc.

19:16 25:9 3:27

Lev Josh Judg

qarnA

Syr ZYpWrA Exod Lev Judg

3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20, 22 2:28 etc.

23:24 25:9 6:4, 5, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19

19:16, 19 20:15

81:3 5:8

Ezek

33:3-6

CEV Trumpet Exod 19:16, 19 20:18 Lev 23:24 25:9 etc. Horn 2 Sam 6:15 1 Chr 15:28 2 Chr 15:14 A warning signal

2 Sam

Judg

Josh

Lev

Exod

MtsB P‘oł Ps Hos Šep‘or

230 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

4:21

6:13 etc.

23:24 25:9

1:41

9:13

1 Kgs

2 Kgs

97:6

Judg

51:27 etc.

6:4, 6, 8, 9, 13

6:34 etc.

Josh

Judg

Josh

19:16, 19 20:18 47:6 2:1, 15 2:2 3:6 etc.

6:1 etc.

4:5, 19, 21

58:1

27:13

80:4

6: 16

2 Sam

6:34 etc. Ps

150:3

2:28 etc.

3:27

6:3, 8, 13, 16, 20

19:16, 19 20:18 23:24 25:9 13:3 46:6 97:6 58:1 etc.

98:6

15:14

4:19, 21

25:9

18:16 etc.

15:10

6:15

2:28

13:3

7:8, 16, 18-20

6:34

3:27

6:4, 8, 16, 20

20:15

19:16, 19

Term absent

Judg

Josh

Isa P‘oł

1 Sam Ps

Lev

EAB Šep‘or Exod

Ps

2 Chr

Pozauna

Jer

Lev

Truba

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Exod

KrB Trauba

3:27

6:4-6, 8, 9, 13, 20

Verzis rkis buki

Josh

Buki Lev

Ps Joel Amos

GCB Saquiri Exod

Jer

6:17

Nestvi rkisa

Jer

GB Saquiri Exod 19:16, 19 20:15 Lev 23:24 Josh 6:16, 20 etc. Rka Judg 3:27 2 Kgs 9:13 Nestvi Lev 25:9

Ps

Tuba cornea

11:14 etc.

Ps

7:16

Judg

Isa

9:13

2 Kgs

Tuba

46:6

1:34

20:1, 22

7:18-20, 22

2:28 etc.

18:16

2:28

6:34

2 Sam

3:27

Judg

7:8, 16, 20

6:8, 13, 16

Josh

25:9

23:24

19:16, 19

1 Kgs

2 Sam

Judg

Trombetta

Jer

Trumba

Josh

23:24

Lev

25:9

Exod

19:19

Exod

Lev

PrB Truba

BIM Tromba

27:13 4:19

Ps

CUr

2 Chr

qarn

Josh Judg

Lev

KMA bUq Exod

Lev

150:3

98:6

47:6

15:14

19:16, 19 20:18 23:24 25:9 6:4, 5, 8, 13, 16, 20 3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20 etc.

23:24

Memorial de iubilation

Jer

Bruyant de l’alarme

Isa

58:1 etc.

27:13

18:13

98:6

15:28

19:16, 19

7:8, 16, 20, 22 etc.

6:34

3:27

25:9

Grand cornet

Judg

Lev

Trompette

Isa

Ps

1 Chr

Exod

GenB Cornet

Ps

1 Chr

Zurna

2 Sam

1 Sam

Josh Judg

Lev

KMT Boru Exod

Jer

Isa

Job

Dromete

2 Kgs

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Lev

Exod

LuB Posaune

98:6

15:28

6:15 etc.

2:18

19:16, 19 20:18 23:24 25:9 6:4-6, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20 3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20 13:3

4:5 etc.

18:3

39:25

9:13 etc.

1:34, 39

20:1, 22

18:16

6:15

2:28

13:3

7:8, 18-20, 22

6:34

3:27

6:4-6, 8, 9

25:9

19:16, 19

Ps

2 Chr

1 Chr

Kornet

2 Sam

1 Sam

Josh Judg

Lev

BP Trąba Exod

Ps

98:6

15:14

15:28

2:28 etc.

19:16, 19 20:28 23:24 25:9 6:4, 9, 13, 16, 20 3:27 6:34 7:8, 16, 18-20 13:3

97:6

51:27 etc.

15:28

19:19

13:3 etc.

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

6:34

3:27

6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19

18:16

2:28

25:9

23:24

20:15

19:16

Hoorne trompet

Jer

1 Chr

Exod

Basoene

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

2 Sam

Lev

Exod

BNvW Trompet

Appendix 4 231

Lev

39:24, 25

2 Kgs

Job

15:28 etc.

1 Chr

1 Kgs

Trobenta

9:13

2 Kgs

Trompette

1:34, 39, 41

1 Kgs

23:24

9:13 etc.

1:34, 39, 41

20:1, 22

18:16

2:28

20:1, 22

2 Sam

15:10

2:28

2 Sam

13:3

18:16

13:3

1 Sam

1 Sam

3:27

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

Judg

6:4, 5, 9, 13, 16, 19

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

3:27

Judg

Josh

6:34

6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 19

Josh

25:9

20:18

19:16, 19

6:34

25:9

Lev

Lev

Exod

Exod

20:18

Rog

Posaune

19:16, 19

SSP

BEBD

15:10

6:15

2:28

13:3

Josh

6:8

150:3

98:6

15:14

1:34, 39, 41

25:9

20:18

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

6:6, 9, 13, 16

19:19

Tromba di corno

Ps

1 Chr

1 Kgs

Lev

Exod

Corno

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Exod

Tromba

BILC

Amos

3:6

27:13 etc.

98:6

81:4

15:14

15:28

9:13 etc.

1:34, 39

20:1, 22

18:16

2:28

13:3

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20

Cor d’allarme

Isa

Ps

2 Chr

1 Chr

Cor

2 Kgs

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Trompette

BFC

25:9 etc.

Ezek

Trompet

23:24

Lev

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Hoorn

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

Exod

Bazuin

2 Sam

39:25

2:28

6:34

3:27

150:3 etc.

98:6

15:14

15:28

6:4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20

20:15

19:16, 19

BNBG

Trompeta

Job

Clarine

2 Sam

Judg

Cuerno

Ps

2 Chr

1 Chr

Josh

Exod

Bocina

BSE

7:14

2:28 etc.

13:3

7:8, 16, 18-20

6:34

3:27

6:8, 9, 13, 16, 20

4:5 etc.

58:1

27:13

18:3

1:34, 41

20:18

19:16, 19

232 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Josh

Judg

6:4, 6, 8

13:3

2:28

15:10

Josh

1 Sam

2 Sam

Глас трубный

2 Sam

Гук

Job

15:28

15:14

4:5, 19, 21

6:1

Буксина

1 Chr

2 Chr

Jer

Ps

97:6

9:13

Ps

2 Kgs

Труба рогова

1:34 etc.

39:24

15:10

6:15

97:6

20:1, 22

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

Труба рожана

1 Kgs

18:16

2:28

6:34

2 Sam

Judg

13:3

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

20:1

1 Sam

6:34

3:27

6:13, 15, 19

25:9

23:24

19:16, 19

18:16

Рог

3:27

Exod

19:16

Exod

Lev

SkorB Труба

GennB Труба

Jer

2 Chr

1 Chr

Буксина

Ps

20:1 etc.

18:16

15:10

2:28

13:3

6:4, 6, 8

19:16

6:1

4:5, 19, 21

15:14

15:28

97:6

1:34 etc.

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

6:34

3:27

Труба рожана

1 Kgs

Judg

Рог

2 Sam

1 Sam

Josh

Exod

OstB Труба

Ps

2 Chr

1 Kgs

2 Sam

Josh

27:13 etc.

4:18

20:22

2:28

13:3

6:7, 8, 12

23:24

97:6

15:14

1:39, 41

20:1

15:10

6:3-5, 12

1:34 etc.

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

6:34

3:27

Труба рожана

1 Kgs

Judg

Рог

Isa

Neh

2 Sam

1 Sam

Josh

Lev

ElizB Труба

Hos

Ps

2 Chr

1 Chr

Рог

Job

Neh

2 Kgs

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Lev

SynB Труба

5:8

97:6

15:14

15:28

39:24

4:20

9:13

1:34, 39, 41

20:1, 22

18:16

2:28

13:3

7:8, 16, 18-20

6:34

3:27

6:8, 15, 19

25:9

23:24

9:13

Hos

Ps

Рог

2 Chr

1 Chr

5:8

97:6

15:14

15:28

1:34, 39, 41

20:1

15:10

6:15

2:28

13:3

7:8, 16, 18-20, 22

6:34

3:27

6:4, 6, 8, 9

23:24

19:16

Бараний рог

2 Kgs

1 Kgs

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Josh

Lev

Exod

WCBT Труба

Appendix 4 233

arpwv

Exod

19:13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13 6:4, 6, 8, 13

lbwy

Exod

Josh

KJV Trumpet Exod Josh

Exod

19:13

6:4, 8, 13

Exod

Josh

6:6

19:13

19:13

Josh

GB Saquiri Exod Nestvi iobelisa Josh Nestvi

6:13

6:4, 6, 8

19:13

GCB Buki Exod 19:13 Josh 6:4, 6, 8 Verzis rkis buki 6:13 Josh Ełjerap‘oł Josh

EAB Šep‘ora Exod Josh P‘oł Josh

Josh

Truba beranjcha

6:3, 5, 6

6:13

19:13 6:8

6:13 KMA bUq Exod bUq al-hut^f Josh

6:4, 8, 13

19:13

Josh

6:4, 8

KMT Boru Exod 19:13 Boru tasiya Josh 6:4, 6, 8, 13

6:6, 8, 13

6:4

Josh

Josh

Halljars Posaunen

6:6

Josh

Posaunen des Halljars

Exod

Truba z rohu baranjeho

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

LuB Lange dohnen

Josh

Exod

GenB Cornet

19:13 6:4, 6, 8, 13

6:3

6:5, 7, 12

19:13

Josh

6:6

19:13

6:6, 8, 13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

TEV Trumpet Exod Josh

Josh

qarnatA

Josh

Syr qarnA Exod

Trombeta del iubileo

Exod

KrB Dlauha trubiti

6:4

Josh

6:4, 13

Josh Trumpet Josh

Josh

Bucinas quarum in iobeleis usus est

Josh

Iobeleorum bucina

NJB Ram’s horn Exod 19:13 Ram’s horn trumpet

6:4, 7, 13

19:13

NIV Ram’s horn Exod 19:13 Trumpet of ram’s horns

Exod

Vulg Bucina Exod

Cor de belier

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

19:13 6:4, 6, 8, 13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

4]KOHGW Exod

LXX

Trauba

Josh

PrB Truba

BIM Trombeta

RSV Trumpet Exod Josh

Josh

@rqd arpwv

Tg

Tanakh

Yovel

6:8

19:13

19:13 6:4, 6, 8, 13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

BP Trąba Exod Josh

Josh

19:13 6:4, 6, 8, 13

6:6

Basoenen vanden iubileus iaren

Josh

Exod

BNvW Trompet

CEV Trumpet Exod Josh

Josh

MtsB P‘ołełjerais hobelean Exod 19:13

234 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Exod

19:13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

Exod

Josh

SkorB Труба

Exod

19:13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

GennB Труба

Exod

Josh

Josh

SSP Ovnov rog

BEBD Posaune

19:13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

6:8

Josh

Exod

OstB Труба 6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

Tromba fatta di corno di ariete Josh 6:4

Josh

Tromba di corno

Josh

Труба священная

Josh

Труба рожана

Josh

Exod

ElizB Труба

Josh

Josh

Exod Trompette

6:6, 13

19:13

BFC Cor

Tromba

Exod

BILC Corno

6:7

6:3

6:8, 12

19:13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

19:13

19:13

Josh

6:3, 7, 12

Труба юбилейная

Exod

SynB Трубный звук

Bocina de cuernos de carnero Josh 6:4, 6, 8, 13

Exod

BSE Bocina

6:8,13

19:13

6:4, 6, 8, 13

19:13

Josh

6:4

Труба, сделанная из рогов баранов

Josh

Exod

WCBT Труба

Josh

Ramshoorn

Exod

BNBG Bazuin

Appendix 4 235

15:14

15:14

20:28

23:13 etc.

4:13

9:12

Trombeta

1 Macc

23:13 etc.

20:28

13:12, 14

13:12, 14

10:2, 4

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2, 3, 9, 10

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

KrB Trauba

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

NIV Trumpet Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

LXX 4]KOHGW Num

7:6

5:12, 13

7:6 etc.

2 Chr

16:6, 42

5:12, 13

15:24, 28

1 Chr

16:6, 42

11:14

12:14

2 Kgs

15:24

13:8

31:6

10:2, 3, 9, 10

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

11:14 12:14

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 etc.

Tromba

2 Chr

1 Chr

Num

31:6

Num

10:6-8, 10

PrB Truba

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

RSV Trumpet Num

2 Chr

atrxwxj

2 Chr

BIM Tuba

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

KJV Trumpet Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

Num

1 Chr

@rxwxj

Num

2 Kgs

Targ

hrxwxj

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

Tanakh

Hatsotserah

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

GenB Trompette

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

NJB Trumpet Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Vulg Tuba Num

23:13 etc.

20:28

15:14

13:12,14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2, 3, 9, 10

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

LuB Dromete

2 Kgs

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Ps TEV Trumpet Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Syr qarnatA Num

23:13 etc.

20:28

15:14

13:12, 14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2, 8-10

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 15:24 16:6, 42 7:6 15:14 23:13 29:26, 28 98:5 etc.

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

BNvW Trompet

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

CEV Trumpet Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

MtsB P‘oł Num

20:28 etc.

15:14

13:12, 14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2, 5, 8-10

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13 7:6 13:12, 14 15:14 etc.

236 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

5:8

Hos

23:13

31:6

13:12

Num

2 Chr

29:26 etc.

15:14 etc.

20:28

Kriegstrompete Hos

Allarme

13:12, 14

15:14

5:8

7:6

5:12, 13

15:14 etc.

2 Chr

16:6, 42

13:12, 14

5:12, 13

15:24, 28

13:8

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2-5, 8-10

13:12, 14 etc.

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6

13:8

10:2-10 31:6 15:24, 28 16:42 29:26-28 97:6 etc.

13:12, 14

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

BILC Tromba

2 Chr

2 Chr Ps P‘oł 1 Chr

1 Chr

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

16:6, 42

13:8

15:24, 28

1 Chr

15:24, 28

13:8

12:14

11:14

10:2, 8-10

5:12

13:8

15:14 etc.

2-5, 8-10 11:14 12:14 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:13 7:6 13:12, 14

EAB Šep‘or Num

7:6

2 Chr

1 Chr

11:14

2 Kgs

12:14

Num

10:2, 8-10

Num

2 Kgs

SSP Trobenta

BEBD Trompete

2 Chr

1 Chr

10:5, 8-10

Num

2 Chr

1 Chr

Term absent

15:13 etc.

11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:13 7:6 13:12, 14

GCB Saquiri Num 2 Kgs

Nestvi

2 Chr

1 Chr

GB Saquiri 2 Kgs

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

BFC Trompette

2 Chr

2 Kgs 1 Chr

KMA bUq Num

23:13 etc.

20:28

15:14

13:12, 14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2-5, 8-10

20:28 etc.

15:14

13:12, 14

7:6

10:2-5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13

15:14 etc.

13:12, 14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:13

11:14

31:6

10:2, 8-10

20:28 etc.

15:14

13:12, 14

7:6

10:2, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:13 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13

2 Chr

13:12

Trompetas de jubilo

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

BSE Trompeta

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

KMT Boru Num

2 Chr

Alarmtrompet

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

BNBG Trompette

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

BP Trąba Num

13:12

15:14 etc.

13:14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:13

11:14

31:6

10:2-5, 8-10

20:28 etc.

15:14

13:12

7:6

10:2, 5, 8-10 31:6 11:14 12:14 13:8 15:24, 28 16:6, 42 5:12, 13

Appendix 4 237

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

7:6 13:12, 14 23:13 etc.

13:12, 14

23:13 etc.

5:12, 13

7:6

5:12, 13

2 Chr

13:8 16:6, 42

1 Chr

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:2, 8-10

16:6, 42

97:6

2 Kgs

Num

15:24, 28

Ps

12:14

11:14

31:6

10:5, 8-10

OstB Труба

15:24, 28

13:8

12:14

11:14

2 Kgs

Num

31:6

Num

10:2, 8-10

SkorB Труба

GennB Труба

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

ElizB Труба

15:14 etc.

13:12, 14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:13

11:14

31:6

10:2-4, 8-10

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

SynB Труба

15:14 etc.

13:12, 14

7:6

5:12, 13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:13

11:14

31:6

10:2-4, 8-10

2 Chr

1 Chr

2 Kgs

Num

WCBT Труба

15:14 etc.

13:12, 14

7:6

5:13

16:6, 42

15:24, 28

13:8

12:13

11:14

31:6

10:2-4, 8-11

238 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Trubecze

1 Kgs

30:29

Isa

5:12

30:29

10:5 1:40 5:12 48:36

1:40

48:36

Sring Jer Šep‘or Jer

1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

EAB P‘oł

1 Kgs

Plésanj

Jer

Isa

1 Sam

KrB Pisstialka

Jer

NIV Flute 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

%NQÃU 1 Kgs

Jer

#£KÃU 1 Sam Isa

LXX

48:36

48:36

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29

1:40

48:36

30:29

5:12

10:5

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

1:40

10:5 5:12 30:29 48:36

Jer

1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

KMA n^y

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

GenB Fleute

NJB Pipe 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa Flute Isa Jer

Jer

Vulg Tibia 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

30:29 48:36

10:5 1:40 5:12

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

Ney Jer

1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

KMT Zurna

Jer

Dromete

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

LuB Pfeiffe

Jer

TEV Flute 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

Syr RbY ‘A 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa HadWtA Isa kenarA Jer

48:36

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

48:36

30:29

10:5 1:40 5:12

Jer

Piszczalka 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

BP

Jer

Isa

Fluyte

1 Kgs

1 Sam

BNvW Pijpe

Jer

CEV Flute 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

Jer

MtsB Sring 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

Appendix 4

30:29 48:36

1:40

1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa Jer Salamuri Isa

1 Sam Saquiri rkisa 1 Kgs Avli Isa Jer Sapsalmune Isa

10:5

GCB Stviri

48:36

48:36

GB Muyni

Jer

Tromba

Jer

Zaramella di ferro

Jer

5:12

Zaramella

1 Kgs

30:29

5:12

Isa

1:40

10:5

1 Sam

Strumento

10:5

1:40

1 Sam

Jer Pipe 1 Kgs

10:5 5:12 30:29 48:36

10:5

5:12 30:29 48:36

PrB Pisstialka

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

RSV Flute 1 Sam Isa

1 Sam

@ylxlx

Jer

Isa

1:40

BIM Pifaro

Jer

KJV Pipe 1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

Jer

1 Kgs

1 Sam 1 Kgs Isa

abwba

agnj

lylh

10:5 1:40 5:12 30:29 48:36

Tg

Tanakh

Halil

239

Пищаль медяна Jer

Jer

Jer

48:36

Труба медяна

Пищаль

30:29

Свирель

Isa

1:40

1 Kgs

Лик

Isa

1 Sam

OstB Сопель

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

5:12

Isa

30:29

5:12

10:5

48:36

30:29

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

BILC Flauto

Пипола

Трубяще

1:40

Isa

Свирель

1 Kgs

10:5

1 Sam

Лик

1 Sam

Jer

SkorB Свирель

48:36

30:29

5:12

5:12

10:5

Isa

GennB Съпель

Jer

Flötenklage

Isa

Flötenspiel

Isa

Pfeife

1:40

1 Kgs

1:40

1 Sam

10:5

1 Sam

1 Kgs

SSP Piščal

BEBD Flöte

48:36

48:36

5:12

1:40

30:29

10:5

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

Jer

Цевница

Isa

Свирель

1 Kgs

Лик

Isa

1 Sam

ElizB Сопель

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

BFC Flûte

48:36

5:12

1:40

30:29

10:5

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

SynB Свирель

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

BSE Flauta

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

Jer

Isa

Свирель

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

WCBT Флейта

Jer

Isa

1 Kgs

1 Sam

BNBG Fluit

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

48:36

30:29

5:12

1:40

10:5

240 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Dan

Dan

3:10, 15

Сопель

Dan

Пищаль

3:5, 7

Dan

Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

GCB Salamuri Dan SSP Piščal

SkorB Сопелка

3:5, 7, 10, 15

GB Sastvineli Dan BEBD Trompete

GennB Сиринна

3:7, 15

Dan

3:15

3:5, 7, 10

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

Fistula

3:5, 10

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

RSV Pipe Dan

−

PrB Pisstielka /Pisstialka

3:5, 7, 10, 15

KJV Flute Dan

Tg

BIM Zaramella

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

atyqwrvm

Tanakh

Mashroqita’

Dan

Пищаль

Dan

OstB Свирель

Dan

EAB Sring Dan BILC Flauto

Dan

KrB Pisstialka

NIV Flute Dan

4œQHGW Dan

LXX

3:10, 15

3:5, 7

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

ElizB Свирель

Dan

KMA n^y Dan BFC Flûte

Dan

GenB Clairon

NJB Pipe Dan

Vulg Fistula Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

SunB Свирель

Dan

KMT Zurna Dan BSE Flauta

Dan

LuB Dromete

TEV Oboe Dan

Syr MaZroqYtA Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

WCBT Свирель

Dan

BP Piszcałka Dan BNBG Fluit

Dan

BNvW Fluyte

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:7, 10, 15

3:5

3:5, 7, 10, 15

CEV Flute Dan Term absent Dan

MtsB Sring Dan

Appendix 4 241

GB Ebani Gen Job Galoba-godeba Job Bobyani Ps

Ps

150:4

30:31

4:21 21:12

21:12 30:31 150:4

Job

GCB Stviri Gen Ps Salamuri Job

Ps

Job

Gen

4:21

Gen

Ps

PrB Warhany

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

RSV Pipe Gen Job

BIM Organo

Ps

KJV Organ Gen Job

Ps

Gen Job

Gen Job

Ps

abwba

bgw[

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

Tg

Tanakh

‘Ugav

21:12 30:31

4:21 150:4

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

150:4

21:12 30:31

4:21

Term absent Ps

EAB Ergion Gen Erg Job

Ps

Warhany

Job

Zwuk muzyki Job Piščalka

150:4

21:12 30:21

4:21

150:4

30:29

21:12

Nástroge hudebne Gen 4:21

KrB

Ps

NIV Flute Gen Job

‰0QGAMNM Ps

,HP]QA Gen 9AKLÃU Job

LXX

Ps

KMA mizm^r Gen Job

Ps

Job

Gen

GenB Orgue

Ps

NJB Pipe Gen Job

Ps

Vulg Organum Gen Job

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

KMT Boru Gen Ps Kaval Job

Ps

Job

Gen

LuB Pfeiffe

TEV Flute Gen Job Ps Term absent Job

(menE) HalyatA Ps

Syr kenarA Gen zmarA Job

21:12 30:31

4:21 150:4

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

30:31

4:21 21:12 150:4

150:4

21:12 30:31

4:21

150:4

21:12 30:31

4:21

150:4

30:31

4:21 21:12

4:21 21:12 30:31 150:4

BP Muzycky naczyn Gen 4:21 Głos muzyki Job 21:12 Instrument Job 30:32 Organy Ps 150:4

Ps

Orghele

Job

Gen

BNvW Orgele

CEV Flute Gen Job Songs Job Woodwinds Ps

Ps

MtsB K‘nar Gen Job

242 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Job

Ps

30:31

21:12

Job Flöte Job

Ps

150:4

Гусли

30:31

Job

Ps

21:12

Job

Органы

Job

Gen

4:21

Gen

Песнь

SkorB Орган

GennB Гусли

Ps

150:4

Gen

4:21

Gen

Pfeife

SSP Flavta

BEBD Flötenspiel

21:12

150:4

30:31

4:21

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

Ps

Органы

Job

Песнь

Gen

OstB Гусли

Ps

Job

Gen

BILC Flauto

150:4

30:31

21:12

4:21

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

Ps

Органы

Job

Песнь

Gen

ElizB Гусли

Ps

Job

Gen

BFC Flûte

150:4

30:31

21:12

4:21

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

Ps

Органы

Job

Gen

SynB Свирель

Ps

Job

Gen

BSE Flauta

150:4

30:31

21:12

4:21

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

Ps

Job

Gen

WCBT Флейта

Ps

Job

Gen

BNBG Fluit

150:4

30:31

21:12

4:21

21:12 30:31 150:4

4:21

Appendix 4 243

Timbrel Exod Judg 2 Sam 1 Chr Job Term absent Ezek

Isa

KJV Tabret Gen 1 Sam

Jer Ezek

Isa

28:13

15:20 11:34 6:5 13:8 21:12

31:27 10:5 18:6 5:12 24:8 etc.

Term absent Ezek

RSV Tambourine Gen 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Chr Job Timbrel Exod Judg 1 Sam Ps

Isa

swrtq

Ps

@ppwtm

Isa

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

apwt

#wt

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:26 81:3 149:3 150:4 5:12 24:8 30:32 31:3 28:13

Tg

Tanakh

Tof

28:13

15:20 11:34 18:6 68:26 81:2 etc.

31:27 10:5 6:5 13:8 21:12

5:12

68:26

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 81:3 149:3 150:4 24:8 30:32 etc.

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 80:3 149:3 150:4 etc.

Term absent Ezek

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

NIV Tambourine Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

9AKS¬QHNM Job Term absent Ezek

28:13

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:26 81:3 149:3 etc.

28:13

21:12

5TLOAMHRSQHÎM Ps 67:26

2 Sam 1 Chr Ps

5œLOAMNM Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

LXX

Term absent Ezek

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

NJB Tambourine Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

28:13

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:26 81:3 149:3 etc.

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 2 Sam 6:5 1 Chr 13:8 Job 21:12 Ps 80:3 149:3 150:4 etc. Tympanistriarum Ps 67:26 Term absent Ezek 28:13

Vulg Tympanum Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

Term absent Job Ezek

TEV Tambourine Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam Drums 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Chr Ps

21:12 28:13

10:5 6:5 13:8 149:3 150:4 etc.

31:27 15:20 11:34 18:6 etc.

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 2 Sam 6:5 1 Chr 13:8 Job 21:12 Ps 81:2 149:3 150:4 etc. e ‘AlaymatA dn qZan bplagE Ps 68:25 Term absent Ezek 28:13

Syr plagA Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

Small drum 1 Sam

CEV Tambourine Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam 2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

Jer Ezek Dap 2 Sam 1 Chr

Isa

Ps

MtsB T‘mbuk Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

10:5

31:27 15:20 11:34 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:25 81:3 149:3 150:4 etc.

6:5 13:8

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 67:25 80:2 149:3 150:4 5:12 24:8 30:32 31:4 28:13

244 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

13:8

21:12

68:26

1 Chr

Job

Ps

67:26

80:3 etc.

Ps

Tamburo

Exod

21:12

67:26

Job

Ps

Ebani

10:5 18:6

31:27 15:20 11:34 6:5 13:8 etc.

18:6

80:3

31:3

Jer

11:34

15:20 10:5 18:6 6:5 etc.

31:27 21:12 5:12

28:13

81:3 etc.

10:5

11:34

Ps

Judg

2 Sam Daira

GCB Doli Gen Job Isa Dapdapi Exod 1 Sam

Ezek

10:5

1 Sam

GB Bobyani Gen Exod Judg 2 Sam 1 Chr Tsintsili 1 Sam

Term absent

11:34

1 Sam

Judg

Judg

Cimbalo

6:5

2 Sam

21:12

Job

15:20

18:6

13:8

1 Chr

15:20

15:20

Exod

31:27

Gen

31:27

Gen

Exod

PrB Buben

BIM Tympano

81:3 etc.

68:26

21:12

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

Ezek

Ps

2 Sam 1 Chr Isa Isa Term absent

EAB T‘mbuk Gen Exod 1 Sam

Ezek

28:13

150:4

31:27 15:20 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 5:12 24:8 etc.

28:13

Nastrogowé bubnu

Ps

Job

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

KrB Buben

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

KMA duf Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

Isa

Ps

Job

1 Sam

Exod

Tambourin

Ps

1 Chr

1 Sam

Judg

Gen

GenB Tabour

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:2

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:26

24:8 etc.

5:12

68:26

21:12

10:5

15:20

81:3 etc.

13:8

18:6

11:34

31:27

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

KMT Tef Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

Ps

Job

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

LuB Paucken

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:2

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:16

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:3

68:26

21:12

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

2 Sam 1 Chr Job Ps

BP Bęben Gen Exod Judg 1 Sam

Ps

Trommel

Jer

1 Sam

Tamboer

Job

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

BNvW Bomme

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:3

31:27 15:20 11:34 10:5 18:6 6:5 13:8 21:12 68:26

67:26

31:4

18:6

21:12 etc.

13:8

6:5

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

Appendix 4 245

15:20

11:34

10:5

Exod

Judg

1 Sam

2 Sam

5:12

24:8

Isa

Ezek

Ezek

28:13

Term absent

Isa

Isa

Бубен

Job

Песница

Term absent

21:12

150:4

149:3

80:3

Job

Ps

Ps

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

OstB Тимпан

Ezek

Term absent

Сопель

30:32

67:26

10:5

15:20

21:12

6:5

18:6

11:34

31:27

28:13

Isa

Ps

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Tamburello

Ps

1 Chr

2 Sam

Gen

BILC Tamburo

Песница

Isa

Пипола

Ps

Тимпанницы

1 Sam

Exod

18:1

6:5 etc.

Тимпан

10:5

1 Sam

2 Sam

Job

Бубенцы

Тимпан

31:3

1 Sam

11:34

Judg

Jer

Gen

31:27

Gen

Judg

SkorB Бубен

28:13

Ezek

GennB Бубен

Ezek

Term absent

150:4 etc.

68:26

150:4 etc.

Ps

21:12

149:3

68:26

Ps

Job

13:8

149:3

21:12

Job

1 Chr

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

81:3

13:8

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

15:20

31:27

81:3

6:5

2 Sam

18:6

Gen

31:27

Gen

Exod

SSP Boben

BEBD Pauken

28:13

30:32

24:8

21:12

149:3 etc.

80:3

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

28:13

24:8

68:26

10:5

11:34

15:20

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:3

13:8

6:5

31:27

Ezek

Term absent

Jer

Isa

Ps

Job

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

ElizB Тимпан

Ezek

Term absent

Ps

Job

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

BFC Tambourin

28:13

31:3

30:32

24:8

5:12

150:4

149:3

80:3

21:12

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

28:13

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:3

68:26

21:12

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

Ezek

Term absent

Jer

Isa

Ps

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

SynB Тимпан

Ps

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Pandero

Ezek

Isa

Job

1 Chr

Tamboril

Gen

BSE Tamborin

28:13

31:3

30:32

24:8

5:12

150:4

149:3

80:3

67:26

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

149:3 etc.

81:2

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

28:13

5:12

21:12

13:8

31:27

Ezek

Term absent

Gen

Танцы

Isa

1 Chr

Барабан

2 Sam

Тимпан

Ps

Job

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

WCBT Тамбурин

Ezek

Term absent

Ps

Job

1 Chr

2 Sam

1 Sam

Judg

Exod

Gen

BNBG Tambourijn

28:13

31:27

30:32

24:8

5:12

13:8

6:5

67:26 etc.

21:12

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

28:13

150:4 etc.

149:3

81:3

68:26

21:12

13:8

6:5

18:6

10:5

11:34

15:20

31:27

246 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

2 Sam

6:5

2 Sam

2 Sam

6:5

2 Sam

SkorB Трубы

6:5

GCB Čangi 2 Sam SSP Zvončke

2 Sam

2 Sam RSV Castanets 2 Sam PrB Term absent

@[br

Tg

GennB Term absent

6:5

GB Saquiri 2 Sam BEBD Schellen

6:5

6:5

2 Sam

2 Sam KJV Timbrels 2 Sam BIM Trombette

!y[n[nm

Tanakh

Mena‘an‘im

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

2 Sam

OstB Term absent

2 Sam

EAB P‘ołer 2 Sam BILC Sistri

2 Sam

,œLBAKA 2 Sam NIV Sistrums 2 Sam KrB Husličky

LXX

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

2 Sam

ElizB Цевницы

2 Sam

KMA ğunğûl 2 Sam BFC Sistres

2 Sam

Vulg Sistra 2 Sam NJB Sistrums 2 Sam GenB Sistres

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

2 Sam

SynB Систры

2 Sam

KMT Çingiraklar 2 Sam BSE Flautas

2 Sam

Syr rbY ‘E 2 Sam TEV Rattles 2 Sam LuB Schellen

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

2 Sam

WCBT Систры

2 Sam

BP Piszczałky 2 Sam BNBG Rinkbellen

2 Sam

MtsB K‘nar 2 Sam CEV Castanets 2 Sam BNvW Hoorkens

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

6:5

Appendix 4 247

Zech

14:20

SkorB

−

Zech

Zech

14:20

GCB Tskhenta zanzalakevze Zech 14:20 SSP Na konjskih hraguljč

GennB В узде коневи

Zech

GB Ayvirsa šoris tskhenisasa Zech 14:20 BEBD Schellen der Rosse

14:20

Zech

OstB Во узде коня

Zech

14:20

14:20

EAB Jneri sanjeri Zech 14:20 BILC Sonagli dei cavalli

14:20

Zech

Zech 14:20 RSV Upon the bells of the horses Zech 14:20 PrB Na uzde konowie

Zech 14:20 KJV Upon the bells of the horses Zech 14:20 BIM Quel che e sopra freno del caval Zech 14:20

14:20

5ÄzOSÄMCAKHMÄMSNž OONT Zech 14:20 NIV Upon the bells of the horses Zech 14:20 KrB Na zwoncých konskych

aysws tbwrk

twlxm

LXX

Tg

Tanakh

Metsillot

14:20

Zech

ElizB Во узде коня

Zech

14:20

14:20

KMA ’ağrâsi Zech 14:20 BFC Les clochettes des cheveaux

Zech

Zech 14:20 NJB Upon the bells of the horses Zech 14:20 GenB Sonnailles des cheveaux

Vulg Quod super frenum equi est

14:20

14:20

Zech

14:20

SynB На конских уборах

Zech

KMT Atlarin çanlari üzerinde Zech 14:20 BSE Campanillas de los caballos

Zech

Zech 14:20 TEV Upon the bells of the horses Zech 14:20 LuB Rüstung der Rosse

Syr pgWde‘ah dsWsAyA

14:20

14:20

Zech

14:20

WCBT На конских уборах

Zech

BP Na rzędach końskich Zech 14:20 BNBG Bellen van de paarden

Zech

Zech 14:20 CEV Bells worn by horses Zech 14:20 BNvW Het genebat op des peerts

MtsB Zardk‘

248 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Exod

Звонцы Exod

Exod

Exod

28:33, 34

SkorB Звоночки

GennB Звонцы

39:25, 26

Exod

28:33, 34

SSP Zvončke

28:34, 35

GCB Ežvnebi Exod

BEBD Schellen

GB Ežvani Exod

Exod

39:25, 26

Exod

28:33, 34

PrB Zwoneczky

BIM Campanelli

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

RSV Bells Exod

Exod

Exod

KJV Bells Exod

@ygz

!ynm[p

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

Tg

Tanakh

Pa‘amonim

28:34

39:26

28:33

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

Exod

OstB Звонцы

Exod

BILC Campanelli

EAB Zangakner Exod

Exod

KrB Zwonečky

NIV Bells Exod

,ÌDVM Exod

LXX

28:33, 34

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:23, 24

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

28:33, 34

Exod

ElizB Звонцы

Exod

BFC Clochettes

KMA ğalâğil Exod

Exod

GenB Clochettes

NJB Bells Exod

Vulg Tintinnabula Exod

28:33, 34

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

28:33, 34 39:23, 24

Exod

SynB Позвонки

Exod

BSE Campanillas

KMT Çingiraklar Exod

Exod

LuB Schellen

TEV Bells Exod

Syr zgE Exod

28:33, 34

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

Exod

WCBT Колокольчики

Exod

BNBG Belletjes

BP Dzwonki Exod

Exod

Schellekens

Exod

BNvW Bellen

CEV Bells Exod

MtsB Zangakner Exod

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

39:25, 26

28:33, 34

28:33, 34 39:25, 26

28:33, 34

Appendix 4 249

@ylxlx

2 Sam Ps

6:5 150:5

6:5 150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5 150:5

!ylxlx

2 Sam Ps

KJV Cymbals 2 Sam Ps BIM Cymbali

2 Sam

Ps

GB Tsintsili 2 Sam Ps

2 Sam

6:5

150:5

2 Sam

Ps

2 Sam

6:5

150:5

2 Sam

Ps

Ps

Кимвалы

SkorB Цимбалы

GennB Кимвалы

Ps

SSP Cimbali

BEBD Zimbeln

GCB Tsintsili 2 Sam Ps

Ps

2 Sam

RSV Cymbals 2 Sam Ps PrB Czymbaly

Tg

Tanakh

Tseltselim

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

6:5 150:5

Ps

2 Sam

OstB Кимвалы

Ps

2 Sam

BILC Cembali

EAB Tsentsłaner 2 Sam Term absent Ps

Ps

2 Sam

NIV Cymbals 2 Sam Ps KrB Cymbály

,œLBAKA Ps #£KÃU 2 Sam

LXX

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

6:5

150:5

Ps

Кимвалы

2 Sam

ElizB Цевница

Ps

2 Sam

BFC Cymbales

KMA Cunûğ 2 Sam Ps

Ps

2 Sam

NJB Cymbals 2 Sam Ps GenB Cymbales

Vulg Cymbala 2 Sam Ps

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

6:5 150:5

Ps

2 Sam

SynB Кимвалы

Ps

2 Sam

BSE Címbalos

KMT Zillerle 2 Sam Ps

Ps

Cimbeln

2 Sam

TEV Cymbals 2 Sam Ps LuB Cymbaln

Syr CYClE 2 Sam Ps

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

6:5 150:5

Ps

Цимбалы

2 Sam

WCBT Кимвалы

Ps

2 Sam

BNBG Cimbalen

BP Cymbały 2 Sam Ps

Ps

2 Sam

CEV Cymbals 2 Sam Ps BNvW Cimbalen

MtsB Tsentsłaner 2 Sam Ps

150:5

6:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

150:5

6:5

6:5 150:5

6:5 150:5

250 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

5:12

12:27

Ezra

2 Chr

29:25

3:10

29:25

5:12, 13

15:19

Czymbalky

25:1, 6

1 Chr

12:27

Neh

16:5, 42

5:13

25:1, 6

2 Chr

Neh

Ezra 12:27

3:10

29:25

5:12, 13

25:1, 6

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

1 Chr

16:5, 42

1 Chr

Ezra Neh KrB Cymbály

2 Chr

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

16:5, 42

15:16, 28

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

NIV Cymbals 1 Chr

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

,œLBAKA 1 Chr

LXX

Czymbaly

1 Chr

Ezra Neh PrB Cymbaly

2 Chr

RSV Cymbals 1 Chr

−

15:28

3:10

15:16, 19

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

Tg

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

Ezra Neh GenB Cymbales

2 Chr

NJB Cymbals 1 Chr

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

Vulg Cymbala 1 Chr

12:27

3:10

29:25

5:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

1 Chr

Cymbalеn

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

Cymbeln

Neh

2 Chr

1 Chr

Ezra Neh LuB Cymbaln

2 Chr

TEV Cymbals 1 Chr

Neh ZYpWrA Ezra Term absent 1 Chr

Syr CYClE 1 Chr

25:1

16:5

3:10

29:25

5:13

15:19, 28

13:8

12:27

5:12

16:42

15:16

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

25:1 etc.

15:19, 28 16:5

3:10

13:8 15:16 12:27

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

Ezra Neh BNvW Cimbalen

2 Chr

CEV Cymbals 1 Chr

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

MtsB Tsentsłaner 1 Chr

12:27

3:10

29:25

5:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:6, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

Appendix 4

2 Chr

Ballo

Neh

2 Chr

1 Chr

Cymbali

Ezra

1 Chr

Ezra Neh BIM Cimbali

2 Chr

KJV Cymbals 1 Chr

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

1 Chr

!ytlxm

Tanakh

Metsiltayim

251

−

1 Chr

Цымбалы

Ezra

1 Chr

15:19

3:10

16:42

15:16, 28

Neh

12:27

3:10

29:25

Цимбалы

29:25

15:12, 13

2 Chr Ezra

15:12, 13

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1

2 Chr

1 Chr

OstB Кимвалы

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

12:27

3:10

29:25

5:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

5:12

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 29:25 3:10 12:27

25:1, 6

12:27

16:5

SkorB

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

BILC Cembali

2 Chr Ezra Neh Sring 2 Chr

EAB Tsentsłaner 1 Chr

Кимбалы

Neh

1 Chr

13:8

12:27

Neh

GennB Кимвалы

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

25:1, 6

Ezra

2 Chr

16:5, 42

16:5, 42

13:8

15:16, 19, 28

1 Chr

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

1 Chr

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

SSP Cimbali

5:12, 13 29:25 12:27

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 3:10

GCB Tsintsili 1 Chr

BEBD Zimbeln

Neh

Ezra Ebani 2 Chr

GB Tsintsili 1 Chr

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

ElizB Кимвалы

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

BFC Cymbales

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

KMA Cunûğ 1 Chr

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

СинБ Кимвалы

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

Cimbalos 1 Chr

BSE

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

KMT Zillerle 1 Chr

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

WCBT Кимвалы

Neh

Ezra

2 Chr

1 Chr

BNBG Cimbalen

Ezra Neh

2 Chr

BP Cymbały 1 Chr

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

12:27

3:10

29:25

15:12, 13

25:1, 6

16:5, 42

15:16, 19, 28

13:8

13:8 15:16, 19, 28 16:5, 42 25:1, 6 5:12, 13 29:25 3:10 12:27

252 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

1 Sam

18:6

18:6

18:6

1 Sam

GB Term absent 1 Sam BEBD Zimbeln

1 Sam

1 Sam

1 Sam

Гусли

SkorB Гудба

1 Sam

GennB

18:6

1 Sam 18:6 RSV Instruments of music 1 Sam 18:6 PrB Pissťka

1 Sam 18:6 KJV Instruments of music 1 Sam 18:6 BIM Term absent

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

@ylxlx

!yvlv

GCB Term absent 1 Sam SSP Cimbaly

Tg

Tanakh

Shalishim

1 Sam

OstB Гусли

1 Sam

EAB Tsentsłaner 1 Sam BILC Tamburelli

1 Sam

,œLBAKA 1 Sam NIV Lutes 1 Sam KrB Husličky

LXX

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

1 Sam

ElizB Гусли

1 Sam

18:6

18:6

KMA muFallaF^t 1 Sam 18:6 BFC Autres instruments de musique

1 Sam

Vulg Sistra 1 Sam NJB Sistrums 1 Sam GenB Rebecs 18:6

18:6

18:6

1 Sam

SynB Кимвалы

1 Sam

18:6

18:6

KMT Üc telli sazlar 1 Sam 18:6 BSE Instrumentos de musica

1 Sam

Syr CYClE 1 Sam TEV Lyres 1 Sam LuB Geiger

1 Sam

WCBT Лютни

1 Sam

BP Gęsle 1 Sam BNBG Triangels

1 Sam

MtsB Tsentsłaner 1 Sam CEV Harps 1 Sam BNvW Hoorkens

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

18:6

Appendix 4 253

3:5, 10, 15

Dan

3:10, 15 Dan

Term absent

Dan

Dan

Dan

3:5, 10, 15

OstB Глас съгласных

Dan

EAB Term absent Dan BILC Zampogna

Dan

Писк

Dan

Dan

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:15

3:10

3:5, 7

3:5, 7, 10, 15

NIV Pipe Dan KrB Zpiwanj

4TLFVMŒA Dan

LXX

Term absent

SkorB Гарфа

Dan

GCB Stviri Dan SSP Diple

Dan

GennB Глас съгласных

3:5, 7

3:5, 10, 15

GB Mehmeobi Dan BEBD Laute

Sladky zwuk

Dan

3:7, 15

Dan

Dan

3:5

Dan

−

Hudebny zwuk

3:5, 10, 15

RSV Bagpipe Dan PrB Krzidlo

Tg

Simphonia

3:10

KJV Term absent Dan BIM Violeta

3:5, 15

Dan

hynpys

Dan

hynpmws

Tanakh

Sumponiah

3:15

3:10

3:5, 7

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

ElizB Согласия

Dan

KMA mizm^r Dan BFC Cornemuse

Dan

NJB Bagpipe Dan GenB Chantrerie

Vulg Symphonia Dan

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

SynB Симфония

Dan

KMT Gayda Dan BSE Zampoña

Dan

TEV Term absent Dan LuB Laute

Syr CepWnyA Dan

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

Dan

WCBT Волынка

Dan

BP Symfonał Dan BNBG Doedelzak

Dan

CEV Term absent Dan BNvW Vedele

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

3:5, 7, 10, 15

3:5, 10, 15

MtsB Miabanut‘yun nvagaranac‘ Dan 3:5, 10, 15

254 A Compendium of Musical Instruments

150:4

GB Bobyani Ps Term absent Ps

Ps

Ps

44:9

Term absent

Ps

150:4

Ps

Term absent

SkorB Струны

GennB Струны

Ps

45:9

Ps

150:4

Ps

Saitenspiel

SSP Strune

BEBD Saiten

44:9

Ps

44:9

Ps

GCB Ebani Ps Term absent Ps

Term absent

Term absent

44:9

150:4

Cetra

Ps

Term absent

Ps

OstB Струны

Ps

Ps

45:9

BILC Liuto

EAB Term absent Ps

Ps

Term absent

Ps

44:9

150:4

45:9

150:4

150:4 44:9

45:9

150:4

%NQDAΠPs 150:4 Term absent Ps 44:9 NIV Strings Ps 150:4 Music of the strings Ps 45:8 KrB Husle

LXX

150:4

44:9

150:4

44:9

150:4

Ps

Ps

150:4

Ps 45:9 RSV Strings Ps 150:5 Stringed instruments Ps 45:8 PrB Struny

Ps 45:9 KJV Stringed instruments Ps 150:4 Term absent Ps 45:8 BIM Instrumenti de corde

150:4

ynm

Ps

Ps

150:4

!ylylj

!ynm

ynm

Tg

Tanakh

Minnim

Ps

Term absent

Ps

ElizB Струны

Ps

Musique

Ps

BFC Guitare

KMA aut^r Ps Term absent Ps

Ps

Term absent

Ps

Vulg Chordae Ps Term absent Ps NJB Strings Ps Harps Ps GenB Espinette

44:9

150:4

44:9

150:4

45:9

150:4

44:9

150:4

45:8

150:4

44:9

150:4

Ps

Term absent

Ps

SynB Струны

Ps

Term absent

Ps

BSE Cuerdas

KMT Sazlar Ps Term absent Ps

Ps

Term absent

Ps

Syr menE Ps MinE Ps TEV Harps Ps Term absent Ps LuB Seiten

44:9

150:4

45:8

150:4

45:9

150:4

45:9

150:3

45:8

150:4

45:9

150:4

45:9

150:4

45:9

150:4

44:9

150:4

150:4 Ps

44:9

Музыка всех струн

Ps

WCBT Струнные инструменты

Ps

BNBG Snarenspel

BP Strony Ps Term absent Ps

Ps

Term absent

Ps

MtsB Tark‘ Ps 150:4 Term absent Ps 44:9 CEV Stringed instruments Ps 150:4 Music of harps Ps 45:8 BNvW Snaren

Appendix 4 255

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ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE LISTS OF BIBLE TRANSLATIONS, AND HISTORICAL, LITERARY AND PATRISTIC SOURCES REFERRED TO

Chud = Chudov Monastery Collection GIM = Gosudarstvennyy Istoricheskiy Muzey (State History Museum, Moscow) GMII = Gosudarstvennyy Muzey Izobrazitel’nogo Iskusstva im. A. S. Pushkina (Pushkin Museum of Fine Art, Moscow) JTS = Journal of Theological Studies Khlud = A. I. Khludov Collection (GIM) Kir-Bel = Kirillo-Belozerskoye Collection (RNB) LCL = Loeb Classical Library MMB = Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae PG = Patrologia graeca PL = Patrologia latina PSRL = Polnoye Sobraniye Russikh Letopisey (Complete Collection of Russian Annals) RNB = Rossiyskaya Natsional’naya Biblioteka (Russian National Library, St Petersburg) RGB = Rossiyskaya Gosudarstvennaya Biblioteka (Russian State Library, Moscow)

258

Abbreviations used in the lists of Bible translations

RR = The Review of Religion RSLMB = Russian State Library Museum of Books Sin = Sinodal’noye Collection (Synodal Collection, GIM) TSL = Troitse-Sergiyeva Lavra Collection (Troitse-Sergiyeva Monastery Collection, RGB) Und = V. M. Undol’skiy Collection (RGB) Uvar = A. S. Uvarov Collection (GIM)

BIBLE TRANSLATIONS REFERRED TO AFPs = Psalter, translated into Russian by Avrami Firsov, 1683 (GIM, Sin, No. 710; RGB, Und, No. 9). Ed.: Tselunova E. A. Psaltyr’ 1683 g. v perevode Avramiya Firsova: Slavistische Beiträge. Vol. 243. München, 1989. AmPs = Psalter, translation of Amvrosi, Archbishop of Moscow, 1770 (GIM, Uvar, No. 216). Aq = Aquila, second century CE; one of the Greek Bible translations from the protomasoretic text made by Aquila, a proselyte from Pontus; the surviving text is incomplete. ASV = The Holy Bible, American Standard Version, New York, 1901. BB = Biblia belgica. Vetus Testamentum. Delft, 1477. This is one of the popular historical Bible translations, the first version of the Old Testament in vernacular Dutch. BEBD = Die Bibel oder die ganze Heilige Schrift/Übersetzung nach M. Luther der evangelischen Bibelgesellschaft in Deutschland. Stuttgart, 1965. BFC = La Bible /Traduit en français courant par la Société Biblique Française. Paris, 1991. BGvW = Biblia, Dat is Degantse Heylighe Schrift/Verduydtschet door G. van Wingen, J. Dyrkinus. Embden, 1565. This is one of the sixteenth-century popular historical Bible translations into vernacular Dutch. BILC = La Bibbia italiana in lingua corrente. Roma, 1993. BIM = Biblia Vulgar historiata: Biblia Italica Nicolo Mallermi. Venezia, 1493. This is one of the popular historical Bible translations, the first complete version in vernacular Italian. BLJ = Biblia sacrosancta interprete Leone Juda. Cum notis … Francisci Vatabli. Paris, 1565. This is one of the sixteenth-century Latin Bible trans-

260

List of Bible translations referred to

lations made by the Swiss Jewish scholar Leo Jud. BNBG = Bijbel/Vertaling 1951 in opdracht van het Nederlands Bijbelgenootschap. Haarlem, 1996. BNvW = Biblia sacra Dat is De Geheele Heylighe Schrifture/In duytsche van nyews overghestelt door Niclaes van Winghe. Antwerpen, 1599. This is one of the many sixteenth-century popular historical Bible translations, probably the best version in vernacular Dutch. BP = Biblja Šwięta to jest wszystko Pismo Šwięte Starego i Nowego Testamentu. Lipsk, 1889. This is a Catholic Bible translation into Polish. BpB = The Bible. That Is The Holy Scriptures Conteinend in the Olde and New Testament. Edinburgh, 1579. This is the rare Edinburgh edition of the official Bishop’s Bible of 1568. BudB = Biblia. To jest księgi Starego i Nowego Przymierza/Do polštiny přelożil Szymon Budny. Nieśwież, 1572. This is one of the popular historical Bible translations, the first complete version in vernacular Polish by Szymon Budny. CastB = Biblia/Interprete Sebastiano Castalione. Basileae, 1551. This is a sixteenth-century Latin version of the Bible made by the French Jewish scholar Sebastiano Castalione. CEV = The Learning Bible, Contemporary English Version, New York, American Bible Society, 2000. ChudPs = Chudovskaya Psalter, eleventh century. (GIM, Chud, No. 7). This is a manuscript that used to belong to the now destroyed Moscow Chudov monastery. CP = A Critical Edition of the Coptic (Bohairic) Pentateuch. V. 1. Genesis. V. 2. Exodus. Atlanta, 1985−1986. This edition is a collation of a number of manuscripts from the eleventh to the nineteenth centuries. CPs = Coptic Psalter: thirteenth-century fragments of the Psalter included in the Lectionary, with parallel texts in Arabic. (GMII, I. 1b. 627). DanChud = The Book of Daniel, with comments by Hippolytus of Rome, part of the twelfth-century annals. A manuscript of the Moscow Chudov monastery. Cited by Yevseev I. Y., Kniga Proroka Daniila v Drevne-slavyanskom Perevode s Drevne-yevreiskogo. Moscow, 1905.

List of Bible translations referred to

261

DanCyr = The Book of Daniel translated (according to I. Yevseev) by St Cyril, ninth century. Ed.: Yevseev I. Y., Kniga Proroka Daniila v Drevneslavyanskom Perevode s Drevne-yevreiskogo. Moscow, 1905. DanMeth = The Book of Daniel translated (according to I. Yevseev) by St Methodius, ninth century. Ed.: Yevseev I. Y., Kniga Proroka Daniila v Drevne-slavyanskom Perevode s Drevne-yevreiskogo. Moscow, 1905. DanSim = The Book of Daniel, the so-called Simeon translation, of Bulgarian origin, not later than the end of the tenth century (according to I. Yevseev). Ed.: I. Y. Yevseev, Kniga Proroka Daniila v Drevne-slavyanskom Perevode s Drevne-yevreiskogo. Moscow, 1905. DouB = The Holy Bible. Douay Version, also known as the Rheims-Douay Version, 1582−1609. Ed.: London, 1956. This is the earliest Catholic Bible translation into English. EAB = Eastern Armenian Bible, new translation. Astvatsashunch. Matevan Hin yev Nor Ketakaranneri. Yerevan, 1994. ElizB = “Yelizavetinskaya” Bible, a translation into Church Slavonic made during the reign of the Empress Elizabeth (1741−61). It was introduced into liturgical practice and has become the official Bible version of the Russian Orthodox Church, still in use today. Ed.: Áèáë¿à cèph÷ü Ênèãè Ñâ#ùgnnaãw Ïèñàíi# Âgòõàãw è Íîâàãw Çàâhòà. St. Petersburg, 1751. EthPs = Ethiopian Psalter, a translation into Ge‘ez from the Septuagint, probably sixteenth century (GIM, Khlud D 133). GB = Georgian Bible, a corrected edition of the 1743 Bakari redaction, itself a redaction of an eleventh-century Bible translation into Georgian. Dzveli da Ahali Achtkma. Tiflis, 1884. GCB = Georgian Bible, contemporary translation. Dzveli da Ahali Achtkma. Tbilisi, 1989. GenB = La Bible, qui est Toute la Saincte Escriture du Vieil et du Nouveau Testament. Genève, 1588. This is the classical church Bible translation into literary French. GennB = the Gennadius Bible, 1499 (GIM, Sin, No. 915). The first complete Church Slavonic Bible made by a translation team under the aegis of Gennadius, Archbishop of Novgorod.

262

List of Bible translations referred to

HarkB = Holy Scriptures According to the Masoretic Text. Translated by A. Harkavy. Philadelphia, PA, 1912. Itala = Vetus Latina, Old Latin version used before the Vulgate. JND = The Holy Scriptures. Translated by J. N. Darby. Kingston-on-Thames, 1950. JoachB = Joachim Bible, a copy of the Gennadius Bible, 1558 (GIM, Sin, No. 21). JV = The Holy Bible. Jewish Version. Holy Scriptures According to the Traditional Hebrew Text. Published by the Jewish Publication Society. Philadelphia, 1917. KJV = The Holy Bible. King James (“Authorized”) Version, 1611. Ed.: London, 1973. This is the classical church Bible translation into literary English, still in use today. KievPs = Kievskaya Psalter, 1397 (RNL, ОЛДП, F. 6). Fascimile edn: Vzdornov G., Kievskaya Psaltir. Moscow, 1986 = Вздорнов Г. Киевская Псалтирь. Мoscow, 1986. KMA = Alkitab Mukaddas: Arabic Bible. Van Dyck Version, 1865. Ed.: Stuttgart, 1995. This is the standard Arabic translation of the Bible made by the American Protestant scholar Cornelius van Dijk. KMT = Kitabi Mukaddes: Turkish Bible. United Bible Societies. Istanbul, 1996. KrB = Biblia Swata. Kralice, 1594. A sixteenth-century version in vernacular Czech, a popular historical translation made by the Unitas Fratrum (Bohemian Brethren). It is considered a classical example of the language of its time. LB = Biblia. Das ist: Die gantze Heilige Schrifft. Deutsch. Doct. Mart. Luther. Wittenberg, 1556; Die Propheten. Frankfurt am Main, 1560. Well known and highly influential historical Bible translation, the most popular version in vernacular German. LL = L&ZOn LImUdIn/@ydwmyl @vl (“Studied Language”, lit. “Language for Studying”), a Book of Commentaries (Sharh) written or edited by the eighteenthcentury Moroccan Jewish exegete Rafael Bergudo.

List of Bible translations referred to

263

LPsA = A printed edition of the fourteenth/fifteenth-century translation of the Psalter manuscript in the Vatican library (Vat. Ar. 584) made at the end of the sixteenth century by the Maronite scholars Jibra‘il al-Sihiuni and Mansur (Vittorio) Shalaq. Ed.: Liber Psalmorum Davidis regis et prophetae. Ex Arabico Idiomate in Latinum translatus a Gabriele Sionita Edeniensi and Vittorio Scillac Accurensi Maronitis. Romae, 1614. LXX = Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Old Testament made by the Jewish community in Alexandria in the third-second centuries BCE. Textually it differs from the Masoretic Hebrew at numerous points and includes a number of deuterocanonical and non-canonical books. Edn: Septuaginta: Id est Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes. Ed. A. Rahlfs. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Stuttgart, 1979. LyB = La Saincte Bible, contenant le Vieil et Nouveau Testament. Tt. 1-2. Lyon, 1566. A sixteenth-century French Bible translation known as the Lyon Bible. MofB = The Holy Bible. A New Translation by James Moffat. New York and London, 1922. MoscB = Moscow Bible, a later revision of the Church Slavonic Ostrog Bible. Moscow, 1663. MoultB = The Modern Reader’s Bible. Translated by R. G. Moulton. New York, 1895. MtsB = The Ancient Armenian Bible translated by Mesrop Mashtotz in the fifth century. Ed.: Amsterdam, 1666. NASB = The New American Standard Bible. Carol Stream, 1973. NIV = The Holy Bible. New International Version. Grand Rapids, 1989. NJB = The New Jerusalem Bible. Darton, Longman & Todd. London, 1994. NJV = The Holy Bible. Jewish Version. A New Translation of the Holy Scriptures According to the Traditional Hebrew Text. The Jewish Publication Society. Philadelphia, PA, 1985. NTH = New Testament. Sifrey Habrit Hahodasha. Hebrew translation by David Ginsburg. London, 1886.

264

List of Bible translations referred to

OstB = Ostrog Bible, 1581. The earliest complete printed translation of the Bible into Church Slavonic. Facsimile edn: Moscow, Leningrad, 1988. NüB = Bibel. Nürnberg, 1483. An early historical Bible translation, one of the numerous pre-Luther versions in vernacular German. OTC 1 = Old Testament Collection: selections from the Old Testament in Church Slavonic, fifteenth century Contents: Pentateuch, Josh., Judg., 1–2 Sam., 1–2 Kgs, Esther (GIM, Uvar, No. 18). OTC 2 = Old Testament Collection: selections from the Old Testament in Church Slavonic, end of the fifteenth century. (RGB, Volok, No. 9). Contents: 1–2 Chr., Prayer of Manasseh, Judith, Wisdom, Jer. 1–25, 46–52. OTC 3 = Old Testament Collection: selections from the Old Testament in Church Slavonic, end of the fifteenth century (RGB, Volok, No. 11). Contents: 1–3 Ezra, Neh., Tobit, 1–2 Macc., Ezek. 45–46. PH = Pentateuch and Haftoras. 2nd edn, London, 1978. PrB = Biblia Swata. Praha, 1488. A historical Bible translation, the first published version in vernacular Czech. Proph 1 = Tolkovye prorochestva: the books of the prophets in Church Slavonic, end of the fifteenth century (RGB, TSL, No. 63). Contents: 12 Minor Prophets, Isa., Ezek., Jer., Dan. Proph 2 = Tolkovye prorochestva: the books of the prophets in Church Slavonic, middle of the sixteenth century (RGB, TSL, No. 89). The contents are identical to Proph 1. PsGal = Psalterium gallicanum (Liber Psalmorum iuxta Septuaginta emendatus ab Hieronymo, IV s.). Ed.: Biblia Sacra Vulgata. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Stuttgart, 1994. PsHebr = Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos (Liber Psalmorum iuxta Hebraicum translatus ab Hieronymo, IV s.). Ed.: Biblia Sacra Vulgata. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Stuttgart, 1994. RSV = The Holy Bible. Revised Standard Version. London, 1971. SBE = La Santa Biblia española. Revisión 1960 por Sociedades Bíblicas Unidas. México, 1995.

List of Bible translations referred to

265

SegB = La Sainte Bible. L’Ancien et le Nouveau Testament. Traduction par Louis Segond. Oxford, 1887. The classical nineteenth-century Protestant Bible translation into literary French. ShTaf = Sharh Tafilalet, the Book of the Commentaries to the Bible (Sharh) formed over several centuries within the oral folk tradition of the Maghrebian Jews in the Tafilalet region of southern Morocco. SidB = A manuscript copy of the Gennadius Bible, ca. 1570-71. (GIM, Sin, No. 30). SkorB = Bible translated by Fransisco Skorina into the Western Russian dialect sometimes called Belarussian. Ed.: Vivlia ruska. Prague, 1517−19. SSP = Sveto Pismo: Stare in Nove Zaveze. Slovenski standartni prevod (the Bible in modern Slovenian). Ljubljana, 1997. Symm = A Greek translation of the Bible from the first half of the third century CE made by Symmachus. The translation is based on the LXX, but is a free interpretation of the Greek original. SynB = The Synodal Bible, the classical Russian translation of 1876. Ed.: Bibliya. Knigi Svyashchennogo Pisaniya Vetkhogo i Novogo Zaveta. Moscow, 1988. Syr = The Syriac Bible, Peshitta. One of the earliest Christian translations of the Bible, from the fourth-fifth centuries. Ed.: (1) S.S. Biblia Polyglotta, Ed. Brianus Waltonus. Tt. 1-3. London, 1655−57; (2) Syriac Bible, United Bible Societies. Damascus, 1979. TEV = The Holy Bible. Today’s English Version (Good News Bible). United Bible Societies. London, 1994. Tanakh = The Hebrew Old Testament. Edn: Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, editio quarta emendata. Ed. K. Elliger and W. Rudolph. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Stuttgart, 1990. Taf = Tafsir (“Explanation”, “Interpretation”), a translation of the Bible into Arabic with commentary by Sa‘adia Gaon, from the first half of the tenth century, of which not all books are extant. Edn: Leipzig, 1904. Some books have been published, edited by Rab. Joseph Qafah: Psalter. Jerusalem, 1963; Job. Jerusalem, 1976; Daniel. Jerusalem, 1981.

266

List of Bible translations referred to

TanJer = Tanakh with parallel translation into Russian. Ed.: Torah: Jerusalem and Moscow, 1993; Neviim: Jerusalem, 1978; Ketuvim: Jerusalem, 1978. Theod = A Greek translation of the Bible by the proselyte Theodotion made in the first half of the second century CE. It is based on the LXX, but has many emendations particularly in the book of Daniel. Tg = Targum, Targums, second-fifth centuries CE. Early Aramaic versions of the Tanakh. Among the Targums the most authoratative are the Targum of Jonathan (the Books of Prophets, second century CE) and the Targum Onqelos (Pentateuch, first-third centuries CE). Ed.: (1) S.S. Biblia Polyglotta, Ed. Brianus Waltonus. Tt. 1-3. London, 1655−57; (2) The Targums. Edinburgh, 1982−88. TruPs = Ta celi psalter Dauidou, vta Slouenski iesik istolmazhen Primosa Truberia Crainza. Tubingi, 1566. A historical translation of the Psalter into vernacular Slovenian made by Primoš Trubar, a member of the Slavic protestant circle. Stylistically the translation is dependent on Luther’s Bible, though there are many dialectal forms in the language. TynB = The Holy Bible. Tyndale Version. New Testament. Worms, 1525− 26; Pentateuch, 1530. The earliest version in “modern” English, and the basis for several subsequent versions. Vulg = Vulgate. The Latin translation of the Bible (386−405) made by St Jerome from the original languages. Since the thirteenth century it has been known as the Vulgata. Edn: Biblia sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem, Editio quarta emendata. Ed. B. Fischer, H. I. Frede, H. F. D. Sparks, W. Thiele. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Stuttgart, 1994. WAB = Western Armenian Bible, new translation. Astvatsashunch. Matevan Hin yev Nor Ketakaranneri. Beirut, 1981. WCBT = A Bible translation into Russian made by the World Centre for Bible Translation. Moscow, 1993. WyclB = The Holy Bible; The first translation of the Bible into English (Middle English) made by John Wycliffe. It is known in two versions: the early Wycliffe-Hereford Version, 1380 (WyclB 1) and later Wycliffe-Purvey Version, 1388 (WyclB 2).

HISTORICAL, LITERARY AND PATRISTIC SOURCES Aeschylus, s. VI-V BCE. Oresteia. LCL Aeschylus Vol. II. (Эсхил. Орестея, 2-я пол. VI−1-я пол. V вв. Изд.: Трагедии. М., 1989.) Alexandriya, XV c. (RNB, Kir.-Bel., No. 11). Ambrosii Mediolanensis episcopi Enarrationes in Psalmos David, s. IV. Ed.: PL, XIV. Ambrosii Mediolanensis episcopi Liber de fide resurrectionis, s. IV. Ed.: PL, XVI. Andreas Caesareae Cappodocensis Commentarius in Apocalypsin, s. V. Ed.: PG, CVI. Apuleius, s. II CE. The Golden Ass. LCL Apuleius Vols. I-II. (Апулей. Золотой осёл, II в. Изд.: М., 1990.) Apollodorus, s. II BCE. The Library. LCL Apollodorus Vols. I-II. (Аполлодор. Мифическая библиотека, 2-я пол. II в. до Р.Х. Изд.: М., 1972.) Aristidis Quintiliani de musica libri tres, s. I. Ed.: Lipsiae, 1963. Aristotle, s IV BCE. Politics. LCL Aristotle Vol. XXI. (Аристотель. Политика, IV в. до Р.Х. Изд.: Аристотель. Сочинения в 4 томах. Т. 4. М., 1984.) Aristoxeni Elementa harmonica, s. IV. Ed.: Rome, 1954. Athanasii archiepiscopi Alexandrini Expositiones in psalmos, s. IV. Ed.: PG, XXVII. Athenaeus. Deipnosophistes, ss. II−III. Ed.: Deipnosophistes. Transl. by C.B. Gulick. Vol. I−VII. Cambridge, 1950.

268

Historical, literary and patristic sources

Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi Confessionum libri XIII, s. IV. Ed.: PL, XXXII. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi De doctrina christiana libri IV, s. IV. Ed.: PL, XXXIV. Aurelii Augustini Hipponensis episcopi Enarrrationes in Psalmos, s. IV. Ed.: PL, XXXVI−XXXVII. Babylonischer Talmud, s. III−VI.. Ed.: Berlin, 1930−36. Basilii Caesareae Cappadociae archiepiscopi Homilia in psalmos, s. IV. Ed.: PG, XXIX. Bedae Venerabilis anglosaxonis presbyteri Interpretatio Psalterii artis cantilenae, ss. VII−VIII. Ed.: PL, XCIII. Boetii De institutione musica, s. VI. Ed.: Boetii Anicii Manlii Torquati Severini De institutione musica libri quinque. Leipzig, 1867. Cassiodori Aurelii Expositio in Psalterium, ss. V−VI. Ed.: PL, LXX. Cassiodori Aurelii In Psalterium praefatio, ss. V−VI. Ed.: PL, LXX. Cassiodori Aurelii De institutione divinarum et humanarum, ss.V−VI. Ed.: PL, LXX. Cicero, s. I BCE. On the Orator. LCL Cicero Vols. III-IV. (Цицерон, Марк Туллий. Об ораторе, I в. до Р.Х. Изд.: Три трактата об ораторском искусстве. М., 1994.) Cicero, s. I BCE. Orations. LCL Cicero Vols. VI-XV. (Цицерон, Марк Туллий. Речи, I в. до Р.Х. Изд.: Тт. 1-2. М., 1993.) Cicero, s. I BCE. Pro Murena. LCL Cicero Vol. X. (Cicero Marcus Tullius. Pro Murena. S. I. BCE Edn: Marci Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia ac deperitorum fragmenta. T. 7. Leipzig, 1815.) Clementis Alexandrini Cohortatio ad gentes, ss. II-III. Ed.: PG, VIII. Clementis Alexandrini Paedagogus, ss. II−III. Ed.: PG, VIII.

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Tobias, A., “On the Musical Instruments in Psalms”, Jewish Bible Quarterly 23, January−March (1995), pp. 53-55. Tomaschoff, A., Tehillim: The Book of Psalms (Tel-Aviv: World Wizo Dept. of Education, 1983). Trofimova, M. K., “From the Nag-Hammadi Manuscripts”, in Antiquity and Modern Times (Moscow, 1972), pp. 369-76. (Трофимова М.К., Из рукописей НагХаммади. In Античность и современность. М., 1972.) Turnbull, H., “The Origin of the Long-necked Lute”, Galpin Society Journal 25 (1972), pp. 58-66. Urbach, E., “The Rabbinical Laws of Idolatry in the Second and Third Centuries in the Light of Archaeological and Historical Facts”, Israel Exploration Journal IX (1959), pp. 149-65, 229-45. Venable, G. H., “Ancient Israel’s Psalms”, Journal of Church Music 26.2 (1984), pp. 6-8. Villoteau, G. A., La description de l’Égypte, Vols. 1−20 (Paris, 1809−1826). ——“Dissertation sur les diverses espèces d’instruments de musique qu’on remarque parmi les sculptures qui décorent les antiques monuments de l’Égypte”, in La description de l’Égypte, Vol. 6 (Paris, 1809). Vlastov, G. K., The Sacred Annals of the Early Times of the World and of Mankind, 5 (St Petersburg, 1870). (Властов Г.К., Священная летопись первых времён мира и человечества. Т. V. СПб., 1870.) Vonk, C., De Voorzeide Leer Ia (Barendrecht, 1960). Vorreiter, L., “Bau und Stimmung der antiken Syringe”, Archiv für Musikoganologie 1.1 (1976), pp. 16-33. ——“Musikinstrumente des Altertums”, Archiv für Musikoganologie 2 (1977), pp. 25-112. ——“Antike Phönix-Lyren”, Archiv für Musikorganologie 3 (1978−1979), pp. 61-67. ——Die schönsten Musikinstrumente des Altertums (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Das Musikinstrument, 1983). Walvoord, J. F., Daniel. The Key to Prophetic Revelation (Chicago, IL: Moody, 1971). Wegner, M., Die Musikinstrumente des alten Orients (Münster: Aschendorffsche, 1950). ——“Griechenland”, Musikgeschischte in Bildern 2.4 (1963). Weintraub, D., “Sing to Me”, DLD 6/2 (1987–1988), pp. 127-32. Weiss, J., Die musikalischen Instrumente in den heiligen Schriften des Altes Testaments (Graz, 1895). Weitzmann, K., Studies in Classical and Byzantine Manuscript Illustrations (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1971). ——Illustrated Manuscripts at the St Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai (Collegeville, MN: St. John’s University Press, 1973). Wellesz, E. (ed.), “Ancient and Oriental Music”, in New Oxford History of Music, Vol. 1 (London: Oxford University Press, 1957). Wellhausen, J., The Book of the Psalms (Stuttgart and New York: Dodd, Mead, and Company, 1898). Wendland, E. R., Analyzing the Psalms (Dallas, TX: SIL International, 1998). Werner, E., “Notes on the Attitude of the Early Church Fathers toward Hebrew Psalmody”, The Review of Religion 7 (May 1943), pp. 339-52. ——“The Jewish Contribution to Music”, in L. Finkelstein (ed.), The Jews. Their History, Culture and Religion, Vol. III (Philadelphia, PA: Harper and Brothers, 1949). ——“Musical Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls”, The Musical Quarterly XLIII.1 (1957). ——The Sacred Bridge, Vol 1 (London: Denis Dobson, 1959); Vol 2 (New York: KTAV Publishing House, 1984).

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INDEX OF INSTRUMENTAL TERMS The principle references are in bold face type ‘Alamot 28, 45, 60, 103, 141, 151, 152, 155–7, 165–6, 167, 214 ‘Asor 4, 29–31, 44, 47, 55, 56–8, 59, 61, 180, 183, 199, 202, 213, 215, 217–8 ‘Atsey beroshim 115, 216 Dahavan 157, 160–1, 168, 214 Gittit 5, 131–2, 137, 148–9, 150, 213 Halil 4, 5, 6, 7, 28, 39, 60, 86–94, 97, 98, 100–1, 104, 105, 133, 135, 137, 138, 150, 168, 174, 175, 177, 189, 191, 193, 197, 198, 199, 200, 207, 213, 215, 239–40 Hatsotserah vii, viii, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11, 15, 62, 70, 74, 76, 81–6, 87, 100–1, 102, 103, 104, 105, 168, 173, 177, 179, 180, 187, 190, 191, 192, 198, 199, 201, 204, 206, 213, 215, 236–8 Higgaion 157–9, 166, 167, 214 Kele-‘oz 159, 161 Kele-shir 17, 159, 161, 168, 174, 206 Kelim 38, 42, 43, 157, 159–61, 166, 213 Keli-nevel 159, 161 Kinnor vii, viii, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 14, 15, 17, 25, 27, 32–41, 44, 45, 49, 53, 56–8, 59, 60, 61, 70, 92, 97, 100, 110, 123, 132, 141, 142, 143, 150, 153, 157, 158, 159, 161, 167, 174, 177, 178, 180, 187, 189, 190, 191, 193, 197, 198, 199, 202, 206, 207, 208, 213, 214, 215–6, 219–21, 286 Mahol 5, 17, 54, 133–5, 148–9, 150, 151, 153, 177, 197, 214

Mashroqita’ viii, 4, 5, 6, 51, 52, 53, 65, 94–7, 100–1, 102, 104, 105, 128, 175, 179, 213, 216, 241 Mena‘an‘im 4, 5, 6, 111, 112–6, 126–7, 128, 138, 152, 194, 199, 204, 216, 247 Metsillot 4, 5, 116–8, 127, 175, 199, 213, 248 Metsiltayim 4, 5, 6, 8, 60, 70, 100, 113, 116, 118, 122–7, 129, 168, 194, 198, 213, 215, 251–2 Minnim 36, 97, 99, 106, 159, 161–2, 165– 6, 167, 168, 181, 190, 197, 213, 255 Neginot 5, 132, 136–7, 148–9, 151, 159, 161, 167, 214 Nehilot 5, 28, 137–8, 149, 151, 152, 167, 214 Nevel viii, 4, 5, 6, 7, 25, 29–31, 34, 36, 38, 39, 40, 42–9, 50, 55, 56–8, 60, 61, 62, 70, 143, 155, 157, 159, 161, 174, 177, 178, 180, 187, 188, 190, 191, 193, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 206, 213, 214, 215–6, 222–4 Pa‘amonim 4, 5, 116, 118–22, 126–7, 128, 129, 139, 175, 178, 179, 181, 188, 199, 204, 213, 249 Pesanterin 4, 6, 50–1, 52, 53, 55, 56–8, 62, 65, 94, 145, 177, 213, 216, 225 Qaytros 4, 6, 31, 50, 51–3, 56–8, 62, 65, 94, 110, 145, 154, 177, 216, 226 Qarna’ 4, 5, 6, 51, 52, 65–6, 68, 78, 79, 81, 82, 85, 100–1, 102, 104, 105, 128, 213, 216, 228

Index of instrumental terms Qeren viii, 4, 5, 65, 66–8, 70, 80, 81, 100, 101, 102, 104, 173, 187, 198, 213, 229 Sabbeka’ 4, 6, 47, 50, 52, 53–8, 63, 94, 154, 177, 179, 213, 216, 227 Selah 28, 157, 158, 162–6, 167, 169, 214, 278, 295 Shalishim ix, 5, 138–40, 148–9, 152, 167, 175, 177, 188, 198, 214, 215, 253 Sheminit 5, 61, 141–3, 148–9, 152, 153, 155, 183, 214 Shofar viii, xi, xii, xiii, xv, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 15, 67, 68–79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 100, 102, 103, 173, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 187, 190, 191, 192, 193, 196, 198, 199, 200, 202, 204, 206, 213, 215, 216, 230–3, 277, 279, 282, 290 Shushan 5, 135, 143–4, 148–9, 153, 154, 156, 214

297

Sumponiah 5, 51, 52, 54, 128, 145–9, 154, 177, 179, 214, 216, 254 Tof 4, 5, 6, 7, 35, 81, 87, 107–11, 126–7, 128, 133, 175, 177, 179, 181, 182, 188, 193, 197, 198, 199, 201, 204, 206, 213, 215, 216, 244–6 Tseltselim 4, 5, 6, 10, 81, 100, 113, 116, 118, 122–7, 129, 168, 174, 175, 177, 181, 193, 194, 197, 198, 201, 206, 213, 216, 250 ‘Ugav 4, 5, 6, 17, 27, 38, 54, 60, 86, 90, 94, 97–101, 105, 106, 123, 147, 151, 161, 167, 175, 177, 187, 191, 193, 197, 198, 199, 204, 207, 213, 215, 216, 242–3 Yovel 4, 5, 17, 67, 70, 76, 79–81, 100–1, 102, 103, 104, 173, 182, 193, 198, 205, 213, 234–5

INDEX OF NAMES

Aaron 8, 73, 83, 103, 116, 118 Abbau of Caesarea 71 Abel 25 Abner 74 Abraham xi, 76, 200, 272 Abraham Ibn Ezra: see Ibn Ezra, Abraham Absalom 74 Achish 132 Adah 38, 97 Aeschylus 82, 267 Ahab 9 Al-Aqran 101 Alexander of Ephesus 51 Alexander of Macedonia, Alexander the Great 101, 295 Alexander of Svirsk 86, 205 Alexeev, A. A. 166, 277 Amasai 8, 83 Amasis 129 Ambros, A. W. 28, 34, 47, 50, 56, 94, 100, 277 Ambrose of Milan 41, 180, 202, 205, 267 Amenemhet viii, 89 Ammi 102 Amon 9, 101 Amphion 103 Amram ben Sheshna, Amram Gaon 77, 176 Amvrosi (Zertis-Kamensky), Archbishop of Moscow 133, 135, 154, 167, 205, 259 Andrew of Caesarea 178, 182 Andrew of Crete 186 Antiope 103 Aphrodite 34 Apollo 102 Apollodorus 45, 267 Apuleius 138, 267

Aqiba 77 Aquila 187, 259 Aquinas, Thomas 179, 202 Ardzinba, V. G. 277 Aristotle 45, 47, 267 Aristoxenus 37, 45, 54 Arnobius the Elder 54 Artemidorus 49 Asa 75 Asaph 8, 9, 125, 143, 163, 175 Ashurbanipal vii, 20, 29, 47, 59, 96 Athanasius of Alexandria 178, 180 Athenaeus 37, 42, 44, 45, 49, 51, 54, 55, 94, 147, 153, 164, 267 Augustine 17, 38, 43, 146, 164, 169, 178, 179, 180, 182, 183, 201, 203, 205 Avenary, H. 22, 31, 47, 55, 56, 98, 100, 103, 115, 126, 277 Avraami of Suzdal 86 Azaziah 8, 38 Aziel 8, 45 Baer, S. 56, 278 Baethgen, F. 132, 148, 278 Bakari 93, 148, 261 Bar-Asher, M. 23, 50, 56, 58, 62, 100, 104, 105, 126, 128, 129, 146, 148, 165, 278 Barbara 27 Bar-Kochba 11, 288 Barrakub 18, 20 Barry, P. 147, 148, 278 Bartolocci, G. 139, 148, 278 Basil the Great 36, 86, 178, 180, 181, 201, 268 Basil of Moscow, Fool for Christ 86, 205 Baumgartner, W. 57, 98, 100, 127, 286 Bede, Venerable 43, 178, 201

Index of Names Behn, F. 47, 56, 147, 148, 278 Beimel, J. 165, 278 Benaiah 8, 45, 83 Ben Arza 125, 175 Ben Nuri, Yohanan 77 Benzinger, J. 47, 278 Benzinger, K. 35, 56, 278 Bergudo, Rafael 35, 47, 50, 54, 58, 93, 98, 103, 104, 115, 125, 147, 150, 162, 262 Berkowitz, M. 165, 278 Bertinoro, Obadiah 90, 125, 272 Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus 28, 203 Böhl, F. M. T. 119, 126, 279 Borovskaya, N. F. 279 Braun, J. 23, 25, 42, 47, 50, 57, 62, 87, 98, 100, 103, 104, 115, 126, 129, 200, 279, 286 Briggs, C. A. 165, 279 Budde, K. 164, 165, 279 Budny, Szymon 106, 138, 150, 154, 169, 189, 260, 289 Caesar, Gaius Julius 104 Cain 24, 25 Calmet, A. 22, 34, 38, 57, 98, 100, 132, 148, 280 Carter, H. 19 Cassiodorus, Flavius Magnus Aurelius 43, 60, 178, 180, 201, 268 Castalione, Sebastiano 60, 61, 103, 105, 138, 152, 166, 260 Chaucer, G. 198 Cheyne, T. K. 97, 100, 142, 148, 157, 165, 280 Chrisaph, Manuel 41 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 37, 268 Clement of Alexandria 17, 41, 92, 103, 120, 178, 179, 180, 181, 201, 202, 203 Collins, J. T. 51, 57, 62, 100, 105, 280 Cornill, K. H. 47, 57, 98, 100, 111, 126, 157, 165, 280 Cosmas the Hymnographer, Bishop of Maiuma 186 Cosmas Indicopleustes 169, 269 Cowley, A. E. 137, 148, 280

299

Craigie, P. C. 164, 165, 280 Crocker, R. L. 18, 286 Cure, E. C. 165 Dal’, V. I. 207, 280 Dalil/Dilal 24, 61 Dalmatin, Juri 189 Da’ud 24, 60, 61 David viii, ix, xii, 6, 7, 8, 10, 24, 25, 34, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 60, 61, 74, 91, 98, 113, 124, 125, 132, 138, 141, 143, 159, 163, 169, 181, 183, 184, 186, 189, 194, 195, 199, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 282, 290, 292, 293 Delitzsch, J. F. 47, 57, 142, 143, 144, 148, 164, 165, 168, 169, 280 Diachenko, G. 34, 47, 57, 111, 126, 147, 149, 165, 280–1 Didymus of Alexandria 49, 178, 181 DiLella, A. A. 147, 149, 284 Diodorus Siculus 154, 269 Dölger, F. J. 119, 126, 281 Domitilla 41 Duchesne-Guillemin, M. 18, 52, 57, 281 Dürer, A. 27 Dvoretsky, I. K. 149, 154 Dyer, C. H. 23, 50, 55, 57, 65, 94, 96, 100, 146, 147, 149, 281 Elgar, E. 72 Eliab 8, 45 Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, Eliezer the Great 133 Eliezer 8, 83 Eliphelehu 8, 38 Elizabeth, Empress of Russia 261 Emmanuel ha-Romi 27 Engel, C. 28, 30, 31, 35, 47, 50, 52, 53, 55, 57, 65, 97, 98, 100, 281 Epigonos 51 Epiphanius of Cyprus 120 Ethan 8, 25, 125, 175 Euphorio 44, 54 Eusebius of Caesarea 17, 42, 47, 105, 178, 179, 201, 202, 269 Evagrius of Pontus 178, 204, 269 Ewald H. A. 138, 142, 149, 164, 165, 281

300

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Farmer, H. G. 22, 24, 57, 61, 63, 281 Fétis, F. J. 28, 30, 31, 34, 51, 57, 281 Finesinger, S. B. 22, 35, 57, 87, 98, 100, 111, 115, 126, 147, 149, 154, 282 Firsov, Avrami 134, 135, 259 Flavius Josephus: see Josephus Forkel, J. N. 28, 47, 57, 94, 98, 100, 139, 149, 161, 166, 282 Foxvog, D. A. 50, 57, 62, 115, 135, 136, 138, 142, 143, 149, 157, 164, 166, 168, 282, 286 Fürst, J. 137, 149, 282 Gafurius, Franchino 27, 269 Galpin, F. W. 22, 31, 50, 51, 57, 139, 146, 149, 282, 292 Gamaliel II 77 Gedaliah 8 Gelasius, Pope 27 Gennady, Archbishop of Novgorod 192, 287, 290 George of Pisidia 179, 202 George Nicephorus 86, 205 Gershom 9 Gerson-Kiwi, E. 47, 57, 98, 100, 104, 282 Gesenius, W. 54, 55, 57, 81, 97, 98, 100, 132, 134, 140, 142, 144, 149, 150, 158, 164, 166, 283 Gevaert, F. A. 55, 57, 283 Glaser, O. 139, 149, 158, 166, 283 Graetz, H. H. 157, 165, 166, 283 Green, W. M. 23, 283 Gregory of Nazianzus 86, 205 Gregory of Nyssa 105, 129, 178 Grimme, H. 165, 166, 283 Gurney, O. R. 18 Güterbock, G. 18 Habakkuk 162, 163 Hai ben Sherira 138 Hammer, R. 50, 57, 284 Hammerstein, R. 203, 284 Harenberg, J. C. 31, 57, 284 Harris, W. 126, 129, 284 Harrison, R. K. 54, 57, 284 Hartmann, L. F. 147, 149, 284 Harudsha viii, 49 Hastings, J. 97, 100, 284 Hathor 112, 116, 140

Haupt, L. 34, 57, 139, 149, 284. Heman 8, 9, 125, 175 Hengstenberg, E. W. 158, 164, 166, 284 Herder, J. G. 134, 149, 164, 166, 284 Herod the Great 200 Herodotus 129, 269 Hezekiah 10, 125 Hickmann, H. 22, 23, 82, 100, 285, 293 Hilary of Poitiers 17, 47, 105, 178, 180, 201, 270 Hildegard of Bingen 204, 270, 283 Hippolytus of Rome 43, 164, 260 Hiram, King of Tyre 43 Hisda 85 Homer 51 Hornbostel, E. M. von 1, 23, 285 Houtmann, C. 119 Hugh de St. Cher/Hugo de Sancto Caro 27, 45, 103, 182, 205, 270 Humann, K. 18 Ibn Ezra, Abraham 17, 34, 49, 53, 54, 133, 147, 161, 162, 177, 200, 270 Ibn Ezra, Moses/Moshe 27 Ibycus of Rhegium 54 Idelsohn, A. Z. 28, 49, 57, 157, 166, 285 Isaac xi, 76, 200 Isaiah 73, 91 Isidore of Pelusium 179, 203 Isidore of Seville 17, 34, 36, 38, 43, 54, 59, 61, 63, 94, 111, 115, 123, 128, 146, 154, 178, 179, 182, 201, 202, 203, 204 Isis 112 Ivan the Terrible 86 Jabal 27 Jacob, OT Patriarch 34, 76 Jacob of Sarug 206 Jahn, J. 47, 57, 66, 94, 98, 100, 132, 138, 140, 149, 164, 166, 169, 285 James, M. R. 92, 100, 285 James I, King of England 262 Jared the Sweet Chanter 207 Jeduthun 9, 25, 125, 129, 175 Jehiel 8, 45 Jehu 74 Jeiel 8, 38 Jeroboam 9

Index of Names Jerome 17, 36, 37, 43, 47, 81, 101, 129, 146, 163, 166, 169, 178, 179, 201, 202, 207, 264, 266, 270, 277, 284 Jesus Christ 86, 92, 180, 203, 204, 205 Job 26, 27, 192, 280, 294 John Chrysostom 17, 86, 121, 164, 169, 178, 179, 181, 182, 201, 202 John Climacus 206 John of Damascus 186, 202, 205 John the Divine (John the Theologian) 39, 205 Jonah, Metropolitan of Moscow 86 Jones, I. H. 28, 100, 115, 120, 124, 127, 138, 149, 285 Joseph the Hymnographer 186 Joseph the Studite 186 Josephus 9, 10, 17, 25, 36, 37, 44, 45, 49, 81, 84, 104, 121, 122, 123, 134, 159, 161, 177–8, 201, 271 Joshaphat 8, 83 Joshua son of Nun xiii, 91 Josiah 10 Joyce, R. 23, 50, 55, 57, 147, 149, 288, 295 Jubal 5, 17, 24, 25, 27, 28, 38, 60, 80, 97 Jud, Leo 60, 61, 106, 167, 260 Justin Martyr 120, 271 Kallistos, Nicephor 186 Kassia 186 Kautzsch, E. 165, 166, 285 Keel, O. 98, 100, 104, 285 Keil, C. F. 34, 57, 165, 169, 280, 285 Khnumhotep II 10, 11 Kilmer, A. D. 18, 50, 52, 57, 62, 115, 135, 136, 138, 142, 143, 149, 157, 164, 166, 168, 282, 285, 286 Kimchi, D. 164 Kinkeldey, O. 47, 57, 286 Kirby, P. R. 82, 100, 286 Kitchen, K. A. 30, 35, 45, 55, 58, 87, 94, 98, 101, 115, 127, 139, 147, 149, 166, 293, 295 Kitto, J. 47, 53, 57, 286 Koehler, L. 35, 57, 87, 98, 100, 115, 126, 127, 286 Kohath 9 Kolari, E. 3, 22, 50, 51, 57, 98, 100, 103, 104, 111, 115, 127, 139, 146, 149, 286

301

Korah 143, 163 Krauss, S. 37, 38, 51, 57, 98, 100, 138, 149, 287 Kümmel, H. 18 Laban 34 Lamak 24, 60, 198 Lamech 24, 27, 38, 60, 97, 198 Landels, J. G. 55, 57, 287 Landsberger B. 18 Langdon, S. H. 31, 57, 142, 144, 149, 287 Laroche, E. 18 Layard, A. H. 18 Leo the Wise 186 Levi 9 Ley, J. 165, 166, 287 Liddell, H. G. 143, 149, 154, 287 Livy (Livius, Titus) 124, 271 Longford, W. W. 165, 166, 287 Lucian of Samosata 92, 129, 271 Lucretius, Titus Carus 124, 272 Luther, Martin 46, 56, 93, 99, 103, 105, 134, 160, 166, 182, 188, 204, 207, 208, 259, 262, 266 Maaseiah 45 Macfarren, G. A. 72 Madge, W. 115, 127, 287 Maimonides, Moses (Moshe ben Maimon) 17, 176, 200, 280, 281 Makari, Metropolitan of Moscow 206 Mallermi, Nic(c)olo di 59, 135, 142, 182, 183, 188, 205, 207, 208, 259 Manasseh 9 Manniche, L. 166, 168, 284, 287–8 Marchesini, Johannes 54, 115, 147, 182, 204 Marcuse, S. 87, 100, 288 Mark of Otranto 186 Marot, Clément 58 Martial, Marcus Valerius 102, 272 Martini, G. B. 22, 288 Mattithiah 8, 38 McKinnon, J. W. 23, 55, 57, 288 Merari 9 Meyers, C. L. 127, 288 Michelangelo (Buonarotti) 67 Migne, J. P. 204, 288 Minerva 129

302

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Miriam vii, ix, 185, 190 Mitchell, T. C. 23, 33, 35, 47, 50, 51, 55, 57, 65, 87, 98, 100, 111, 115, 126, 127, 147, 149, 285, 288, 290, 295 Moloch 111 Montagu J. 84, 100, 289 Moses ix, xiii, xiv, xvi, 7, 26, 27, 38, 67, 74, 75, 80, 82, 90, 91, 100, 103, 118, 129, 150, 171, 183, 197, 198, 204, 291, 292 Moses Ibn Ezra: see Ibn Ezra, Moses Moses of Leon (Moshe da Leone) 78 Moses Maimonides: see Maimonides, Moses Moses ben Nahman: see Nahmanides Moshkov, V. A. 100, 289 Movers, F. K. 34, 57, 289 Mowinckel, S. 135, 136, 142, 143, 149, 157, 159, 165, 166, 289 Naamah 27 Nahmanides, Moshe ben Nahman (Ramban) 128 Nebuchadnezzar II 6, 9, 23, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 60, 65, 94, 145, 288 Nehemiah 25 Nethanel 8, 83 Nicephorus, George 86. 205 Nicetus of Remesiana 180 Nicholas of Damascus 201 Nicholas of Lyra 37, 39, 45, 53, 54, 59, 103, 111, 128, 134, 146, 147, 182, 183, 204, 205, 272, 290 Nicholas of Myra in Lycia 86, 205 Nixdorff, H. 127, 289 Notker, Balbulus 59 Nowack, W. 139, 149, 289 Obadiah ben Abraham Yare Bertinoro: see Bertinoro, Obadiah Obed-edom 8, 38 Oesterley, W. O. E. 132, 140, 149, 289 Olivetan, P. R. 62, 135, 153, 168 Olshausen, J. 142, 149, 289 Origen 121, 150, 178, 180, 181, 201, 204, 272 Orpheus 41, 186, 282 Osiris 83 Ovid, Publius Ovidius Naso 44, 272

Pandermalis, D. 48 Parrot, A. 23, 289 Peter (apostle) 67, 86, 205 Pfeiffer, A. F. 22, 34, 47, 50, 57, 94, 97, 98, 100, 104, 115, 127, 133, 140, 149, 161, 164, 166, 289 Philemon 47 Philetas of Delos 45 Philo of Alexandria 17, 121, 204, 272 Phoebus 102 Pindar 34, 146, 272 Plato 54, 60, 273 Pliny, Gaius Plinus Secundus, Pliny the Elder 129, 201, 273 Plutarch 60, 82, 121, 154, 273 Pollux, Julius of Naucratis 82, 273 Polotsky, Simeon 208 Polybius 146, 154, 273 Portaleone, Abraham da 17, 22, 34, 36, 43, 47, 98, 102, 111, 125, 136, 139, 168, 177, 201, 269, 291 Prätorius, M. 22, 47, 49, 57, 203, 273 Price, P. 119, 127, 290 Priscilla 206 Pseudo-Jerome 31, 43, 54, 59, 134, 179, 203, 277 Puchstein, O. 18 Qafah/Qafih, J. 60, 265 Quintilian Aristides, Marcus Fabius 54, 203, 267 Rabanus Maurus 120, 129, 203 Ramban: see Nahmanides, Moshe ben Nahman Ramesses III 26 Rashi, Shlomo ben Yits‘aq xvi, 118, 125, 133, 144, 168, 273 Rashid, S. A. 23, 50, 51, 57, 290 Rassam, O. 18 Redslob, G. M. 132, 149, 290 Reina, Cassiodoro de 188 Reinach, T. 47, 57, 290 Reuchlin, Johannes 34, 111, 122, 129, 146, 147, 182, 204, 273 Riehm, E. K. A. 28, 47, 55, 57, 164, 166, 290 Riemann, H. 28, 290 Rimmer, J. 50, 57, 120, 127, 290

Index of Names Robertson, Smith W. 140, 149, 290 Romanoff, P. 144, 149, 290 Romanus the Melodist 205 Romodanovskaya V. A. 166, 290–1 Rosenmüller, E. F. K. 164, 166, 291 Rufinus 178 Sa‘adia ben Joseph, Sa‘adia Gaon 17, 40, 50, 56, 58, 60, 73, 78, 98, 102, 126, 133, 162, 176, 200, 265, 273, 281 Sa‘adia ben Nahmani 47, 50, 54, 147, 177, 274 Saalschütz, J. L. 28, 47, 57, 111, 125, 127, 134, 138, 149, 165, 166, 291 Sachs, C. 1, 7, 22, 25, 30, 31, 34, 35, 37, 43, 47, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 71, 87, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 110, 111, 115, 119, 120, 127, 132, 136, 137, 138, 140, 143, 146, 147, 149, 153, 157, 166, 167, 200, 207, 285, 291 Samuel 7, 25, 90, 122 Saul 6, 7, 74, 138 Schneider, P. J. 28, 34, 47, 57, 291 Schumacher, G. 19 Scott, R. 143, 149, 154, 287 Sebastian z Felsztyna (Sebastian of Felsztyn) 27, 274 Segond, L. 134, 135, 265 Seidel, H. 47, 57, 98, 115, 127, 291–2 Sendrey, A. 23, 25, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 37, 43, 45, 47, 51, 52, 53, 55, 58, 63, 65, 67, 70, 79, 84, 90, 91, 94, 97, 98, 99, 100, 104, 111, 115, 120, 123, 127, 131, 133, 134, 135, 138, 140, 142, 143, 147, 149, 153, 157, 159, 161, 164, 166, 168, 200, 207, 292 Seneca, Lucius Annaeus 146, 274 Sennacherib 11, 18, 19, 59, 124 Shea, W. H. 23, 58, 62, 101, 105, 292 Shebaniah 8, 83 Shemiramoth 8, 45 Shlomo ben Yits‘aq: see Rashi Skorina, Francisco (Francisk/Francis) 56, 128, 192, 208, 265 Škulj, E. 23, 98, 101, 102, 161, 166, 168, 292 Sluter, C. 67 Smith, W. S. 52, 58, 292 Soggin, J. A. 115, 127, 292

303

Sollberger, E. 18 Solomon 7, 39, 43, 74, 83, 91, 118, 125, 178, 198, 293 Sopater 49 Sophocles 47 Stainer, J. 28, 34, 50, 58, 98, 101, 165, 166, 292 Stamm, J. J. 57, 98, 100, 127, 286 Stauder, W. 23, 292–3 Steinberg, J. 165, 166, 293 Strabo 34, 54, 92, 274 Stradling, D. G. 30, 35, 45, 55, 58, 87, 94, 98, 101, 115, 127, 139, 147, 149, 166, 293 Symmachus 187, 265 Tam, Ya‘akov 78, 176 Tertullian, Quintus Septimus Florens 146 Thecla of Iconium 183, 205 Theodore, Bishop of Aquileia 95, 96 Theodore the Studite 186 Theodoret of Cyrrhus 179, 181, 201, 202, 275, 290 Theodotion 187, 266 Theophanes the Confessor and Hymnographer, Bishop of Nicaea 186 Thirtle, J. W. 132, 135, 138, 142, 143, 149, 157, 159, 166, 293 Tholuck, F. A. 158, 164, 166, 293 Tiglath-Pileser III 117 Titus Flavius Vespasianus 11, 14, 82, 103, 201, 295 Tomaschoff, A. 35, 47, 58, 135, 138, 143, 149, 158, 166, 294 Trubar, Primoš 189, 266, 289 Trukhmensky, A. 208 Tubal/Tubul 24, 27 Tubal-Cain 27 Tutankhamun vii, 19, 22, 81, 82, 201 Unni 8, 45 Ushakov, S. 208 Valendrinus (Hollandrinus), Johannes 27, 275 Van Dyck, C. 62, 262 Varro, Marcus Terentius 47, 275

304

A Compendium of Musical Instruments

Vatable, François 58, 143, 149, 151, 152, 153, 164, 167, 169 Venantius Fortunatus 147 Villoteau, G. A. 49, 51, 58, 294 Virdung, Sebastian 27, 203, 275 Virgil, Publius Virgilius Maro 36, 124, 275 Vitruvius, Marcus Vitruvius Pollio 54, 275 Vlastov, G. K. 111, 127, 294 Vonk, C. 127, 294

Wette, W. M. L. de 164, 165 Wetzstein, J. G. 50, 58, 295 Whitcomb, J. C. 147, 149, 295 Winer, G. B. 98, 101, 295 Winghe, Niclaes van 260 Wollick, Nicolaus 275 Wood, L. 50, 58, 147, 149, 295 Woolley, L. 19, 295 Worman, J. H. 55, 58, 94, 101, 295 Wulstan, D. 18, 295 Wycliffe, J. 166, 207, 266

Wegner, M. 51, 58, 294 Weiss, J. 28, 30, 35, 47, 50, 58, 97, 101, 111, 116, 127, 140, 149, 294 Wellesz, E. 22, 50, 52, 58, 65, 101, 147, 280, 281, 287, 294 Wellhausen, J. 47, 58, 294 Wendland, E. R. 158, 164, 166, 294 Werner, E. 22, 31, 43, 50, 58, 87, 98, 101, 111, 115, 127, 128, 142, 153, 157, 166, 167, 168, 207, 294–5

Yamauchi, E. M. 23, 50, 52, 58, 295 Yasser, J. 200, 207, 295 Yohanan ben Nuri: see Ben Nuri, Yohanan Yunus al-Katib 104 Zechariah 8, 45, 83 Zenner, K. J. 164, 166, 169, 295