A Chinese Traveler in Medieval Korea: Xu Jing's Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ 0824856449, 9780824856441

Table of contents :
Cover
Contents
List of Illustrations
Preface
Conventions
Part I Translator's Introduction
Part II Translation: Xu Jing's Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryo
Chapter 1 Founding of the Country
Chapter 2 Dynastic Lineages
Chapter 3 Cities
Chapter 4 Prominent Gates
Chapter 5 Palace Halls, 1
Chapter 6 Palace Halls, 2
Chapter 7 Official Dress
Chapter 8 Famous People
Chapter 9 Ceremonial Attributes, 1
Chapter 10 Ceremonial Attributes, 2
Chapter 11 Guards and Armies, 1
Chapter 12 Guards and Armies, 2
Chapter 13 Arms
Chapter 14 Flags and Pennons
Chapter 15 Horses and Carts
Chapter 16 Officials and Offices
Chapter 17 Shrines and Temples
Chapter 18 Taoism and Buddhism
Chapter 19 Common People
Chapter 20 Women
Chapter 21 Official Servants
Chapter 22 Various Customs, 1
Chapter 23 Various Customs, 2
Chapter 24 Embassy Guards
Chapter 25 Receiving the Edict
Chapter 26 Banquets
Chapter 27 The Embassy Hostel
Chapter 28 Tents and Other Accessories, 1
Chapter 29 Tents and Other Accessories, 2
Chapter 30 Vessels, 1
Chapter 31 Vessels, 2
Chapter 32 Vessels, 3
Chapter 33 Shipping
Chapter 34 Sea Lanes, 1
Chapter 35 Sea Lanes, 2
Chapter 36 Sea Lanes, 3
Chapter 37 Sea Lanes, 4
Chapter 38 Sea Lanes, 5
Chapter 39 Sea Lanes, 6
Chapter 40 Matching Culture
Account of Conduct of the Deceased Assistant Office Chief of the Department of Punishment of Song, Duke Xu
Appendix: Dynastic Lineages
Notes
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

HISTORICAL MATERIALS

A Chinese Traveler in Medieval Korea XU JING’S ILLUSTRATED ACCOUNT OF THE XUANHE Ú EMBASSY TO KORYO

TRANSLATED, ANNOTATED, AND WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

KOREAN CLASSICS LIBRARY

Sem Vermeersch

A Chinese Traveler in Medieval Korea

KOREAN CLASSICS LIBRARY: HISTORICAL MATERIALS

A Chinese Traveler in Medieval Korea Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ

Translated, annotated, and with an introduction by

Sem Vermeersch

University of Hawai‘i Press/Honolulu Korean Classics Library

© 2016 The Regents of the University of California All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 21 20 19 18 17 16    6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Xu, Jing, 1091–1153, author. |Vermeersch, Sem, translator, writer of added commentary, writer of introduction. Title: A Chinese traveler in medieval Korea : Xu Jing’s illustrated account of the Xuanhe embassy to Koryŏ / translated, annotated, and with an introduction by Sem Vermeersch. Other titles: Xuanhe feng shi Gaoli tu jing. English | Korean classics library. Historical materials. Description: Honolulu : University of Hawai`i Press, [2016] |Series: Korean classics library. Historical materials | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015046041 | ISBN 9780824856441 cloth : alk. paper Subjects: LCSH: Korea―Description and travel―Early works to 1800. |Korea―Social life and customs―Early works to 1800. |Korea―Civilization―935–1392. Classification: LCC DS902.2 .X8313 2016 | DDC 951.9/01―dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015046041 Korean Classics Library: Historical Materials Series Editors: John Duncan, University of California, Los Angeles Namhee Lee, University of California, Los Angeles Robert Buswell, University of California, Los Angeles Series Editorial Board: Donald Baker, University of British Columbia Sun Joo Kim, Harvard University Jay Lewis, Oxford University Charles Muller, Tokyo University Young-chan Ro, George Mason University Ken Robinson, International Christian University, Tokyo Edward Shultz, University of Hawai‘i, Mānoa Senior Editor: Jennifer Jung-Kim, University of California, Los Angeles This work was supported by the English Translation of 100 Korean Classics program through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2007-AB-2002). University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. Design and composition by Wanda China

Contents



List of Illustrations

xi

Preface

xiii

Conventions

xvii

Part 1  Translator’s Introduction

Xu Jing and the Illustrated Account The Author ​:: ​The Text





1 2

International Relations and the Description of Other Countries The First Phase of Song-Koryŏ Interaction ​:: ​Resumption of

11



An Analysis of the Work’s Main Features

24



Maps and Illustrations

48

Relations with Song



Context: Travel Records and Embassy Accounts ​:: ​The Work’s Structure and Main Features

Conclusion

52

Part 2  Translation: Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ

59

Preface

59

1

Founding of the Country

63

2

Dynastic Lineages The Wang Clan ​:: ​Wang Hae, [Present] King of Koryŏ

66



The First Enfeoffment



3 Cities

72

4

80

Borders ​:: ​Topography ​:: ​The Capital ​:: ​Viewing Towers ​:: ​ People’s Houses ​:: ​Ward Markets ​:: ​Trade ​:: ​Local Administrative Divisions

Prominent Gates Sŏnŭi Gate ​:: ​Outer Gates ​:: ​Kwanghwa Gate ​:: ​Sŭngp’yŏng Gate ​:: ​Tongdŏk Gate ​:: ​Palace Hall Gates



vi

Contents

5

Palace Halls, 1

83

6

Palaces Halls, 2

87

7

Official Dress Royal Dress ​:: ​Dress of Policy-Making Officials ​:: ​Dress of Chief Councilors ​:: ​Dress of Court Attendants ​:: ​Dress of Mid-Ranking Officials ​:: ​Dress of Directors and Commissioners ​:: ​Dress of Court Officials ​:: ​Dress of Ordinary Officials

96

8

Famous People





Royal Palace Compound ​:: ​Hoegyŏng Hall ​:: ​Kŏndŏk Hall ​:: ​ Changhwa Hall ​:: ​Wŏndŏk Hall ​:: ​Mallyŏng Hall

Changnyŏng Hall ​:: ​Changgyŏng Hall ​:: ​Yŏnyŏng Pavilion ​:: ​ Imch’ŏn Pavilion ​:: ​Changgyŏng Palace ​:: ​Chwach’un Palace ​:: ​ Detached Palaces





Custodial Grand Preceptor and Director of the Department of Ministries, Yi Chagyŏm ​:: ​Welcoming Escort Commissioner: Minister of Justice, Junior Second Rank, Pillar of State, Bestowed the Purple and Gold Fish Pouch, Yun Ŏnsik ​:: ​Joint Welcoming Escort Commissioner: Executive at the Ministry of Rites, Senior Fourth Rank, Supreme Defender of the Army, Bestowed the Purple and Gold Fish Pouch, Kim Pusik ​:: ​Hostel Escort Commissioner: Custodial Master of Works cum Commissioner of the Security Council, Junior First Rank, Supreme Pillar of State, Kim In’gyu ​:: ​Joint Hostel Escort Commissioner: Executive Officer at the Ministry of Rites, Senior Fourth Rank, Supreme Defender of the Army, Bestowed the Purple and Gold Fish Pouch, Yi Chimi

100

9

Ceremonial Attributes, 1 Coiled Dragon Fan ​:: ​Double Dragon Fan ​:: ​Embroidered Flower Fan ​:: ​Feather Fan ​:: ​Bent Parasols ​:: ​Blue Parasols

105

10 Ceremonial Attributes, 2 Flower Parasols ​:: ​Yellow Banners ​:: ​Leopard Tails ​:: ​Golden Halberds ​:: ​Polo Sticks ​:: ​Pennons

108

11 Guards and Armies, 1

110



Banner Leaders of the Dragon-Tiger Personal Guard of the Left and Right ​:: ​Generals of the Dragon-Tiger Personal Guard of the Left and Right ​:: ​The Left and Right Personal Guard Army of the Divine Tigers ​:: ​The Awe-Inspiring Left and Right Personal Guard Army ​:: ​Supreme Generals of the Six Armies and LeftRight Division ​:: ​Supreme Senior Colonels of the Six Armies and Divisions ​:: ​Ferocious Army of the Dragon-Tiger [Army] ​:: ​ Golden Bird Division Army ​:: ​Restrained Crane Army



Contents

vii

12 Guards and Armies, 2

114

13 Arms

118

14 Flags and Pennons Elephant Flag ​:: ​Hawk Flag ​:: ​Sea Horse Flag ​:: ​Phoenix Flag ​:: ​ Great White Flag ​:: ​Flags for the Five Directions ​:: ​Small Flags

121

15 Horses and Carts

124

16 Officials and Offices Government Offices ​:: ​National University ​:: ​Public Granaries ​:: ​ Palace Stores ​:: ​Medicine Bureau ​:: ​Prisons

127

17 Shrines and Temples

133

18 Taoism and Buddhism Taoism ​:: ​Taoists ​:: ​Buddhism ​:: ​State Preceptor ​:: ​TripleExalted Monk Grand Masters ​:: ​Acarya Bhadanta ​:: ​Novice Monks ​:: ​Householder Monks

141

19 Common People

145

20 Women

148







Thousand Bull Left and Right Division Army ​:: ​Divine Flag Army ​:: ​Dragon-Tiger Superior Army ​:: ​Navy under the Dragon-Tiger Army ​:: ​Division Lieutenants for the Gates to the Administrative Offices ​:: ​Executive Captain–Banner Leader of the Six Armies ​:: ​Division of the Left and Right, Royal Carriage Army ​:: ​Army-Commanding Cavalry Colonels ​:: ​Cavalry Generals in Command of the Soldiers

Marching Drum ​:: ​Bow and Arrows ​:: ​Attached Leather Rattles ​ :: ​Stirrup Poles ​:: ​Ceremonial Two-Pronged Halberds ​:: ​Foreign Oboe ​:: ​Animal Shield ​:: ​Girdle Sword

Ornate Palanquins ​:: ​Palanquins ​:: ​Ox Carts ​:: ​The King’s Horse ​ :: ​Envoys’ Horses ​:: ​Cavalry Horses ​:: ​Pack Saddles

Pog’wŏn Taoist Monastery ​:: ​Chŏngguk Anhwa Temple ​:: ​ Kwangt’ong Poje Temple ​:: ​Hŭngguk Temple ​:: ​Kukch’ŏng Temple ​:: ​Various Temples within and near the Capital ​:: ​Sung Mountain Shrine ​:: ​Shrine to the Eastern Spirit ​:: ​Dragon Shrine at Clam Cave ​:: ​Five Dragon Shrine





Presented Scholars ​:: ​Farmers and Traders ​:: ​Craftsmen and Artisans ​:: ​Village Leaders ​:: ​Boat People

Noble Women ​:: ​Female Attendants and Concubines ​:: ​Demeaning the Envoys ​:: ​Aristocratic Women ​:: ​[Ordinary] Women ​:: ​ Carrying Burdens on the Back ​:: ​Carrying Burdens on the Head

viii

Contents

21 Official Servants Functionaries ​:: ​Executive Captains ​:: ​Office Runners ​:: ​Junior Runners ​:: ​Chamber Boys ​:: ​Junior Bedchamber Attendants ​:: ​

151

22 Various Customs, 1 Courtyard Torches ​:: ​Carrying Candle [Lanterns] ​:: ​Recorder of the Clepsydra ​:: ​Local Drinks ​:: ​Jurisdiction ​:: ​Responding to Courtesy ​:: ​Granting Attendants ​:: ​Amazons

154

23 Various Customs, 2

159

24 Embassy Guards

163

25 Receiving the Edict

169

26 Banquets

174

27 The Embassy Hostel Sunch’ŏn Hostel ​:: ​Main Hall of the Hostel ​:: ​Building for the Edict ​:: ​Ch’ŏngp’ung Pavilion ​:: ​Hyangnim Pavilion ​:: ​Quarters for the [Chief] Envoy and Deputy Envoy ​:: ​Quarters for the General Secretary and Assistant General Secretary ​:: ​Quarters for the Documentation Officials ​:: ​Western Suburbs Pavilion ​:: ​ Azure Waves Pavilion ​:: ​Guest Hostels

180

28 Tents and Other Accessories, 1 Curtains of Colored Silk ​:: ​Embroidered Curtains ​:: ​Embroidered Paintings ​:: ​Chairs ​:: ​Banquet Tables ​:: ​Light Stands ​:: ​

187

Grooms









Bathing and Washing ​:: ​Agriculture ​:: ​Fishery ​:: ​Wood Gathering ​:: ​Carving Notes ​:: ​Butchers ​:: ​Dispensing Broth ​:: ​Local Products

First, the Divine Flag Brigade ​:: ​Next, Mounted Soldiers ​:: ​Next, Cymbal Players and Drummers ​:: ​Next, the Thousand Bull Division ​:: ​Next, the Golden Bird Division ​:: ​Next, Hundred Plays ​ :: ​Next, Music Division ​:: ​Next, Presents ​:: ​Next, the Palanquin for the Edict ​:: ​Next, Substitute Lower Escort Ranks ​:: ​Next, the Xuanwu Lower Escort Ranks ​:: ​Next, the Chief Envoy and Deputy Envoy ​:: ​Next, the Upper Escort Ranks ​:: ​Finally, the Middle Escort Ranks Welcoming the Edict ​:: ​Inducting the Edict ​:: ​Greeting the Edict ​ :: ​Exchanging Courtesies ​:: ​Offering Libations ​:: ​Extending Condolences Private Audience ​:: ​Banquet Ceremony ​:: ​Offering and Returning Drinks ​:: ​Seats of the Upper Escort Ranks ​:: ​Seats of the Middle Escort Ranks ​:: ​Seats of the Lower Escort Ranks ​:: ​Hostel Gatherings ​:: ​Offering of the Memorandum ​:: ​Farewell Banquet ​ :: ​Farewell in the Western Suburbs



Contents

ix

Red Lacquered Side Tables ​:: ​Black Lacquered Side Tables ​:: ​ Reclining Couches ​:: ​Patterned Seating Mats ​:: ​Door Screens

29 Tents and Other Accessories, 2 Embroidered Pillows ​:: ​Sleeping Clothes ​:: ​Ramie Robes ​:: ​ Ramie Clothes ​:: ​Painted Folding Fans ​:: ​Japanese Cedar Fans ​:: ​ White Folding Fans ​:: ​Pine Fans ​:: ​Straw Sandals

191

30 Vessels, 1

193

31 Vessels, 2

196

32 Vessels, 3

199

33 Shipping

203

34 Sea Lanes, 1

206

35 Sea Lanes, 2

219

36 Sea Lanes, 3

222

37 Sea Lanes, 4

227

















Animal-Shaped Incense Burners ​:: ​Water Bottles ​:: ​Stem Cup with Saucer ​:: ​Mountain of the Immortals Incense Burner ​:: ​ Wine Crocks ​:: ​Basins with Black Flower Decoration ​:: ​Facial Ointment Flasks ​:: ​Blooming Lotus Ewer ​:: ​Portable Bottles Oil Bottles ​:: ​Kuṇḍikās ​:: ​Flower Vases ​:: ​Water Cauldrons ​:: ​ Water Pitchers ​:: ​Hot Water Bottles ​:: ​Brass Basins ​:: ​Tripod Incense Burners ​:: ​Warming Braziers ​:: ​Giant Bell Tea Trays ​:: ​Earthenware Wine Jars ​:: ​Wicker Wine Jars ​:: ​ Ceramic Wine Jars ​:: ​Ceramic Incense Burners ​:: ​Food-Covering Baskets ​:: ​Wicker Baskets ​:: ​Rice Gruel Cauldrons ​:: ​Water Jars ​ :: ​Straw Mats ​:: ​Knives and Brushes Patrol Ships ​:: ​Official Ships ​:: ​Pinewood Boats ​:: ​Curtain Boats ​ :: ​Presenting Food ​:: ​Provision of Water

Divine Ships ​:: ​Merchant Ships ​:: ​Beckoning-the-Beloved Mountain ​:: ​Tiger Head Mountain ​:: ​Shen Family Channel ​:: ​ Plum Peak ​:: ​Sea Lion Reef ​:: ​Mount Penglai ​:: ​Mid-Ocean Reef ​ :: ​White-Water Ocean ​:: ​Yellow-Water Ocean ​:: ​Black-Water Ocean Straddling-the-Border Mountain ​:: ​Five Isles ​:: ​Aligned Islands ​ :: ​White Mountain [Island] ​:: ​Hŭksan [Island] ​:: ​Moon Isles ​:: ​ Door Screen Mountain Island ​:: ​White Clothes Island ​:: ​ Crouching Islet Spring Grass Islet ​:: ​Betel Nut Reef ​:: ​Bodhisattva Islet ​:: ​ Bamboo Island ​:: ​Hedgehog Islet ​:: ​Kunsan Island ​:: ​Crosswise Isle

Purple Cloud Islet ​:: ​Plentiful Supply Mountain ​:: ​Hongju Mountain ​:: ​Raven Islet ​:: ​Horse Island ​:: ​Nine-Headed Mountain

x

Contents

38 Sea Lanes, 5

229

39 Sea Lanes, 6

231

40 Matching Culture

236









Chinaman Island ​:: ​Twin Women Reef ​:: ​Big Bluish Isle ​:: ​ Monk’s Island ​:: ​Ox Heart Isle ​:: ​Duke Nie Isle Small Bluish Isle ​:: ​Chayŏn Island ​:: ​Rapid Water Strait ​:: ​Clam Cave ​:: ​Watershed Pass ​:: ​Yesŏng Harbor The Correct Calendar ​:: ​Confucianism ​:: ​Music ​:: ​Weights and Measures

Account of Conduct of the Deceased Assistant Office Chief of the Department of Punishment of Song, Duke Xu

246

[Postscript]

254



257

Appendix: Dynastic Lineages

Notes

259

Bibliography

341



Index 353

List of Illustrations

Figures 1 2 3 4 5 6

Genealogy of Early Koryŏ Kings Bent Parasol Cap with Protruding Wings Stirrup Pole Stem Cup with Saucer Lion-shaped Incense Burner

70 106 111 119 194 201

Northeast Asia ca. 1123 Walls and Gates of Kaesŏng Inner Palace Compound Royal Palace Compound, Southern Half Government Offices Buddhist Temples Layout of the Sunch’ŏn Hostel Sea Route: Crossing the Yellow Sea from Mingzhou to Korea Sea Route along the West Coast of Korea

23 76 92 93 129 138 182 217 225

Maps 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Tables 1 2 3

Official Northern Song Missions to Koryŏ Following the Resumption of Relations Accounts of Chinese Visits to Koryŏ before 1124 The Gates of Kaesŏng: Comparing the Illustrated Account with the History of Koryŏ

20 33 51

xi

Preface

This project originated in my interest in Koryŏ Buddhism. While looking for evidence of Buddhist practices during the Koryŏ period (918–1392), I came across Xu Jing’s description of the “householder monk,” a fascinating if puzzling account of a group of people whose status was somewhere between that of householder and monk. It being part of two chapters on religion in Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe-Era Embassy to Koryŏ (Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing, 1124), I started making a draft translation of those chapters, an undertaking that proved valuable for two research projects—the history of Kaesŏng temples and a book on the Buddhist institution during Koryŏ—I was working on at the time. Just then, in 2004, out of the blue I was contacted by Hŏ Hŭngsik, who was mulling over an ambitious project to initiate a multivolume edition of the Illustrated Account of Koryŏ. It was to comprise a text-critical edition of the original text as well as translations into Korean, Chinese, and English, and Professor Hŏ asked me if I was interested in doing the English translation. I immediately agreed and set to work on the other thirty-eight chapters—a project I came to regret many times, since the work combines the frustrating terseness and allusiveness of classical Chinese with highly technical descriptions of a variety of customs, objects, organizations, and so on. Unfortunately nothing came of this project, but in 2007 the Academy of Korean Studies launched its Korean Classics Library 100 translation project and included the Illustrated Account of Koryŏ on the list of works to be translated. As I was already working on the text, I applied to be its translator. Soon after, I was appointed assistant professor at Seoul National University and also became involved in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, leaving me little time to work on the translation. Therefore, despite my best efforts to complete the work by the 2009 deadline, it was not until 2013 that I managed to submit a draft translation. The Illustrated Account of Koryŏ is well known, at least among historians and Korean studies researchers. Our main window into Koryŏ society remains the History of Koryŏ (Koryŏsa), completed in 1451. However, the History of Koryŏ deals almost exclusively with important political affairs, the central bureaucracy, and matters of administration. How society functioned and how people lived are almost entirely absent from xiii

xiv

Preface

this text and not to be found in other Korean sources. The Illustrated Account of Koryŏ, by contrast, being an outsider’s perspective, contains some fascinating observations that began to draw the attention of scholars from early on. The section on celadon and Xu Jing’s description of Koryŏ customs are well known. Beyond these well-known passages the work has not been well studied. There are a handful of articles devoted to it and a few translations into modern Korean, but there remain numerous outstanding problems. To begin with, there is no modern critical edition of the text that compares all extant editions. Although the oldest remaining edition, the 1167 Jingjiang edition, does not pose many problems, alternative readings and/or additions from later editions sometimes provide valuable corrections or offer solutions to interpreting difficult passages. More serious is the problem of how reliable Xu Jing’s observations are and how to interpret them. For example, the last six chapters but one of the work are a detailed description of the sea route he and his diplomatic mission took. However, the names he gives for Korean islands for the most part do not match any found in Korean sources, making it extremely difficult to identify which islands he is talking about. Another example is his description of Koryŏ military organization. While his description is fairly consistent with what we find in the History of Koryŏ, there are also some notable differences, such as a division whose name is not attested in any other source. Did he make a simple mistake? Or is this a division that was somehow not recorded in Korean sources? Regarding the first problem, while I prepared this translation on the basis of the 1167 Jingjiang edition, I have also compared it with the Zhibuzu zhai edition and indicated major discrepancies in the endnotes. Other editions or manuscripts have not been systematically compared, but as far as I could ascertain, they would add very little additional information to the two main premodern editions. As for the problems posed by the contents, I have tried to solve them as best as possible either by using all available reference works or, when these do not provide adequate answers, by making inferences on the basis of a study of the context in which the problematic term appears. Fortunately, there seems recently to be a renewed interest in the work among Chinese, Korean, and Japanese scholars; notably the work by Morihira Masahiko on the sea lanes has proven invaluable in solving some thorny issues. Thus my primary indebtedness is to the many scholars who have laid the foundations for the study of Xu Jing’s remarkable work. Besides Morihira, I should mention especially G. St. G. M. Gompertz, probably the first to introduce the work to a Western audience, and Douglas Merwin, who



Preface

xv

made a thorough translation of the sea lane chapters as part of his 1969 master’s thesis. Mr. Merwin graciously allowed me access to the draft of his translation of the entire work. Besides these pioneering works, I have also referred to two modern Korean translations, edited by Cho Tongwŏn and Cho Tongyŏng, respectively. While consulting these works was helpful in improving my manuscript, needless to say the final responsibility for translation lies with me. I am also grateful to Hŏ Hŭngsik for getting me started on this project; to the Academy of Korean Studies for providing the institutional support to turn it into a publication; and to the University of California, Los Angeles Center for Buddhist Studies, for helping to coordinate the project. Among the UCLA faculty and staff, I would like to thank especially John Duncan, Robert Buswell, and Jennifer Jung-Kim for their patience, encouragement, and editorial assistance. Choi Mihwa pointed me to a key source, while Lee Jong-mook helped to identify the ownership stamp of a manuscript edition of the Illustrated Account. Yannick Bruneton, as the only other European to have spent more time with this work than is probably healthy, corrected many errors. I only regret not picking his brain more often. My research assistant Choi Eonjeong helped with tracking down hard-to-find secondary sources. Wang Guangyi gave me priceless access to a wealth of Chinese editions of the Illustrated Account as well as a mass of secondary literature, and Park Sung-jin introduced me to the valuable research carried out by the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. Ned Shultz helped me on my way by sharing a wonderful list of translated terms and by casually handing me the translations undertaken by Doug Merwin. I would also like to thank the staff at the reading room of the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies for their help in making various copies of the work accessible. The final drafts were revised during my sabbatical at the University of Ghent. Seoul National University allowed me a year off to focus on research, while the Department of Languages and Cultures at Ghent hosted me as a guest professor, fortuitously granting me office space inside the university’s well-endowed Oriental library. Finally, I am extremely grateful to Woo Seong-Hoon for allowing me to adapt his carefully produced maps (maps 3, 4, and 5), and to Kim Jung Yeon for her help in drawing the other maps. Scholarly translation rests on a kind of obsessive-compulsive disorder in which the translator is always trying to hunt down more information on people or terms mentioned in the text. Needless to say, it is a consuming process that inevitably appropriates time that should have been dedicated to other things: notably, the project encroached on family time,

xvi

Preface

and I can only offer a meek apology to my family for spending more time behind the computer than with them. The ideal translation should not look like one, as many have rightly pointed out. I have tried to provide an informative presentation of a key source rather than a highly polished one. Though I hope this translation may serve as a useful guide to the text and through it to Koryŏ society for many years to come, ultimately it will be successful only if it serves as a stepping stone for new research that unlocks the black box of Koryŏ history.

Conventions

This translation is based on the 1167 Jingjiang edition of the Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing. It has been compared with the 1793 Zhibuzu zhai edition, which in turn incorporates notes on the late Ming Zheng edition; not all variants have been indicated in the translation, mention is made only where there is doubt over which variant is correct or where there is some other compelling reason to mention an alternative. In this introduction, I refer to the work mainly by its abbreviated title, the Illustrated Account; the full title in English would be the Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ. In the notes to the translation, the editions are simply identified as Jingjiang, Zhibuzu zhai, and Zheng. More information on these editions can be found later in this introduction, in the section titled “the text.” Given the number of terms and names that come up in the text, to the extent possible I have rendered them in English. For offices and titles, I have tried to use functional rather than literal translations (mainly following Charles Hucker’s Dictionary of Official Titles) and have rendered titles of rank simply by giving the level (e.g., 3A: senior level of the third rank). Only in cases where it proved impossible to find an English equivalent have I left the term in its romanized form. Proper names (of buildings, temples, gates, etc.) are mostly rendered in romanized form (with glosses in parentheses at first mention), except for some cases where the name appears to be descriptive rather than a widely accepted term. This is notably the case for many of the islands recorded in chapters 35 to 39: since “White Mountain Island” is likely a descriptive name coined by the Chinese sailors, I have not put it in romanization (Paeksan-do) but simply translated it. Chinese characters for names and terms can be found in the index, either under the romanized form or the translated form, whichever is used as the primary term in the text. For example, the characters for Sangsŏsŏng can be found under “Department of Ministries,” as this is the primary term used. In some cases characters have also been included in endnotes to facilitate understanding of a term or to point out a problematic name or passage. The index is comprehensive but not exhaustive; for example, the names of crew members in chapter 24 have not been included. xvii

xviii

Conventions

For the romanization of names and terminology, Pinyin has been used for Chinese and McCune-Reischauer for Korean; when Xu Jing mentions a Korean institution, term, or name, it is romanized according to the Korean pronunciation; when he refers to Chinese people, institutions, reign titles, and so on, the term is romanized according to the Chinese pronunciation. For cases where it is moot whether he is using a term in a Chinese or Korean context, or for general terms, both Chinese and Korean pronunciation has been provided. The translation follows the original text as closely as possible; implied parts of speech or other terms not present in the original text are added in square brackets, but only in the case of major additions so as not to overburden the text. For example, rather than “[Wang] U” I have preferred to write simply “Wang U,” since there is no doubt as to who is intended. The text contains many obscure passages, either because of corruption or because it is no longer clear what a particular term or expression stands for. I have tried to give the best possible explanation, making inferences if necessary. Only for the most obscure passages has the problem been pointed out in a note When an explanation is deemed necessary, it is included in a note. These have been kept as concise as possible; if terms are mentioned more than once, cross-references are provided. Unless indicated otherwise, all translations in the introduction and notes are mine. Most dates follow the lunar calendar as in the original; thus 1123/11/04 means the fourth day of the eleventh lunar month, 1123. Interlinear notes, which in the original text are set off in smaller type, with two lines per line of main text, have not been set in a different font in the translation. Such passages have been flagged in the notes.

I. Translator’s Introduction

Translator’s Introduction

Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of the Embassy to Koryŏ in the Xuanhe Era (Xuan­ he fengshi Gaoli tujing), written in 1124, is rightly famous as a unique eyewitness account of Koryŏ Korea in its prime. It is often cited for evidence about Koryŏ society and culture; in particular the description and praise of Koryŏ celadon1 and observations on Korean mores and practices2 are often sourced for invaluable information unavailable elsewhere. Its importance reaches beyond Korea, however: it contains one of the earliest references to the use of the compass and also one of the best descriptions of Song ships. Yet it contains many more tantalizing pieces of information that have so far not attracted much attention. A fully annotated translation can thus help readers not only to get reacquainted with well-known passages with the benefit of reading them in their original context, but also to discover many new aspects about Koryŏ society, still a poorly understood era in Anglophone world history. The Koryŏ era is often labeled the “medieval period” of Korean history because it is wedged between Unified Silla (668–935) and Chosŏn (1392–1910). It is also so characterized because it largely coincides with the medieval period in European history, but this is where the resemblance with European history stops. Rather than an eclipse of classical learning, Koryŏ marked an important and crucial stage in the development of a Korean identity and statehood that was forged from Chinese mechanisms of state power and indigenous traditions. Yet the only detailed resource on the period, the History of Koryŏ (Koryŏsa), was compiled in 1451 and is heavily colored by the views of the new Chosŏn elites who compiled it. This source largely relies on normative sources that paint an idealized picture, thereby making it even harder to get at a true portrait of Koryŏ society. While the Illustrated Account, as a contemporaneous source, can help to correct this distortion by offering a window onto Koryŏ society, it is not a travel essay or eyewitness account. It is, rather, a technical report of an embassy submitted in 1124 by a member of that official mission and primarily intended for Huizong (r. 1100–1125), penultimate emperor of the 1

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Northern Song. Xu Jing followed precedents in writing his work, but he also set himself the target of bettering previous reports and thereby gaining the emperor’s praise. Northern Song China had ceded control of its northern territories to the Khitan Liao in 1005, but now Emperor Huizong was facing the rising force of the Jurchen Jin dynasty on his northern borders. Adopting the traditional ploy of “fighting barbarians with other barbarians,” Huizong and his advisors were keen to use the Jurchen to destroy Liao. Koryŏ, which had traditionally exerted a degree of control over the Jurchen, was initially called upon to bring Jurchen representatives to the Song court to negotiate a Song-Jurchen alliance. After the founding of the Jurchen Jin dynasty in 1115, however, the Chinese increasingly realized the threat posed by the Jin and tried to make sure Koryŏ would remain loyal to Song rather than to Jin. For those reasons, Huizong tried to influence the Koreans by plying them with generous cultural gifts; the embassy with which Xu Jing traveled was thus also meant to impart China’s special concern for and patronage of Koryŏ. This background is also reflected in the Illustrated Account, as Xu Jing provides many examples of how impressed the Koreans were with Song patronage and how dedicated they were to following Song culture. This is of course just one aspect of the work, but it shows the importance of knowing the context and background in which it is set as well as the biases and conventions that color the account. Much more than a piece of reportage, it is a complex work that is best seen as intertextual; that is, it forms part of a long tradition of Chinese writing about neighboring countries, texts without which the work cannot be properly understood. Thus the purpose of this introduction is to sketch the background of the work and discuss the other texts against which Xu wrote. First we will look at the biography of Xu Jing and the publication history of his work; next we will turn to the historical background of diplomatic relations in Northeast Asia from the tenth to eleventh centuries before examining the tradition of writing about non-Chinese against which this text should be understood. Finally we will assess the structure and chief characteristics of the work and also briefly discuss the problem of how to fill the gaps left by the disappearance of the pictures that once illuminated the Illustrated Account.

Xu Jing and the Illustrated Account The Author Practically all the information that we have on Xu Jing derives from the “account of conduct” (Ch. xingzhuang; also referred to here as “the biogra-



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3

phy”) that is appended to all editions of the Illustrated Account. It was written in 1167 by Zhang Xiaobo, who had married into the Xu family, on the occasion of the first edition of the work. We have no further information about Zhang; presumably it was his writing skills that recommended him as the biographer of his illustrious in-law. There is thus unfortunately no way to verify his biography, though on the whole it has an air of reliability, and in the few areas where it can be cross-checked with other sources, this reliability is, in the main, confirmed. What follows is therefore essentially a summary of Zhang’s biography combined with the few bits of additional information that can be adduced from other sources. Although Xu Jing was from a prominent lineage of officials, and although he himself was celebrated as one of the great calligraphers of the Northern Song, none of his works has survived, and he is not mentioned in any official record. The biography suggests that he was a descendant of Xu Xuan (917–992), who was an official at the court of the Southern Tang (937–975) but pledged allegiance to the Song court following the demise of Southern Tang. Xu Xuan is not mentioned in the list of ancestors at the beginning of the biography—which follows the usual format of listing only four previous generations in the paternal line—but there is a telling passage where his uncle passes onto Xu Jing a famous ink stone that had once been owned by Xu Xuan in recognition of Xu Jing’s talent for calligraphy, much like that of his illustrious ancestor. However, the biography only identifies Xu Xuan by his penname, Qisheng. As Xu Xuan was one of the most famous scholars of the early Northern Song, it is safe to assume that all his readers would have known this and would have marveled at the resemblance to his putative forebear.3 The “account of conduct” lists four generations of ancestors before Xu Jing, starting with a great-grandfather. All possess lofty titles, but only his great-grandfather had obtained a position of some significance at court; his father and grandfather likely occupied only local positions. The family originally hailed from Ouning county in Jianzhou (modern Jian’ou in Fujian), but by his great-grandfather’s time the family had settled in Liyang, Anhui province. Xu Jing himself was born in 1091 in Hunan province, where his father was then serving as a local official in the Law Section. Xu Jing apparently showed unusual aptitude at learning from a young age, yet he somehow failed the state examinations. Thus at the age of twenty-three he took advantage of the “protected appointment system” and accepted a junior position in local officialdom. Despite his obvious intelligence and wide learning, he seems to have been more a man of wit and skill than a scholar. According to his biography, though well versed in all kinds of books and a skilled poet, “he was disdainful of exegetical studies.” Rather

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than a scholar or skillful court politician, he seems to have been a handson person, a keen debater proud of his wide knowledge, always ready to help out friends in need. The most detailed part of the biography is thus that devoted to describing how, between 1114 and 1123, he uncovered and stopped many scams and plots in his various local postings through resourcefulness and decisive action. Such resourcefulness—along with an ability to remain unaffected by large quantities of liquor—was an important quality that he put to good use during the official embassy.4 About ten years into his career, he was chosen as the official in charge of ritual for the 1123 embassy to Koryŏ;5 the reason given in the biography for this appointment is that the Koreans had asked for a skilled calligrapher and so the person in charge of the mission, Lu Yundi, chose him. There are other sources that confirm that he was indeed an outstanding calligrapher: Emperor Gaozong (1127–1162), for example, is said to have praised him as the only outstanding calligrapher of the time in the seal-script style; other Song intellectuals also praised his calligraphy, but unfortunately none of his works has survived.6 Yet one cannot help but wonder if this was the only reason. There is no other record that the Koreans had asked for a calligrapher,7 and undoubtedly connections played as important a role as reputation in getting a post on such a mission.8 Lu Yundi, who was entrusted with organizing the embassy to Koryŏ in 1122, must either have known about Xu Jing’s reputation or must have somehow been acquainted with him.9 It is also important to add that since the resumption of ties with Koryŏ under Emperor Shenzong (r. 1067–1085), a great deal of importance was attached to the presentation of the embassy: The Chinese representatives (at least the heads of the mission) were required to have not only excellent writing skills but also good looks! At least one envoy was replaced by Shenzong because of his appearance.10 It is also possible that he was recommended by Cai Jing (1047–1126), one of the leading statesmen of the time. Shortly after he returned from his mission to Koryŏ, Xu had to leave office in the wake of Cai’s fall from grace in 1125. This is referred to somewhat obliquely in the biography: “When the minister was dismissed from office, he was implicated on account of his familiarity [with the minister].” What his connection to Cai was is never specified. According to Qi Qingsheng, it may have been the fact that he mentioned Cai’s calligraphy in the Record,11 but this seems a barely sufficient cause. Perhaps Cai had earlier acted as a sponsor to Xu Jing, though it is not likely that a high official such as Cai would have known a junior local official like Xu. It is more likely that, like Cai Jing, Xu Jing was associated with the New Policies (xin fa) of Wang Anshi (1021–1086). Besides the well-known economic aspects of those policies, in international relations



Translator’s Introduction

5

they favored active engagement to forge alliances (as will be discussed in more detail below). With the Jurchen armies holding the capital Kaifeng for ransom in 1125, these policies were deemed a complete failure, with the result that Cai Jing, as the main representative of these policies, had to be removed, and everyone else implicated in them also suffered demotion or other forms of censure. As for his role in the mission to Koryŏ, Xu was given the title of assistant general secretary (tixiaguan), which seems to have been tantamount to being in charge of ritual protocol. Thus in the record, Xu, together with the general secretary (douxia) of the mission, appears to have been mainly responsible for handling the imperial edict to be transmitted to the Koryŏ king as well as for the ritual goods to be transmitted to the Koryŏ court. Perhaps this explains his attention to the details of the protocol for the reception of the embassy. It is not clear whether this function also existed in other embassies; according to Xu Jing’s description of the official lineup of all embassy personnel for the overland journey from the harbor to Kaesŏng, he would be ranked fourth in the party, behind the chief envoy, the deputy envoy, and the general secretary. Following his return to China on 1123/08/27, it apparently took Xu Jing another year to finish his Account. According to his preface, it was submitted to the emperor on 1124/08/04. Although it was common practice to file official reports upon the completion of an embassy, and although the text says the record was commissioned, the Account is most likely not the official report but Xu Jing’s personal endeavor—a question to which we will return below. In terms of his career, the Account was initially a huge boon for Xu. Huizong liked what he read and thereafter promoted Xu to a series of important positions at court. However, as pointed out above, during the first siege of Kaifeng by the Jurchen, Cai Jing was held accountable and Xu was demoted by association to a local position in Anhui. Perhaps this saved his life, because soon the Jurchen returned to Kaifeng and, following the city’s capitulation in 1127, took many hostages with them north. Soon after, Xu relinquished his government position to mourn his father, presumably in the family’s hometown of Liyang (northern Anhui). Because of the encroachment of the Jurchen, however, he had to retreat further south, settling south of the Yangtze in Xinzhou (southern Jiangxi). At the end of the mourning period he declined reassignment to another minor local position and instead requested to be given the position of shrine caretaker (fengshi) at a Taoist monastery. For the remaining twenty-odd years of his life he would serve at several monasteries. This position was traditionally reserved for retiring officials and thus indicates that Xu no longer wanted to serve in

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an official position—or had given up hope of regaining a position in the central government. Despite the decline in prestige and the loss of his ancestral lands, it seems that Xu was sufficiently well off to enjoy two decades of tranquil repose in the company of friends and family and to enjoy reading and artistic pursuits. Ironically, he died shortly after Liyang was restored to the Southern Song by the Jin dynasty. Finally able to fulfill his ambition of honoring the graves of his ancestors, he fell ill on the way there and never recovered. He died in 1153 and was buried near his new hometown of Xinzhou. The biography also records details about Xu’s children and grandchildren. Both of his surviving sons were local officials and some of his grandchildren had also started on this career path at the time the biography was composed in 1167. The biographer, Zhang Xiaobo, claims that he was himself a man from Liyang who had married into the Xu family, but he was obviously not a son-in-law. All of Xu Jing’s sons-in-law are mentioned by name in the biography, and since Zhang does not feature among them, it is most likely that he was son-in-law to a brother or cousin of Xu Jing.12 As far as I know, no other information can be gleaned from any other source about Xu Jing’s descendants and relatives. Just as the Illustrated Account conferred immortality on Xu Jing, it is also bestowed some of that glory on the relatives who were so instrumental in preserving the text and the memory of its author. The Text As mentioned above, Xu Jing presented the finalized text of the Illustrated Account, including the illustrations, to Emperor Huizong in the eighth month of 1124. Presumably this was a handwritten version. According to a postscript written by his nephew Xu Chan when the work was published in 1167, he kept a second copy for himself at home. However, according to Xu Chan, in the spring of 1127 an acquaintance from Xu’s hometown of Liyang borrowed that copy and it was soon after irretrievably lost when the Jurchen swept over practically the whole of China north of the Yangtze River. What happened to the copy stored in the imperial library is not known. Since the Jurchen looted the capital systematically, carrying off 1,050 carts of carefully selected booty,13 we may assume there is a chance, though slim, that the copy survived. Fortunately, we know that before these calamitous events transpired, other copies were already circulating. The strongest evidence for this comes from Korean sources. According to the History of Koryŏ, Huizong



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had ordered the work to be carved on woodblocks for wide dissemination. Thus when Kim Pusik (1074–1151) went on an official mission to China in 1126, he found that people treated him with respect because they had read about him in the Illustrated Account.14 There is, furthermore, evidence that the work was introduced to Korea at some time. Perhaps Kim Pusik had already brought a copy with him, though given the fact that there were strict checks on which books could be taken out of the country, this is far from certain. There is no evidence from Chinese sources that the work was printed so soon after its composition; instead, we find that people made copies by hand, suggesting that the History of Koryŏ compilers simply speculated that it was printed because it had spread so widely. According to Zhou Hui (b. 1126), toward the end of the Xuanhe era (1119–1126), his father had made a copy (of the text only) while staying in Liyang—presumably of the spare copy Xu Jing kept at home.15 Given that Xu’s own copy was apparently lost after an acquaintance borrowed it, we can presume that it was copied frequently; the acquaintance probably borrowed it with the intention of copying it for himself.16 After 1127, Xu himself was thus left without a copy. Fortuitously, ten years later, he happened to be passing through Hongzhou (Jiangxi province) when word reached him that someone in town had a copy. It turned out that a doctor who had once attended “the emperor” had received a copy of the work as a reward for his treatment. Xu Jing at once pursued the lead but found that “only two chapters of the ‘Sea Lanes’ [chapter] were without defects.” Still according to Xu Chan’s postscript, his uncle later told him that, except for the pictures, the whole text had been transmitted. Thus most scholars surmise that the “defects” refer not to missing parts of the text but to the pictures—in other words that in only two of the five chapters (chapters 34–39, “Sea Lanes”) were the illustrations preserved. Having speculated above that the original copy presented to Emperor Huizong may have been carted off by the Jurchen, it is tempting to speculate again here that it was this copy that the Jurchen emperor then presented to the physician, but far more likely it was simply another copy of the work. According to Xu Chan, his uncle expressed confidence that the pictures could easily be restored, but evidently this never happened. Thus when his family printed the book in 1167, no pictures were included. This edition is known as the Jingjiang edition after the place where it was published.17 Presumably it was printed there simply because Xu Chan happened to be residing in Jingjiang around that time. Fortuitously, a copy of this edition has been preserved in the National Palace Museum (Taiwan).

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As the oldest surviving edition, it is generally regarded as the most reliable and has also been used as the base text for this translation.18 Following its publication, the text remained well known, as attested by its frequent mention in catalogues of later dynasties.19 However, by the Qing dynasty it appears that the Jingjiang edition was no longer available and that attempts were made by Qing scholars to prepare a new edition based on circulating manuscript copies. One of the most notable efforts at preparing a new edition was made by the late Ming scholar Zheng Xiuzhong; this edition no longer survives, however, and we only know about it through comments in the works of later bibliographers. Notably, Bao Tingbo (1728–1814) used it to compile his own edition, known as the Zhibuzu zhai (“knowledge knows no end” studio) edition. Bao’s colophon to this edition remarks, Recently, the only [copies of the book] that circulate widely are the reedition by Zheng Xiuzhong from Haiyan.20 [However, this edition] contains many thousands of missing characters, and the order of chapter 27 has been messed up to the point that it cannot be read. Hu Xiake of the same village [as Zheng?] once collated it with a hand-copied version of the Song edition, but he only corrected ten-odd characters. Although the copy I have at home is not well copied, it is comparatively complete. Therefore I have collated it with the Zheng edition and published it so that it can circulate. The parts that are at odds with the Zheng edition have been noted, and there are still minor omissions. We still have to wait until there is someone among households with knowledge of antiquity who has a Song edition, which can then be used to correct [my work].21

The edition contained in the Zhibuzu zhai series, which comprised thirty volumes of precious books in his collection, established itself as the most authoritative edition.22 The Siku quanshu (Complete library of the Four Treasuries) edition, compiled between 1773 and 1782, roughly the same time as Zhibuzu zhai, also includes the Illustrated Account, but it is based on an inferior manuscript with many mistakes and omissions.23 Although Bao Tingbo claims to have based his edition on the Zheng edition,24 from his comments it is clear that the Zheng version must have contained many mistakes and missing parts.25 The missing parts were probably restored with the help of Hu Xiake’s manuscript, allegedly a copy of the Jing­jiang edition. This appears likely because comparison of the Zhibuzai and Jingjiang editions shows that differences are on the whole rather small.26 Since the Jingjiang edition resurfaced in the modern period only after the



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National Palace Museum collection was catalogued around 1925, many modern editions actually continued to refer to the Zhibuzu zhai edition, which is still important. The significance of the Zhibuzu shai is not based solely on its ubiquity; it also provides important emendations for the characters suppressed in the Jingjiang edition because of the taboo on using characters from the personal names of Song emperors. Bao has done the readers a great service by adding the original characters in notes.27 The circumstances of how the 1167 Jingjiang edition came into the imperial library known as the Tianlu linlang (gems of heavenly favors) collection28 remain a mystery. Scholars have traced the ownership of this single remaining copy of the Jingjiang edition to the late Ming–early Qing scholar Qian Qianyi (1582–1664). It was passed on from him to his greatgrandson Qian Zeng (1629–1701),29 whose stamp can still be found at the beginning of each chapter below the chapter title. Furthermore, we know that in 1704 the scholar Mao Yi (n.d.) borrowed a copy of the Jingjiang edition from his colleague Song Luo (1634–1713). Most scholars infer that Song had somehow acquired the copy previously held by Qian Zeng.30 Thereafter the work goes off the radar until it is rediscovered in 1925. No mention is made of the work in the 1775 catalogue of the Tianlu linlang collection, but it is included in the catalogue published in 1884, suggesting that it must have entered the collection between these dates.31 The first person to have had access to this Jingjiang edition, after the Imperial Palace collections became accessible to the public following the end of the Qing dynasty, was Fu Zengxiang, who was put in charge of cataloguing the collection. Finally, in 1932 a selection of rare books from the Tianlu linlang collection, including the Illustrated Account, was reprinted as the Tianlu linlang congshu, The same year also saw publication of the first modern text-critical edition by Imanishi Ryū. Imanishi’s effort was based on the Zhibuzu zhai edition but collated with the Jing­jiang edition. Although Imanishi did not have direct access to the Jingjiang edition, he did take note of a list of corrections prepared by a Chinese scholar. But despite the fact that many modern editions have been published in the meantime, I have not to date seen a true text-critical edition that emendates on the basis of all available versions. The translation by Cho Tongwŏn has proven invaluable, as it includes the Jingjiang as the source text collated with the Zhibuzu zhai and Siku quanshu editions. However, no modern edition has as yet taken note of the contributions of Qing or Republican period bibliographers, some of whom had access to manuscripts that are no longer available. Notably, two manuscripts preserved in the library of Peking National University sound promising but could not be consulted for this translation. One was prepared by an early Qing scholar, Mao

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Yi, who was one of the few to have access to the Jingjiang edition and used it to emendate with all other editions; the other was produced by Fu Zengxiang (1872–1949), the first modern-day head of the Palace Museum library, who also prepared a critical edition that he never managed to see into print.32 One final problem that needs to be discussed regarding the history of the text is the existence (or not) of a Korean edition. Bao Tingbo in his colophon again offers a tantalizing clue, claiming to have heard of a Koryŏ edition in the collection of a fellow bibliophile, a Mr. Zhao from Hangzhou.33 Another collector, Wu Shouyang (1771–1831), reprises the same information but adds something about his own endeavors to track down the Korean copy. I have heard that Mr. Zhao from our prefecture34 had a Koryŏ copy in his Xiaoshandang collection, but I do not know when it was carved [on printing blocks]. Previously when I was in the capital, I met the Korean envoy Pak Sugi and asked him about this book, and he said that there were many editions in his country; unfortunately no one has ever brought a copy to China.35

Rumors clearly circulated during the Qing period about a Koryŏ (i.e., Korean, not necessarily from the Koryŏ dynasty) edition, but nobody had ever managed to lay hands on an actual copy. I could find no information about a Pak Sugi, so perhaps he was a minor official who joined one of the frequent Chosŏn missions to Qing China. But how reliable was his information? As mentioned above, soon after its composition the Koryŏ envoy Kim Pusik heard about and possibly saw the Illustrated Account. The fact that the History of Koryŏ quotes from the biography of Kim Pusik by Xu Jing,36 and also quotes at least one other passage from that work,37 strongly suggests that the work had been transmitted to Koryŏ. In fact, many other works of the late Koryŏ–early Chosŏn period also mention it, so there is a good chance that it circulated in Korea. Yannick Bruneton, in his study of this problem, points out, however, that only a few passages are repeatedly quoted. It is thus possible that only fragments of the work were known or that very few people had access to it.38 It is therefore hardly surprising that Yi Tŏngmu (1741–1793) in an exchange with the Qing scholar Pan Tingyun (fl. 1769–1778) wrote that the work did not exist in Korea.39 Even if a full copy had ever circulated in Korea, by the late Chosŏn period it had clearly disappeared. It was only after the publication of Bao Tingbo’s Zhibuzu zhai edition of the work that



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Koreans were apprised of its contents and reintroduced it to Korea. Thus the late Chosŏn manuscripts of the work that have been preserved seem to have been copied from Bao Tingbo’s Zhibuzu zhai edition. One copy held at the Kyujanggak archives (Kyujang 2190) is a case in point: it includes Bao’s colophon and is clearly copied from his edition. Interestingly, it carries a stamp showing it was once in Yi Tŏngmu’s collection (Ajŏngjang p’an).40 This would also explain the reply Wu Shouyang received from Pak Sugi. By that time the work had been reintroduced to Korea and even printed as part of a Chosŏn edition of the Zhibuzu zhai collection in 1822. Thus Pak was right in saying there were Korean editions, but they were not the kinds of editions Wu had in mind.

International Relations and the Description of Other Countries In his introduction, Xu Jing resolutely places his work in the context of a long tradition of gathering geographic and political information about other countries. From antiquity, he argues, “the Zhou knew about all [the neighboring barbarians’] strengths and weaknesses . . . all this [information about foreign countries] was reported to the king, enabling him to obtain comprehensive knowledge of all that happened in the under-heaven” and thanks to this knowledge could ensure that these foreign countries would pledge allegiance to the Zhou ruler. He especially invokes the example of Zhang Qian, who, sent out on a mission to make contact with the Yuezhi in 139 BCE, was captured by the Xiongnu and after many tribulations returned to Chang’an, capital of the Western Han dynasty, in 126 BCE. He brought back invaluable information about peoples beyond China’s borders that could be used to formulate foreign policy. In Xu’s view, geographical information in particular, but also information about culture, the political system, the military, in short, virtually every aspect of another country, could prove useful and thus worth recording. Xu’s interpretation of “foreign intelligence gathering” is of course somewhat self-serving, as he is keen to promote his own work, arguing that it is an improvement over anything else available. It is also a selective reading of historical sources to justify this particular approach. In fact, if we look at the history of Chinese dynasties’ interactions with other countries, the dominant model was that of tribute-investiture relations, also sometimes known as the “Chinese world order” in the famous formulation of this model by John Fairbank. In this view, China did not need information about foreign countries. As long as the empire was well regulated and the emperor virtuous, its “virtue” would ensure that “barbar-

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ians” would of themselves come to the Chinese empire to offer tribute in return for the privilege of partaking of Chinese culture. Of course this was a fiction that for most of the time was understood by everybody involved as merely an ideal. In fact, the origins of this system lay not with the Zhou, as Xu believed, but with the Western Han dynasty (202 BCE–9 CE). Confronted with nomadic incursions, the Han court gave lavish gifts to effectively buy off the nomadic rulers. Internally, this was represented as the munificent bestowal of Chinese cultural goods in return for barbarian “tribute” gifts.41 Yet, in time, the fiction of Chinese self-sufficiency and barbarian deficiency became so powerful that all diplomatic relations could virtually only be conceived of in terms of unequal relations between the Chinese emperor as universal sovereign and inferior vassal kings. Especially at times when the Chinese empire was powerful, most political leaders would see little use in knowing about inferior barbarians. Yet the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127) was keenly aware that it was in no shape to impose this model on the “barbarian” states with which it coexisted. Indeed, states like the Khitan Liao (916–1125) and the Jurchen Jin (1115–1234) adopted the very same model, trying, for example, to fit Koryŏ into the role of vassal. There was thus effectively a multipolar order between the tenth and thirteenth centuries, and the rhetoric of “tribute-investiture” relations was mostly at odds with reality.42 Thus to force Koryŏ into its orbit, Song knew that it had to compete with rival states, and to manipulate Koryŏ into such a position it needed information about that country, hence the importance of a work like the Illustrated Account, of which Xu Jing was well aware. But while the work seeks to convey information on Koryŏ, it at the same time cannot escape the model of cultural superiority, as we will see in several instances. But before looking at the peculiarities of the text and the other texts it takes as its model, it is important first of all to understand the international situation that preceded the creation of the Illustrated Account. The First Phase of Song-Koryŏ Interaction Korea is often portrayed as the perfect vassal state to China’s suzerain. Many scholars have pointed out that from the Three Kingdoms period onward, Korean states almost without fail sent regular tribute missions to China, returning with cultural artifacts such as books but also with a variety of other cultural artifacts, products, and knowledge. Chinese missions to Korea were much less frequent and usually took place only to convey an edict of investiture to a new king, which in any case did not



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13

constitute actual interference in Korean affairs. A case in point is Unified Silla. Though priding itself on being a “country of gentlemen” and first among all the envoys to be received by the emperor,43 Silla vigorously fought off a Tang invasion in 676 to safeguard its independence. The fact that tribute missions resumed in 703, not too long after hostilities ceased, shows that Silla’s pledge of loyalty can be seen as an act of reconciliation rather than one of submission. In other words, it chose to engage in tribute relations according to its needs; for example, Peter Yun’s research has shown that relations between Unified Silla and Tang were most intense during periods when Parhae was belligerent and Unified Silla and Tang sought to contain it.44 Thus, although the almost unbroken record of missions sent by Korean states to Chinese empires from the third century CE to the late nineteenth century is indeed the mark of a unique relationship, it is important to understand that the loose framework of tribute-investiture masked a variety of diplomatic maneuverings, from attempted interference to routine event, from mutual manipulation to genuine belief in the system’s benefits. The period of Song-Koryŏ interaction also shows the multiplicity of functions lurking behind the diplomatic protocol of the time. Koryŏ sent its first mission to Song in 962, two years after the founding of Song but forty-four years after the founding of Koryŏ. During the so-called Five Dynasties era (907–960), northern China was ruled by five short-lived dynasties that sought to reclaim the hegemony of the Tang dynasty, while several important dynasties existed in the south as well. In 932 Wang Kŏn, for the first time since he founded the Koryŏ dynasty in 918, received investiture from the Later Tang dynasty (923–934), though diplomatic contacts with Chinese states had started much earlier. One year prior, the rival state of Later Paekche (900–936) had sent a mission to Wu Yue (ca. 907–978), a state in the area of modern Zhejiang province, and Chinese states had been asked to mediate in the conflicts on the Korean peninsula. Thus pledging allegiance to a Chinese state, solidified in the granting of an official title, was instrumental in establishing hegemony. At the very least it formed a kind of symbolic capital and helped to boost the prestige of the new ruler.45 Often it could also function as an alliance: the vassal state could request military protection from its suzerain, as Silla did with Tang. Given the volatile situation in Northeast Asia, the early Koryŏ monarchs hedged their bets by seeking contacts with various states while at the same time proclaiming their independence within this “sinitic order.” This is best expressed by the adoption by T’aejo and by Kwangjong (r. 949–975) of reign titles (yŏnho, Ch. nianhao). Nominally, the right to deter-

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mine the calendar resided with the Son of Heaven. One of the important prerogatives of the emperor as suzerain was to bestow the calendar on vassals; this included the designation of reign titles, as explained by Xu Jing in the section on “the correct calendar” in chapter 40. After pledging to become a vassal, Koryŏ was supposed to follow the calendar of the suzerain country.46 Following the founding of the Song dynasty, it became clear that a more stable power structure had emerged. King Kwangjong in 962 sent a mission to the Song capital and when investiture was conferred gave up independent reign titles.47 This was the start of a period of interaction that would last more than two centuries.48 The relationship between the two countries was anything but stable, however, subject as it was to fluctuations in the international political situation and the evolving needs of the actors involved. Altogether Koryŏ sent about sixty official missions to the Northern Song, while receiving about thirty.49 While most missions had strictly defined purposes—such as offering condolence or presenting an edict of investiture—from which the envoys were not supposed to stray, it is obvious that many missions had hidden agendas that need to be investigated. Also, though trade is virtually never mentioned in official communications, it was an important part of these missions; in some cases it may have even been the main driving force.50 In addition to the official missions among countries, Song trading ships that visited Koryŏ sometimes took on a semi-official character. Besides the general prestige and surreptitious trading benefits that both sides derived, there were very concrete purposes to the official missions. Having subjugated all rival states by 978, Song turned its attention to the Khitan Liao, which sat on its northern border; particularly it sought to recover the sixteen prefectures around modern Beijing that it regarded as an integral part of China. In 979 Emperor Taizong launched an all-out offensive to recapture this territory but met with a resounding defeat. In 985, in preparation for another offensive the following year, Song sent a mission to Koryŏ to ask it to join forces against Liao.51 Although Koryŏ pledged to ally with China in that effort, it did not keep that promise. This is an instance of Song China trying the age-old tactic of playing one barbarian off against another, yet at the same time it seems to have considered Koryŏ a natural ally52 based on the history of cordial relations. This expectation toward Koryŏ would continue to be a factor in all the Northern Song’s further relations with Korea. Koryŏ for its part is widely thought to have harbored strong antipathy to Liao, especially after the Khitan annihilated Parhae in 926. Despite initial exchanges, the dynastic founder, T’aejo, broke off all relations with



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the Liao: in 942, he reportedly starved camels sent as presents by the Liao emperor and banished to an island the envoys who had brought them.53 Yet by 985, King Sŏngjong deemed it prudent to avoid entering into a war together with an ally that had proven no match for the Liao armies, and, indeed, the 986 demarche also ended in failure. Despite the fact that Koryŏ never cooperated with Song in its military exploits against the Liao, Liao did not want to risk being wedged between two enemies and so sought to break the Song-Koryŏ alliance. In 993 it launched a punitive expedition into Koryŏ, which retreated after its representative, Sŏ Hŭi, pledged that Koryŏ would become vassal to Liao.54 In 994 Koryŏ sent an embassy to Liao, and the same year it switched from the Song to the Liao calendar, signifying that it had now shifted its allegiance from Song to Liao. Yet this shift was not wholehearted; in 994, barely four months after dispatching a tribute mission to Liao, Sŏngjong sent a request to Song to attack Liao.55 Following the conclusion of the Shanyuan treaty in 1005, which put an end to all hostilities between Song and Liao, the Liao had the opportunity to give its full attention to Koryŏ without fear of Song attacks. In 1009 a palace coup in which King Mokchong (r. 997–1009) was dethroned and then killed provided the perfect excuse for Liao interference in Korean affairs. Invoking the right to intervene in an illegal succession in its vassal state, Liao launched another invasion, this time for real. Khitan troops broke through Koryŏ’s border defenses and took the capital, Kaesŏng, which they occupied for more than a week before withdrawing. Rather than breaking the resistance of King Hyŏnjong (r. 1009–1031) and his court, however, it rekindled Korea’s interest in returning its allegiance to Song. Hyŏnjong sent many envoys to Song, but though they were all cordially received, the Song did not take action; neither did they send any investiture mission. Koryŏ finally made peace with Liao in 1022 and to all appearances henceforth behaved as a loyal vassal. Hyŏnjong sent one last official mission to Song in 1030, but after that there were no official contacts for the next forty years. Song and Koryŏ sources unanimously agree that the Koreans looked up to Chinese civilization and sincerely wanted to remain within the “Chinese world order.” Khitan is represented as the spoilsport who intervened to prevent the star-crossed lovers from meeting, much as in the herd boy– weaver girl legend. This view has found its way into most modern scholarship, which takes it for granted that the Koryŏans uniformly despised the uncouth Khitans.56 Recent scholarship has started to question this assumption, pointing out the pervasive influence of Khitan culture that can be seen in eleventh-century Koryŏ and the generally cordial relations that characterized interactions throughout that century.57 Remco Breuker is prob-

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ably right in arguing that much of the invective against the Khitans stems from Hyŏnjong, whose reign was blighted from the beginning by Khitan attacks.58 The Liao regarded him as a usurper whose killing of the legitimate ruler, Mokchong, justified the invasions. The young king was himself traumatized soon after being placed on the throne by the harrowing flight from the palace he had to undertake because of a Khitan invasion.59 Michael Rogers has rightly pointed out that Hyŏnjong so hated dealing with the Khitan that he staged his own death, which according to Liao records took place in 1022. The ploy apparently succeeded, as we find that the Khitan believed that his son Hŭm (Tŏkchong) took the throne in that year whereas he actually became king in 1031. Rogers postulates that by staging his own death, Hyŏnjong could absolve himself of the shame of having to receive investiture from his tormentors, an event he had been obliged to accept in the fourth month of 1022 to finalize peace with the Liao. After being informed of Hyŏnjong’s death, the unsuspecting Liao agreed to invest his son Hŭm as the new king of Koryŏ. From Koryŏ’s perspective, Liao’s investing a “fake king” meant that the ritual of investiture could be regarded as null and void.60 This creative deception has also left its traces in the Illustrated Account. The Chinese, long suspicious of the succession of Koryŏ kings, frequently interviewed visiting Koreans on problematic issues.61 In the Illustrated Account Xu Jing is the first to present a succession that seemed to resolve all problems, one of the probable reasons for his work’s success. Yet for the period 1022–1031, what we know to be the second half of Hyŏnjong’s reign, we find in the record neither Hyŏnjong nor Tŏkchong but another king whose name was Wang Yung and whose posthumous title was Chŏngjong. He is described as “unremittingly weak.” He was “inattentive to government affairs and abrogated his power. Afraid of the northern caitiffs, he again became subservient to them, so the tribute embassies [to Song] were discontinued” (see chapter 2). He is the antithesis of Wang Sun (Hyŏnjong), who is depicted by Xu Jing as a model vassal, loyal to Song to the end. Thus, King Chŏngjong is probably a confection of the Koreans, made up by way of an apology for cutting off diplomatic contacts.62 The King Chŏngjong fiction shows that diplomatic correspondence of the time cannot be read as simply reflecting a country’s real agenda. The discourse of tribute-investiture relations was adapted by each side to construct a mutually agreeable account; all concerned knew and tolerated a certain degree of deception as long as each side’s interests were served. Thus did Song officials spin the peace treaty with the Liao—which in fact put the two empires on equal terms—to fit it into the fiction of a superior China. But Koryŏ seems to have gone very far in creating a parallel dip-



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lomatic universe (actually universes, because they were different for the Liao and for the Song), which satisfied their interlocutors but which did not necessarily conform to the facts, to their actual feelings, or to the internal discourse. Xu Jing seems to have unwittingly played a part in that ploy, which means that we have to carefully parse his statements about Koryŏ to uncover the Koryŏ “spin” that he failed to spot (or perhaps chose to ignore). Resumption of Relations with Song Although official exchanges with Song were completely interrupted after 1030, unofficial contacts abounded. Trading ships from Song arrived virtually every year at Kaesŏng’s harbor on the Yesŏng River.63 Sometimes they even seem to have received a quasi-official reception, being invited to the P’algwanhoe ritual, an originally Buddhist ritual that took place in the middle of the eleventh month. Although the name of the ritual refers to the “eight commandments” (p’algwan) that lay Buddhists were to observe on certain designated penance days, in Korea it was transformed into a kind of festival that involved both visits to temples and large-scale enactments of various ancient Korean traditions. As it took place on a day close to the winter solstice, the ritual was probably meant to propitiate heaven so that the days would lengthen again. Since representatives of other countries were also often present, and since these foreigners often presented goods, the P’algwanhoe can be regarded as Koryŏ’s attempt at making itself the “center of the universe,” which is so typical of the tribute-investiture system; in other words, Koryŏ adopted the role of suzerain rather than that of vassal in this case.64 It is therefore hardly surprising that when King Munjong (r. 1046–1083) proposed to resume official contact with Song, his ministers refused, saying that they had nothing to gain from it.65 Song had other ideas, however. In 1068 the Song government sent the merchant Huang Zhen on a mission to probe Koryŏ’s interest in resuming official relations.66 Munjong jumped at this chance. Since the initiative came from China, he managed to override any protests and set everything in motion for the dispatch of a diplomatic mission. Of course, following the fictional narrative of the tribute system, it was not up to the emperor to initiate such an arrangement; the vassal country was supposed to offer tribute of its own accord, attracted by the emperor’s virtue. After receiving confirmation that the Song court’s overtures were serious, Munjong sent Kim Che on a tribute mission to Song in 1071,67 thus initiating a period of intense diplomatic contact that would last until the end of the Northern Song period.

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What had moved Song to change course? As Michael Rogers points out, the resumption of exchanges coincided with a new political wind in Song. In the year 1068 Wang Anshi came to power, initiating his “new policy,” a program of ambitious economic and political reform designed to simultaneously boost state revenue and increase private wealth. Although there is no explicit evidence that Wang Anshi also advocated more active foreign relations, it is clear that after Shenzong came to the throne in 1067, he looked to Wang, an ambitious young reformist, to implement wideranging policy changes. It is also striking that some of the most vehement opponents to Song’s policy of fostering good relations with Koryŏ, such as Su Shi and Ouyang Xiu, were also political opponents of Wang Anshi. They opposed virtually everything he did, so their xenophobic distrust of Koryŏ may have been inspired by their antipathy to the person they regarded as the originator of the Koryŏ policy. Exactly what Wang sought to gain from making overtures and showing generous concern to Koryŏ is hard to fathom. Michael Rogers points to Wang’s advice to Shenzong that it was important to “attract at least the outward forms of allegiance” on the part of foreign countries, which in turn could exert a positive effect on other states’ decision to pledge allegiance.68 Wang also tapped into previous policy formulations about Koryŏ, notably the 1043 memorial by Fu Bi (1004–1083). Fu Bi tried to think beyond the traditional ploy of playing barbarians against each other. He pointed out that Koryŏ was a reluctant vassal to Liao and that it was emotionally and culturally tied to China.69 We cannot exclude the possibility that Wang wanted to set up Koryŏ against Liao, but he seems to have been aware of the inherent naïvety of following a policy that failed time and again; he seems rather to have been more interested in genuinely bringing Koryŏ within China’s sphere of influence. After all, if Koryŏ would switch allegiance to Song, it would boost China’s morale while deflating that of the Khitan. Finally, given his interest in garnering more revenue, one can also wonder if Wang was interested in controlling and taxing the lucrative trade between Song and Koryŏ. Kim Che’s 1071 mission probably relayed a request for medical help to cure Munjong’s illness, and the next year Song sent some of its most qualified doctors to tend to the king. Thus, these Chinese physicians were initially sent out to prepare the ground for an official mission. An official “state letter” (Ch. guoxin, K. kuksin) embassy was dispatched in 1078. This was the beginning of the Yuanfeng era (1078–1085), the heyday of Wang’s reforms and also of exchanges with Koryŏ. Xu Jing refers to the “Yuanfeng system” several times, with evident admiration, as something that set the tone for his own mission. Since Koryŏ was still vassal to Liao,



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the Song emperor could not send a mission of investiture to grant titles to the Koryŏ king and bestow the calendar; hence a different diplomatic format would have to be devised for dealing with Koryŏ—the “Yuanfeng system.” The Yuanfeng diplomatic arrangement, rather than an actual system, is probably better characterized as a set of precedents, a model to which Xu Jing’s embassy referred. Although Koryŏ’s vassalage to Liao prevented Song from sending investiture embassies, virtually every other kind of embassy was deployed. The Koryŏ missions are described as “tribute” (Ch. gong, K. kong) missions offering local products; they are also often described as missions of gratitude (Ch. xie’en, K. saŭn), for example to thank Song for sending medicine and doctors.70 Song for its part sent comparatively few official embassies. In general, according to the diplomatic practice of the period, Song China could send either formal or political embassies. Formal embassies could be dispatched either at regular times—for example to offer new year’s greetings or congratulations on the ruler’s birthday—or could be organized ad hoc—for example to offer condolences on the death of the sovereign of the other country. Thus formal embassies were mainly about maintaining decorum and did not serve to discuss important inter-state issues. Matters of state were reserved for political embassies, in which case the envoys were designated as “state-letter envoys” (Ch. guoxinshi, K. kuksinsa). This system was organized for dealings between Song and Liao as codified in the context of the Shanyuan treaty.71 And while there are many parallels with practices in dealing with Koryŏ, the system generally seems to have been much less formalized and hence the goals of the missions often hard to discern. On the whole, however, the diplomatic level of the embassies was on a par with those to Liao, especially during the reign of Huizong, who upgraded the embassies to Koryŏ to the level of state-letter embassies.72 In total, including Xu Jing’s mission, the Northern Song sent only four official embassies to Koryŏ between 1078 and 1123 (see table 1). Given its importance as precedent, it is worth taking a closer look at the first mission. Xu, in chapter 2 of the Illustrated Account, records that “in the first year of Yuanfeng (1078), the emperor appointed Junior Grand Master of Remonstrance An Tao as state-letter envoy, and he was seconded by the imperial diarist, Chen Mu.” According to Xu, this was in response to three previous tribute embassies sent by King Munjong. Since Munjong was gravely ill at the time the embassy arrived, however, “all he could do was pay his respects to the imperial mandate and request physicians and medicine” (see chapter 2). The next year Emperor Shenzong duly sent a group of Hanlin physicians to Koryŏ, together with a pharmacopeia.73

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Table 1: Official Northern Song missions to Koryŏ following the resumption of relations year

officials involved

1078

An Tao, Chen Mu

1084

Yang Jinglüe, Wang Shunfeng

1103

Liu Kui, Wu Shi

1123

Lu Yundi, Fu Moqing

purpose

Condolence Condolence and congratulation

Besides an obvious concern for the welfare of the Korean king, another feature of the embassy was its transmission of Chinese culture. As Keith Pratt has shown, music in particular played an important part in the exchanges between Song and Koryŏ in the latter decades of the Northern Song. The 1078 mission brought a wide array of Chinese instruments to Korea; other evidence points to the fact that even before 1078 Chinese dance, instruments, and music were being transmitted to Koryŏ.74 This sort of cultural exchange would culminate in the 1116 Koryŏ mission led by Wang Chaji, which brought back the whole set of instruments and ritual paraphernalia needed for the court music newly designed by Emperor Huizong.75 At the same time, Koryŏ was allowed to send students to China to study both Confucian classics and music; one even received the honor of being personally tested by Huizong. Thus, although the 1078 embassy to some had the appearance of a political embassy, in fact it was more of a cultural mission. Shenzong and his advisors clearly took their own rhetoric seriously in the sense that they went all out to “embrace the barbarians by virtue” rather than by force.76 One feature of these missions was the extreme attention paid to details; it is said that Shenzong even replaced one envoy because he looked afraid of undertaking the mission and thus might make an unfavorable impression on the Koreans.77 The Koreans, in turn, took great care in their reception of the embassy; according to Xu, Munjong transformed a detached palace into the hostel for the envoys, which was therefore luxuriously appointed (chapter 27). Munjong also issued strict orders that no errors would be tolerated in the reception of the Chinese envoys.78 Thus the first delegation from the Song in nearly a century was highly anticipated. Although the statement that people still remembered that embassy after so long is likely exaggeration, there was nevertheless probably a genuine sense of pride and excitement attendant on the event. But despite all the preparations, the apparent avarice of the envoys made a poor impression on the Koreans. Having been showered with a great variety of precious gifts and even rice, the Chinese claimed that they could not carry every-



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thing back and were thus allowed to sell superfluous gifts for silver. The Koreans would probably have overlooked this somewhat suspect and greedy request had the envoys not also asked to be given smaller daily rations in exchange for silver. The History of Koryŏ therefore does not mince its words: “An Tao and Chen Mu had an avaricious nature . . . after the interruption of relations, we had not seen Chinese envoys for a long time. When we heard they would finally come, we were full of expectation and hope; we did not expect it would come to this.”79 This incident serves to illustrate the gap between lofty rhetoric and reality; it suggests that the Chinese envoys in fact looked down on the Koreans and that economic gain may have been a much stronger motive than the sources let on. This is also evident from the way Koryŏ tribute was handled by the Chinese. Wang Anshi—or at least his officials—had stipulated that the tribute brought by Koreans was to be turned over to the “trade and barter bureau,” which would recompense them in silk.80 It is not clear whether or not this exchange brought any economic gain to either side, but it is certain that it stimulated trade. The embassies also incurred a great deal of expense: funds had to be provided to cater to the needs of the Korean envoys on their way to the capital, Kaifeng, and a hostel had to be prepared to lodge them during their stay there. But the Koreans had to provide the same facilities for Song envoys going in the opposite direction, so the burden was not one-sided. The expense of hosting the Korean embassy together with the Koreans’ demands for books would provide fodder for the anti-Wang Anshi lobby. When Shenzong died in 1085, Wang lost power and his opponents, notably Sima Guang (1019–1086) and Su Shi (Su Dongpo, 1037–1101), were restored to their place in the central government. Although Koryŏ envoys continued to arrive, they now found their movements much restricted and most of their requests for books rejected. Su Shi in particular is famous for a slew of memorials in which he cynically dismisses the whole venture of dealing with Koryŏ as a waste of money and a security disaster. He argued that the burden of catering for the envoys ultimately fell on the people, who had to provide food and shelter for the Korean embassies— which could easily include a hundred or more members—on their way from the harbor at Mingzhou (modern Ningbo) to Kaifeng. He also lashed out at the greedy Song merchants who lobbied for more business contacts in Korea and sometimes brought Korean traders home. But arguably his main concern was that the Koreans were in fact conniving with Liao and passing on to their overlord all the information they could gather. Thus he advocated restricting the movement of visiting Koreans as much as possible and recommended forbidding the sale of books to them.81 Thus under Emperor Zhezong (1085–1100), most of the reform poli-

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cies advocated by Wang Anshi, including those pertaining to foreign policy, were rescinded and missions to Korea came to an end, the last one being the 1084 mission to offer condolences for the death of King Munjong.82 When Zhezong died in 1100, his younger brother, later styled Huizong, came to the throne, and after initially trying to rise above the fierce factional fighting between advocates and opponents of Wang’s New Policies, in 1102, he firmly put his weight behind the reform party, now spearheaded by Cai Jing.83 To symbolize his intention of continuing the policies first enacted under his father, he chose Chongning, or “venerating the Xining era,” (1068–1077) as the new era name. Thus it is no surprise that a more activist foreign policy was also rekindled, and the very next year (1103) a new embassy was sent to Koryŏ, the first in eighteen years.84 The 1103 mission is especially important for the fact that it is known to have led to the compilation of probably two detailed records on Korea, the Monograph on Kyerim (Jilin zhi, K. Kyerim chi) and the Classified Affairs of Kyerim (Jilin leishi, K. Kyerim yusa), both predecessors of the Illustrated Account. Contacts between the two countries intensified again as Huizong sought to ply the Koreans with generous cultural gifts, especially the new ritual music of the Dasheng Institute based on a scale that used the length of Huizong’s fingers as unit measurements. The full set of instruments and everything else needed to perform this ritual music was bestowed during the 1116 mission led by Yi Charyang and Yi Yŏng.85 However, this generosity was no longer merely to bring Koryŏ within the Song orbit. The international situation had drastically changed by then: the Liao dynasty was clearly in crisis, and Huizong and his ministers were looking to the Jurchen to help them put the final nail in the Khitan coffin and thereby recover the long-coveted sixteen prefectures. The Song now expected the Koreans to make overtures to the Jur­ chen. Assuming that the Jurchen were a kind of client state to Koryŏ, they requested the Korean envoys of the 1116 embassy to bring Jurchen envoys to the Song court.86 The Koreans vehemently rejected this request and warned the Chinese that the Jurchen were the real enemies; the Liao, the Koreans argued, could form a buffer against the Jurchen and therefore should be retained as allies.87 The episode again shows the huge gap between the rhetoric of cultural relations found in the official sources and the secret negotiations aimed at very concrete military and political goals. Interestingly, after the first communications on this in 1116, it was left to court physicians sent in 1118 to carry the secret missive meant to convince the Jurchen to come to the Song court.88 This also shows that counter to the claims of Huizong and Cai Jing that they were reviving Shenzong’s policies, they in fact went far beyond them. An Tao’s role in the 1078 mission



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clearly proves that in terms of international policy, Shenzong’s ministers tried to use diplomatic levers first and foremost, with no evidence of military goals. In comparison, Huizong’s attempts to lure Koryŏ can perhaps best be described as ill-considered. Meanwhile the Jurchen had founded their own state, the Jin, in 1115 and set about conquering what remained of the Liao state. Song belatedly managed to send a mission to the new Jin court in 1120, and the Jur­ chen eventually gave their lukewarm approval to an alliance. But it soon became clear that the Song generals could not even vanquish a greatly weakened Liao, and the Jin thus proceeded with eliminating Liao resistance, which they achieved in 1124. Meanwhile Koryŏ had made its own preparations for this radically altered balance of power when in 1116 they renounced the Liao calendar and also refused Liao’s requests for help against the Jurchen attacks. After 1116, Koryŏ was thus effectively an independent realm. Negotiations with Jin started the following year, but the Koreans did not make an immediate decision on whom to ally with and in what form.

Map 1: Northeast Asia ca. 1123.

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It is in this context that the mission of which Xu Jing was a part was commissioned in 1122. Although the original goal is not stated in the sources, almost certainly the intent was to make Koryŏ a vassal to Song; it would have been clear to the Chinese that the Jin was poised to make Koryŏ its vassal and that the Koreans’ warning about the Jin threat could become reality. When news came that King Yejong had died, the scope of the mission was enlarged to include the conveyance of condolences. The Chinese undoubtedly regarded this as an opportunity—perhaps the new king would prove amenable to accepting Chinese investiture. Although Xu Jing never anywhere in his work engages the real international context, his positive description of the young Injong (see chapter 2) was surely meant to convey the hope that he would be amenable. In fact, the History of Koryŏ explicitly quotes Lu Yundi’s verbal message to the young king, relaying the emperor’s invitation to request the mandate; King Injong wisely declined.89 Although the Koreans declined the Song court’s offer of renewed vassalage, they may well have been tempted to resume the relationship with Song first established in 962. However, following heated discussions in 1126, they saw acceptance of vassal status to Jin as inevitable. Kim Pusik— another person in whom the Chinese must have put their trust, given the glowing biography Xu devotes to him in chapter 8 of the Account—was sent on a mission the same year to congratulate Qinzong, the last emperor of the Northern Song, on his accession to the throne. Xu Jing had already been discredited, and Kim Pusik could not even make it to the capital, which was then controlled by the Jurchen. We do not know his thoughts, but although historiography usually describes him as a sinophile, he could only confirm that Koryŏ had taken the right decision in not giving assistance to the moribund Northern Song regime.

An Analysis of the Work’s Main Features In his preface, Xu Jing compares his work with that of his predecessor, Wang Yun, which was based on the 1103 mission to Koryŏ. Xu claims to have verified the information contained in Wang’s Monograph on Kyerim and then corrected and supplemented it and also added pictures. Since the Monograph on Kyerim has been lost, it is not clear how much Xu relied on this earlier work, but he seems to have been at least heavily influenced by its structure and general approach. During the translation of Wang’s work it also became clear that Xu relied heavily on descriptions of Koryŏ found in the accounts of foreign countries in the dynastic histories.



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Thus, rather than merely taking the Illustrated Account as a record of Xu Jing’s personal observations, we should also place it in the context of the long Chinese tradition of writing about other states. A better understanding of this context will make it easier to recognize the stereotypes: the images that Xu borrowed from other texts or that shaped his gaze. Although among his main sources were the “biographies” (liezhuan) of other countries found in the dynastic histories, in this section I will mainly focus on the travel literature from the Song dynasty that preceded Xu’s Account and in particular what the Song travelers had to say about Koryŏ. A lot of information came from dynastic histories, but it was especially the trends in Song writing culture that shaped Xu’s work. Context: Travel Records and Embassy Accounts Just as Julius Caesar’s De Bello Gallico provides the first glimpses of the culture and history of what is now France and Belgium, accounts in Chinese dynastic histories provide the first known descriptions of states on the Korean peninsula. The Records of the Historian (Shiji) by Sima Qian (ca. 145–86 BCE) provided the prototype for later dynastic histories as well as for the first essays on foreign countries, including one on Korean states. Though the format of these histories is a combination of three types of text—annals, treatises, and biographies—the descriptions of foreign countries are surprisingly to be found among the biographies.90 On what these accounts of foreign countries are based is mostly unknown, but it is likely that foreign embassies were one of the main sources. What is more, during the early period, the commanderies established under Emperor Wu of Han (141–87 BCE), since they were established among Korean peoples, naturally had many contacts with them and thus also provided an important source of information. Not only did Xu Jing draw on the dynastic histories for information, he also followed most of this genre’s conventions in its depictions of the so-called barbarians. Another important source of inspiration was travel writing. In an interesting article on travel writing in the Song (960–1279), James Hargett points to a number of factors to explain the boom in travel literature (youji) that took place at that time. He reveals that the network of roads and waterways was better and more extensive than ever before, that Song literati seemed more inclined to write about their experience of daily life, and finally that the class of officials was more numerous than ever before and their careers more checkered.91 The habit of keeping diaries probably also influenced the many “embassy accounts” that emerged during the Song period. Hargett sees these as part of the youji tradition, since he defines

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youji mainly as diaries with strong subjective and imaginative qualities (the author’s personal reaction to what he sees and experiences). But I would hesitate to classify the Illustrated Account as travel literature; it is not in diary format, and, more than Xu Jing’s personal reactions, it contains mostly purely factual information. Whereas travel literature has a private and subjective quality, descriptions of foreign countries or travels abroad were nearly always the result of official missions and, given their official cachet, read more like bureaucratic reports than travel literature. Yet it is difficult to talk about “embassy accounts” as a distinct genre. The difficulty of trying to define them as a genre becomes apparent if we look at the “embassy accounts” predating the Illustrated Account. For the whole Northern Song period, only a scant number have been preserved, most of which deal with the Liao Empire. Following the Shanyuan treaty of 1005, the Song court sent annual missions for imperial birthdays and the observation of the new year, as well as for occasional events such as the death or enthronement of an emperor.92 Fu Lehuan, who wrote the authoritative study of the records of such missions, surmises that upon return, the ambassador was required to submit an official report on his mission. He furthermore proposes that the standardized format from at least 1028 was the yulu, or “conversation transcript,” probably a report that was delivered to the emperor; the “conversation” most likely refers to the talks with the Liao emperor or officials that were reported on. Finally, though they were presented in the name of the chief envoy, they were actually composed by the official translator.93 Regrettably, most of these yulu are no longer extant. Fu Lehuan identifies six that have been transmitted either in part or completely, a tiny fraction of the number that were originally composed. A closer look at these remnants reveals something of the genealogy of the Illustrated Account but also points to a few problems in drawing general conclusions about the “embassy account” as a genre, showing Fu’s arguments to be problematic. First, although Fu labels all embassy accounts as “conversation transcripts,” in fact most of the remaining ones—four—date to before 1028, the terminus ante quem for the use of this term. These four accounts— variously labeled record (ji), affair (shi), or account (lu)—are Lu Zhen’s record of 1009, Wang Zeng’s of 1012, Xue Ying’s of 1016, and Song Shou’s of 1020.94 The latter three exist only in fragmentary state because they were later recycled to form a new work, the Description of the Khitan (Qidan zhuan). Since each envoy took a route to a different one of the Liao’s five capitals, the descriptions of each respective route were simply excerpted in the new work. Later works were considered not to contribute much



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new information on these routes, hence the best parts of the earlier works were preserved and the rest of their contents, together with later reports, neglected.95 A second problem concerns another type of witness account predating the formalization of diplomatic relations. Accounts such as that by Hu Jiao, who was in Liao service between 947 and 953, are quite different in character from later yulu. Hu Jiao, for example, elaborates more on customs but also ventures into the grotesque, describing imaginary people such as the “dog-headed people.” His account was translated by Chavannes in 1887 but was later largely forgotten.96 Third is the matter of what rules governed the writing of these accounts. Though it is indeed likely that filing a report was compulsory, there was no explicit rule about this, as Fu admits but as later scholars gloss over.97 As late as Huizong’s reign, the emperor singled out one particular account of a mission to Liao and ordered his officials to take it as a model for how to write a report.98 This shows that the format was anything but standardized, hence the exact format was left to the initiative of the envoy or his translator. Given the routine aspect of many missions, there was likely not much interest in the reports, therefore in due course the reports became less and less important. Because of the perfunctory nature of many reports, officials sometimes felt that important information had been left out and supplemented them with additional memorials. This was the case for Su Che (1039–1112), who after the completion of his mission to Liao in 1089 submitted several additional reports. In one of these he claims that the yulu did not suffice to transmit everything that had transpired during his mission.99 It is not clear whether this means that the format was simply too short to convey everything or that it was not supposed to reveal certain sensitive issues. The fact that the issues he brought up in his additional reports are all sensitive ones—the health of the Liao emperor, matters of taxation and conscription, the Liao’s preparedness for war—suggests that the “conversation transcripts,” and perhaps the embassy accounts in general, were not intended to discuss the most sensitive aspects of the actual diplomatic negotiations that took place during the missions. This is further confirmed by examination of the only two extant complete yulu: the 1009 one by Lu Zhen and the 1067 one by Chen Xiang. The latter, which is the most extensive one, barely amounts to 10 percent of the Illustrated Account. Even a cursory glance at Chen Xiang’s yulu reveals some obvious shortcomings. Unlike previous reports (and also later ones), it forgoes a detailed description of the embassy’s progress, which in some reports takes up most of the space.100 As David Wright explains, this sort of information was probably omitted due to the fact that the route had been

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traveled for more than fifty years by Chen’s time and was therefore well known. What Chen does include is disappointing; 20 percent of his “conversation transcript” is taken up by a “quibble with Liao officials over seating arrangements,” while another 25 percent is a “transcript of the polite but largely inconsequential dialogue between members of his embassy and their Liao hosts and escorts.”101 Inconsequential indeed: most of the contents can best be described as gossip, mainly about previous illustrious ambassadors such as Ouyang Xiu and Fu Bi. This becomes even clearer when we compare with the important events chronicled in the historical records. An example is the negotiations between Fu Bi and the Khitan emperor during 1042, which were a matter of life and death. The peace treaty between Song and Liao was on the verge of a breakdown, and it was only thanks to Fu Bi’s bold arguments and skillful negotiation that war was averted.102 In short, then, we can see that before Xu Jing there was a long tradition of submitting embassy reports upon the completion of a mission but that these were often routine affairs; apart from detailed geographic description—actually very important, as this was of significant strategic value—they contained some general information on the protocol of the embassy but little of substance. All are quite short; none appears to be longer than a fascicle, and none is subdivided thematically. For the most part they are organized in a sort of diary format; they describe the main stages of the embassy, the places it passed through, and the reception it received at various watering holes along the way. They contain factual bits of information on customs and the military or political situation but are very uneven in this respect. Some contain gems of observation but never a comprehensive picture of the society the embassy is visiting. For example, none discuss the political system; one of the most important treatises on the Liao political situation, for example, was written by an envoy much later as a separate treatise.103 While Xu Jing’s work builds on this tradition in that it contains a description of the route and has little to report on actual diplomatic negotiations, it is unique in that he is the first to organize his work thematically, forgoing the diary format. As he submitted the work fully one year after completion of the mission of which he was a part, it is definitely not a yulu; such a work may have been submitted by another member of the embassy, but there is no record of it. As seen in the above discussion, the yulu format was considered insufficient, and there were also no strict guidelines as to its form and length; thus, Xu Jing probably sought to remedy these shortcomings by devising a new type of embassy account. The title of the work gives perhaps the best indication of the author’s



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intentions and the genre that he sought to emulate. As one of the few of these embassy accounts to have the title tujing (maps/illustrations and treatises),104 it seems clear that Xu Jing wanted to differentiate his work somewhat from other works. James Hargett has discovered that the first appearance of the term tujing is in the Qin-Han period, but since no examples survive from that period, we only get a clear picture from the Sui-Tang onward. According to Sui regulations, local prefectures had to prepare a tujing and send it to the government so that it would have information on the local communication network, administration, customs, products, maps, and so on. During the Tang period, local officials were ordered to send updated tujing every three years. During the Northern Song the genre reached its apogee; a collection of the tujing of all localities resulted in a massive compilation in 1,566 fascicles. Hargett notes that “never before had tujing received so much attention; never before had there been so much demand for thoroughness and accuracy in such works.”105 This attention to detail and comprehensiveness106 is also clearly evident in the Illustrated Account. As the first embassy account carrying the title of what had previously been a local gazetteer, Xu Jing seems to be doing two things. For one, he is extending the systematic approach, eye for detail, and comprehensiveness from the gazetteer to the embassy account. As far as can be ascertained from the admittedly small corpus of prior Song-era embassy accounts that have been transmitted, Xu Jing’s seems to have been the first to approach this level of detail. Second, by applying a term, “gazetteer,” used previously only for domestic localities, he seems to be symbolically extending the reach of Song authority. One of the reasons descriptions of foreign countries were not classified as separate monographs (zhi) in the dynastic histories was that other states were simply not conceived of as entities on the same level as the Chinese state; hence Sima Qian inserted descriptions of foreign countries between the biographies of the Chinese generals who dealt with them.107 This attitude naturally changed over time, and notably during the Song period many foreign states were (sometimes grudgingly) put on a level conceptually equal to the “Middle Kingdom.” Thus describing such foreign states in the same terms as China, almost as if they were a province of China, is in a sense a logical evolution; this trend can already be discerned in previous works—notably Wang Yun’s referring to his account as a monograph— but Xu Jing seems to bring it to its natural conclusion. During the Southern Song, however, the trend set by Xu Jing does not seem to have continued. No more missions were sent to Koryŏ, so effectively his was the culmination of Song embassy accounts of Koryŏ.

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Because Song established relations with the new Jin dynasty almost as soon as the Lu Yundi mission to Korea had been completed, many accounts subsequently emanated from Song officials who had visited Jin. About six such accounts appear to have survived,108 yet all of these revert to the diary format of the yulu, and most are not longer than a single fascicle. The exception is the Diary of a Journey North (Beixing rilu) by Lou Yue (1137–1213), describing the new year’s embassy of 1169–1170. It follows the same format of all other extant accounts of the Song, faithfully describing every stage of the journey to the Jin capital on an almost daily basis, culminating in the audience at the Jin court. The only difference is that it is longer (two fascicles), and more personal, than previous accounts; Lou Yue adds touches such as descriptions of the farewell parties before his departure and is more detailed in his observations of foreign customs.109 The only Southern Song work that approximates the Illustrated Account is the Illustrated Account of the Jin (Jinguo tujing) by Zhang Di. Though much shorter—in its present shape only one fascicle long—it is organized roughly along the same lines in that the first half is a systematic description of various features of Jin society and the second a detailed description of the route to Jin.110 However, although there are fourteen sections describing such things as the royal palace, the ancestor shrine, royal tombs, ceremonial implements, clothing, the land system, and punishments, the sections are not given titles on separate lines but are instead distinguished by line breaks, start with the character for “one,” and then with two characters that can be considered the section title. Thus we find some of the same types of contents that Xu Jing describes but in a shorter, almost summary form.111 In fact, in terms of the quality of the descriptions and breadth of contents, most of the Southern Song embassy diaries are richer than the Illustrated Account of the Jin and can even be said to rival Xu’s Illustrated Account. Although not so detailed and comprehensive, the typical Southern Song diaries contain passages very similar to what we find in the Illustrated Account: if we compare, for example, the way the banqueting setup is described in Fan Zhengda’s Register of Grasping the Carriage Reins (Lanpei lu) to Xu Jing’s description of a banquet, we find the same level of detail regarding seating arrangements and the dress of officials yet nothing about the conversations that must have taken place.112 Here and there we also find descriptions of ceremonial implements, buildings, food, transport means, and so on. Intriguingly, Fan Zhengda writes, “Scattered along the west staircase of the basilica are accoutrements that would come under the headings ‘ceremonial implements’ and ‘streamers and emblems.’ “113



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These are exactly the kinds of headings we find in the Illustrated Account, and thus Fan’s observation suggests that either Xu was following an established format in listing his observations and knowledge about Koryŏ or that his work effectively served as a template for later travelers who, even if they did not follow the format of his work, referenced it to categorize their own observations. While Xu Jing was thus aware of both the Chinese tradition of local gazetteers and Chinese accounts of embassies to other countries, his primary point of reference was of course previous embassy accounts of Korea. Although none have survived in their entirety, we have sufficient information to trace some trends. The Monograph on Kyerim and Classified Affairs of Kyerim, the two accounts based on the 1103 mission, were of course his main points of reference, but surprisingly, even before the founding of the Song dynasty, envoys from southern dynasties left records. The oldest such record appears to be Han Yanqing’s Record of Broad Learning (Boxue ji). As an official of the Later Zhou (951–960), Han visited Koryŏ in 958,114 and though this work has not been preserved, another scholar, Tao Gu (903–970), incorporated some excerpts in his Record of Clarifying the Differences (Qingyi lu). Tao Gu admits to secretly copying three hundred Korean words from the work of Han Yanqing but only cites fifteen: seven terms related to the weather, four to milk products, and four to weights and measures. The Korean pronunciations for these words are given in Chinese transcription, but they appear not to resemble any current modern Korean words.115 Around the same time, an envoy from the Southern Tang, Zhang Liao, also compiled an account; again, this account has not been preserved but portions are quoted in other texts. Kim Taesik dates Zhang Liao’s text to 961 and has reconstructed its description of the Koryŏ political system.116 Other interesting passages from this work can be found in Chang Tongik’s invaluable compilation, including a description of a shaman’s tinkling bells and throwing of rice.117 A later history of the Southern Tang, though compiled in the twelfth century, contains much information on Koryŏ that may date to the first half of the tenth century.118 It is intriguing that so many accounts date to the period of the Five Dynasties. Since we know of the influence the Later Zhou exerted on the Koryŏ of King Kwangjong, the existence of a diplomatic record from this period is perhaps not so surprising. But the interest by the Southern Tang dynasty is something that remains to be explained. It is also surprising to note that there are no records from the Wu-Yue kingdom (907–978), which maintained some of the most intense contacts with Koryŏ in this

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period. More surprising is that this tradition of writing about Korea was not maintained by the early Northern Song, despite the fact that it maintained regular relations with Korea. To date I have not been able to find any information on travel accounts between 961 and ca. 1100. Despite the long hiatus in full diplomatic relations between about 994 and 1071, there were still more than enough missions to obtain information. Koryŏ secrecy seems to have been an inhibiting factor: Song envoys were frustrated that they could not even get correct information on Koryŏ kings and took to quizzing Koryŏ envoys. As I discuss in the next section, the information given by Kwak Wŏn in 1015 is fascinating, even if the source is somewhat suspect. On the Chinese side, too, there were probably inhibiting factors. Early Song ministers felt sufficiently confident in their own cultural prowess that they could afford to ignore Korea. As already discussed above, Chinese interest in Korea waned after the Shanyuan treaty of 1005, and when contacts did resume in the latter part of the eleventh century, there was a good deal of suspicion on the part of some Song officials. Still, information about Koryŏ filtered through, and the writings of Northern Song intellectuals contain fascinating tidbits about Koryŏ artefacts such as brushes, ink sticks, and fans. With the resumption of relations in 1071 the flow of information also increased. In 1091 the Song court even requested books on Koryŏ: the Record of Koryŏ Customs (Koryŏ p’ungsok ki) and Monograph on Koryŏ (Koryŏ chi) were copied at the court’s request.119 Not long thereafter, the 1103 mission by Liu Kui (n.d.) and Wu Shi (n.d.) gave rise to the first known substantial account of Koryŏ of which traces are left, the Monograph on Kyerim, which is said to have numbered thirty chapters. Nothing is known about the author, Wang Yun, except that he joined the mission and died in 1126. A few fragments have been cited in other texts; the majority of the surviving passages deal with Buddhism.120 This work was also known in Korea as the History of Korea (Haedong yŏksa) by Han Ch’iyun (1765–1814), which quotes a short passage on fans and brushes from the Monograph on Kyerim.121 The Classified Affairs of Kyerim was written in the same period, possibly as a result of the same mission. A substantial portion of that text has been preserved. What remains consists of a few short passages on the royal house, the administration, and customs, followed by a glossary containing 355 Korean words transcribed into Chinese;122 this glossary, regarded as an invaluable source for the history of the Korean language, has been extensively studied. Unlike the words glossed by Han Yanqing, in the Classified Affairs of Kyerim the Korean words are mostly instantly recognizable.



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Table 2: Accounts of Chinese visits to Koryŏ before 1124  Author

Title

Ling Hucheng 令狐澄 Pei Ju 裵矩

Date

Comment

Xinluo guoji 新羅 國記 Gaoli fengsu 高麗 風俗 Han Yanqing 韓彦卿 [Gaoli?] Boxue ji [高 麗]博學記 Tao Gu 陶穀 Qingyilu 淸異錄 (903–970) Zhang Liao 章僚 Haiwai shicheng guangji 海外使程 廣記 Wang Yun (d. 1126) Jilin zhi 鷄林志 王雲

8th c.?

Sun Mu 孫穆

Jilin leishi 鷄林類事

ca. 1103

Lu You (1125–1209) 陸游

Lu shi Nan Tang shu 2nd half of 12th c.? Contains description 陸氏南唐書 of Koryŏ; based on earlier sources (?)

Tang ca. 958 958–970 ca. 961

ca. 1103

Lost; cited in Samguk sagi Lost; cited in Tang shu Lost Excerpts from Han Yanqing’s work Lost; fragments quoted in other works Lost; fragments quoted in other works Glossary preserved

The Work’s Structure and Main Features What strikes one upon first browsing through the Illustrated Account is its highly detailed structure: it has 40 chapters covering 28 themes and is further divided into 302 subject headings.123 Thus it appears to be an almost encyclopedic account of Korea. A closer look, however, reveals that this detailed structure hides some serious flaws. We can summarize the main structure as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Author’s preface Historical background (chapters 1–2) Layout of the capital city (chapters 3–6) The official and military system (chapters 7–16) Religion (chapters 17–18) Common people and customs (chapters 19–23) The embassy’s reception (chapters 24–32) The journey from China to Koryŏ (chapters 33–39) Concluding essay (chapter 40) Biography of the author Postscript

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Parts 7 and 8 (chapters 24–39)—nearly half of the work—are taken up with the description of the embassy itself, but they naturally also contain valuable information on Koryŏ. For example, chapters 30–32 describe the various food containers and other vessels that Xu saw at the banquets for officials, while chapter 33 contains descriptions of Koryŏ ships. But from chapter 24 onward, we basically see everything from the perspective of the embassy itself: how it was received, how the edict was treated, and how it traveled from China to Korea and back. The detailed treatment of the embassy seems to be justified by the work’s aim of showing how cultured the Koreans were: the way they received the Chinese showed their deep admiration and longing for Chinese culture. Yet at the same time we cannot escape the impression that Xu Jing has done his best to pad a meager stock of information and stretch it into forty chapters. Some of the chapters are extremely short. Looking for example at chapters 37 and 38, one has to wonder why they were separated; even combined they would comprise less than many other single chapters (chapter 38 is barely three pages in the Jingjiang edition), and there is also no thematic difference, since chapter 38 simply continues the description of a day’s sea journey started in the previous chapter. More important, though, only the description of the embassy itself is clearly an eyewitness account; Xu Jing admits in the preface that he only managed to leave the hostel five or six times, and each of those outings was under guarded escort to the palace or to shrines in or near the capital. For the rest of the work, we for the most part do not know where he obtained the information for what he described. Most of the subject matter is again material that he could easily have witnessed during the official functions: parts of the palace, the dress of guards, flags and pennons, and so on. The explanations for things that he would have had no opportunity to witness are notably brief, and we do not know on what sources he bases his information. It is probable that the drawings would have given more clues about what he managed to witness himself versus what he had by way of hearsay. But the very fact that the work was probably structured around the pictures—a tujing, after all, was originally a kind of picture book with explanations juxtaposed to the illustrations124—would strongly suggest that he focused mainly on things he had managed to see for himself. In the preface he also claims to have drawn everything “without fail” and in the text he occasionally alludes to the pictures; in the introductory part of chapter 8, “Famous People,” he writes that he has drawn the likeness of all five people introduced there; thus we can surmise that for nearly every section he originally included drawings.



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I do not want to add to the traditional laments about the unfortunate disappearance of the drawings; we have no idea about their quality and whether they really conveyed an accurate image of Korea. If they were of the same quality as his descriptive prose, perhaps we are not missing much. Although some scholars praise his exquisite prose, I find it severely lacking in the kind of imagery and evocative power that one associates with good travel literature. According to Yao Dayong, Xu’s prose is “terse yet lively,” drawing maximum effect with an extreme economy of language. Yao praises Xu’s power of evocation, concluding that his prose allows readers to envision for themselves whatever is described.125 Yet this appears to be a traditional assessment based on the standards of classical Chinese prose writing. For example, Xu in the main employs fourcharacter phrases, which usually employ stative verbs rather than active (transitive or intransitive) verbs. If we take, for example, his description of the unfolding scenery of the capital city, the text has 自崧山之半 下瞰城 中 左溪右山 後崗前嶺 林木叢茂. Translated literally it reads, “From halfway [up] Mount Sung, I looked down onto the city. Gullies to the left and mountains to the right, ridges at the back and a mountain pass in front, the forest dense in vegetation.” This passage appears in chapter 3, which describes the capital city. From further mention of the view from Mount Sung in chapters 5 and 17, we know that Xu actually walked up this mountain, meaning that he indeed had the chance to look over the capital from an elevated vantage point. Yet the description is generic rather than specific. It evokes the feeling of the place, but we have no idea whether or not to take literally the position of the mountains and river(s) described there. In fact, if we look at the topography of Kaesŏng there are higher mountains to the right (i.e., to the west) and there is a stream on the left (i.e., east), yet there is also a stream flowing through the city (mentioned by Xu in the passage preceding this excerpt) and there are mountains to the east as well.126 Thus in his descriptions Xu is usually accurate but only in a very general sense bordering on the generic. When we juxtapose his information with other sources it becomes evident that, despite his claims to accuracy and completeness, in some cases these qualities seem to have been sacrificed on the altars of literary style, preconception, and misunderstanding. There are three main bodies of source material that allow us to put the Illustrated Account into perspective: dynastic histories, other embassy accounts and fragmentary descriptions, and Korean sources. Information from dynastic histories.  Xu Jing begins his book with two chapters on the history of Korea: the first chapter deals with the pre-Koryŏ

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period and the second with the successive kings of the Koryŏ dynasty. The first chapter in particular is heavily reliant on the accounts of foreign countries found in Sima Qian’s Records of the Historian and subsequent dynastic histories. On the whole, it manages to give an accurate overview of the early history of the Koguryŏ state, though in at least one case he mixes up the succession, switching King Mich’ŏn (personal name Ulburi, r. 300–331) with King Kogugwŏn (personal name Soe, r. 331–371). According to Han Yŏng’u, the first work to give a comprehensive genealogy of Koguryŏ kings was the Encyclopedic History of Institutions (Tongdian) by Du You (735–812), and hence Xu may have based his account on this work.127 Han also points to other mistakes made by Xu, notably his failure to properly distinguish Puyŏ (which is not mentioned) from Koguryŏ. Without his having access to Korean sources, however, it is difficult to fault Xu for these mistakes; if anything, it is the condensed nature of Xu’s overview here, not his lack of historical acumen, that mars the passage’s readability. The really interesting aspect of this introductory chapter is that Xu takes Koguryŏ to be not just the predecessor of Koryŏ: he sees Koryŏ simply as a continuation of Koguryŏ. Although Xu Jing acknowledges that Koguryŏ ceased to exist as a country when it was pacified by Tang Gaozong in 668, he is ambiguous as to what happened thereafter, concluding a muddled paragraph by stating that “the Ko clan was thus cut off for a long time, but slightly revived toward the end of the Tang so that they could again act as kings to their country.” In other places as well, he suggests that Koguryŏ somehow went into hiding. He further strengthens this impression by confusing Koguryŏ and Koryŏ institutions: in chapter 7 he gives a detailed description of the twelve bureaucratic ranks of Koguryŏ, as if they were still relevant, and only toward the end does he suggest that “recently, the Tang system has become prevalent.” Han Yŏng’u points out that Xu Jing here seems to be following the view of the histories of the Five Dynasties (Xin Wudai shi, Jiu Wudai shi).128 While it is true that both of these histories regard Koryŏ and Koguryŏ as the same country, they do not assume that they were part of the same dynasty. Both merely state that toward the end of the Tang dynasty, a ruler surnamed Ko acclaimed himself king and subsequently sent tribute to China. According to the Xin Wudai shi, in 932 Wang Kŏn, who had “provisionally taken over state affairs” for the first time sent tribute;129 Xu Jing, though apparently basing his account on the Xin wudai shi, claims that Wang Kŏn had taken power the previous year, 931. Interestingly, Sima Guang’s Comprehensive Mirror for the Aid of Government (Zizhi tongjian) is the only Song source to (more or less) correctly state that “in the beginning of the Tianyou era (904–907), the one-eyed monk Kungye from



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Sŏkkul Temple in Koryŏ gathered a band of followers, and basing himself in Kaeju [Kaesŏng], declared himself king.”130 This of course refers to the Kungye we know from Korean sources. Reportedly an illegitimate child of a Silla ruler, Kungye founded his own kingdom and made Wang Kŏn his loyal retainer. Amid allegations of cruelty and the appropriation of divine powers, Wang Kŏn finally toppled Kungye in 918 and became the first king of Koryŏ. Kungye appears to have claimed at one point his surname was Ko in order to stake a claim to the Koguryŏ legacy, which perhaps led to speculation that the Koguryŏ royal Ko family had re-emerged. Xu Jing seems not to have consulted the Comprehensive Mirror, however, and probably speculated that a descendent of the ancient Koguryŏ dynasty had somehow survived to reclaim the throne. His surmise that Wang Kŏn took power only in 931 is probably because the Xin Wudai shi correctly states that Wang was invested as king (by the Later Tang dynasty) in 932; Xu may have guessed that he had taken power the previous year. Wang Kŏn seems to have instructed envoys of Koryŏ missions to China before 932 not to reveal his identity to the Chinese; thus Xu, again following the Xin Wudai shi, simply states that the records are silent on the name of the Koryŏ king who sent missions prior to 932. This may be taken as an indication that Wang Kŏn wanted to avoid being branded a usurper and waited until he had consolidated his power before announcing this accession to a Chinese emperor. This set an important precedent regarding the genealogy of the Koryŏ kings. As pointed out above, for diplomatic reasons Koryŏ often provided erroneous information to its suzerain power and was consistent in keeping even the most inquisitive Chinese officials in the dark. Thus the second chapter of Xu’s Account, on the royal genealogy, is full of misinformation. In some respects his work improves on earlier reports on the Koryŏ royal genealogy (see the next section), but it is full of gaps: missing rulers, wrong reign dates, and even invented kings. The reasons for this—on the basis of the case of King Hyŏngjong—have been outlined above, and the mistakes are pointed out in the translation; there is therefore no need to enumerate them here. Xu Jing’s account remained influential for a long time and was cited by many later writers. Perhaps on account of the authority conveyed by the work—Xu being the first to collate all the information into a coherent account—later writers referred to it for information about Koryŏ.131 In turn, the work may have eventually impacted the compilation of dynastic history; some claim that it was one of the main sources for the compilation of the chapter on Koryŏ in the History of the Song (Songshi), although this may be an exaggeration.132

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Comparison with previous records of Koryŏ.  In his preface, Xu Jing notes that he used Wang Yun’s Monograph on Kyerim (1103) as his basic reference during his visit and that he set out to correct and complement it. The extent of his debt to it is open to question, however. In chapter 3, when discussing the city gates of Kaesŏng, he boasts that he can provide the names of all the city gates, “while the old monograph only knew seven.” This is undoubtedly a jab at the Monograph on Kyerim; at the same time it suggests that Xu was probably using this work as a model that he wanted to improve upon. However, when we look at the surviving fragments of the Monograph on Kyerim, it is clear that it contained information that Xu Jing did not retain. The extant fragments mention and briefly describe eight aspects of Koryŏ culture: Buddhist shrines, monks and monasteries, the fact that monks do not marry, woven seating mats, lacquer, collecting interest [on loans], dyeing, and monks’ robes.133 The description of “Buddhist shrines” is as follows: On Kwisan there is a Buddhist shrine deep in dense woods. According to legend, the arhat Tripitaka on his mission to convert stopped here and brushed his teeth with a willow branch. When he stuck the branch into the ground, it became a tree and pure water gathered there. Now it is a clear spring. Since it is the place where Buddhism first flourished, it is the spot most revered by the country’s people.

Xu Jing makes note of Kwisan Temple because he passed it on the way to Anhwa Temple (which he found more interesting, for reasons to be explained below) but does not include the story about the arhat and the miraculous spring. He gives no information on the problem of married monks or on the banishment of monks for breaking the rules or for collecting interest, but we do find mention of woven mats, dyeing, and lacquer, although he does not devote a separate section to these items. The other embassy record of which there remains a sizable portion is of course the Classified Affairs of Kyerim, also dated 1103 and attributed to Sun Mu. In what we have left of this text, there is an introduction to Koryŏ, which, though brief, nevertheless contains valuable information. Some of its observations—for example on the loose marriage practices, the treatment of the sick, the open display of nudity in the summer—are also found in the Illustrated Account but in somewhat greater detail in Xu’s telling. These are found in chapters 22 and 23, which deal with social customs. Xu may thus have borrowed from the Classified Affairs of Kyerim, but more likely this information was more or less common knowledge among envoys. Xu Jing never mentions the Classified Affairs of Kyerim, nor does he



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pay much attention to the Korean language, on which he notes only one word, apparently a term for a cauldron, in chapter 31, yet what exactly the term refers to cannot be ascertained with certainty. Either he was not very linguistically gifted or he felt that there was nothing to add to the word list contained in Sun Mu’s work. In addition to the Monograph on Kyerim and the Classified Affairs of Kyerim, we also have a wealth of information about Koryŏ from other works written in the Northern Song. These works do not specifically deal with Koryŏ but rather are essays or literary collections that simply mention in passing Koryŏ products or other tidbits relating to Koryŏ. Large compilations contained detailed references, while literati often wrote about Koryŏ goods they obtained or about Korean monks who had settled in the Wu-Yue region.134 I have not been able to systematically survey all this material, but it is clear that a lot of information about Koryŏ was circulating in eleventh-century Song China, and a look at some of the more interesting pieces yields information about what kinds of things Xu Jing chose to include and what not. A more systematic survey should be undertaken, but these few glimpses show that Xu Jing’s work generally does not always compare well with that of earlier authors; indeed in some respects his descriptions are much poorer. Comparing, for example, Xu Jing’s description of the genealogy of the royal Wang clan in chapter 2 with Zeng Gong’s (1019–1083) in his Classified Jottings of the Yuanfeng Era (Yuanfeng leigao),135 apart from the addition of the kings who appeared in the period after Zeng Gong died, Xu Jing has not managed to improve much on the older text. Xu’s description of Koguryŏ kings in chapter 1 is more detailed, but like Zeng he fails to account for the gap between the end of Koguryŏ and the beginning of Koryŏ, regarding them as one and the same dynasty. What is also striking is that Koryŏ products were well known among Northern Song literati, who often commented on them—sometimes praising their quality, but often not. While Koryŏ writing utensils in particular—ink, ink stones, brushes, paper—were often mentioned in other Chinese sources, they do not feature prominently in the Illustrated Account. In fact, Xu Jing devotes only one short section, at the end of chapter 23 (the second on “Various Customs”), to “local products” (tuchan). Here he lumps together such various items as fruit, copper, hemp, ginseng, and brushes. Regarding writing brushes, he speculates about which hairs the Koryŏ people used for their brushes, suggesting it is weasel rather than some kind of monkey, as was widely assumed.136 He also mentions ink, repeating Su Shi’s comment that Korean ink sticks were too brittle; he also mentions paper briefly but does not mention ink stones.

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Another Korean product is the pine fan. Although in chapter 29 Xu Jing lists four kinds of fan, his descriptions are routine and unimaginative. Compared, for example, with the lively description given of the pine fan (songshan) by Zheng Chun—who points out that it is actually not made of pine137—it becomes obvious that Xu, though complete in his coverage of all things Korean, is certainly not the most lively raconteur on the subject nor always the most accurate. We find information on local products in other sections of the Account as well, notably in chapters 28 and 29, “Tents and Other Accessories,” which deal with all kinds of furnishings—fans, tables, mats, chairs, and so on—and chapters 30–32, on “Vessels.” His descriptions of ceramic ware have been avidly studied by art historians because they provide invaluable evidence of the development of the famous Koryŏ celadon. His description of a lion-shaped incense burner in chapter 32 is especially valuable for its description of the color “kingfisher” and because the incense burner can be confirmed through an extant example. The implication one can draw from this example is that the rest of his descriptions, even if not confirmed by archeological evidence, are likely to be accurate. In all, chapters 22 and 23 are among the most valuable because they give glimpses of Korean social and other customs. As mentioned above, it is not clear how much of this he actually saw with his own eyes. We can imagine that he witnessed people undress to wash themselves in streams: “In the summer months they bathe again during the day. . . . without separating men and women, and [they] all leave their clothes and hats on the bank. Undressing in the middle of the stream, they do not find this strange.” This description is somewhat more colorful than what we find in the Classified Affairs of Kyerim,138 but Xu was probably already aware that Koryŏ had this “obscene” custom and therefore looked out for it; in any case, since he visited during the summer months, he could easily have observed people bathing outdoors. In the case of the P’algwanhoe, the “festival of the eight commandments,” we can be sure that Xu did not witness it himself, as it took place in the winter months. Therefore his description is bland and erroneous: “The Tongmaeng assembly of the tenth month is now called the ‘fast of the eight commandments,’ a vegetarian banquet that takes place on the full moon [fifteenth day] of the same month. The rituals are sumptuous” (chapter 17). The information on the Tongmaeng festival is derived from dynastic histories, which describe it as a Koguryŏ custom. While the Koryŏ P’algwanhoe may have derived from the Tongmaeng assemblies, in the western capital of Pyongyang, the festival only took place in the tenth month while in the capital of Kaesŏng it took place on the fifteenth



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of the eleventh month. It is apparent from this that Xu Jing has mixed source material and hearsay to put together something about this festival without actually describing what went on. The difference with an actual eyewitness account of what took place at a festival becomes clear if we compare Xu’s with the short account given by the Korean envoy Kwak Wŏn during his 1015 mission to Song. It is reproduced in the Song History. On the full moon of the second month, monks and laity light lanterns like in the Chinese first primordial festival. On the day before [the festival], people make cakes dyed with mugwort, considered the best of dishes and dainties. On the Duanwu festival [5.5], people amuse themselves by playing on a swing.139

While Xu Jing mentions the lantern festival in the second month (in chapter 17), he makes no mention of the Duanwu (K. Tano) festival, nor does he give any details of actual practices such as those provided by Kwak Wŏn. At the same time, Xu Jing does include much information that goes unrecorded in any other source. These examples, however, suffice to show that there was already a wealth of information available to discerning Chinese readers and that Xu Jing, while not leaving out much information, has overlooked some interesting details that would have allowed for a more rounded account of the items he describes. Comparison with Koryŏ sources.  Korean scholars have relied heavily on the Illustrated Account for reconstructing the history of Koryŏ, notably for the history of its political institutions. Chapter 16 in particular deals with Koryŏ officialdom, while chapters 11 and 12 deal with the military system. But whereas Korean sources mention hardly anything about social mores or local products, they are very detailed when it comes to political events and the political system. Therefore, it is worthwile to compare in detail Xu’s account with Korean sources—mainly the History of Koryŏ—and this has indeed been done by many scholars. While in the main his descriptions are accurate—for example, virtually all the names of prominent Koreans he mentions can be traced in Korean sources—there are also a few interesting discrepancies that have led to much debate. One of these concerns the SecretaryChancellery (Chungsŏ-Munha-sŏng). While it is generally agreed on the basis of Korean sources that this government agency acted as a single organ rather than two distinct ones, Xu notes that it was housed in different buildings, thus appearing to contradict the Korean sources.140 For the military system, too, while Xu seems to have gotten the gist of

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the matter, there are problematic areas in his telling. The Koryŏ military system is known to have been divided into two armies and six divisions, yet Xu only mentions the six divisions, not the two armies; moreover, he mixes up the names of the armies and divisions, omitting some and adding new ones. The most striking difference here is the fact that he mentions a “Restraining Crane Division” (Konghak wi) that does not appear in Korean sources as a regular division. Originating in the Tang dynasty as palace grooms, in Song the name was used for the emperor’s closest guard troops. The History of Koryŏ only mentions this military office in passing, so it is only through Xu’s description that we know it played a more prominent role than is suggested by Korean sources. Although not formally part of the main military structure, the fact that it featured prominently in the processions to receive the Song envoys suggests it might have been temporarily elevated under King Injong.141 The most important contribution of the Illustrated Account lies undoubtedly not in the description of these offices—they are documented far better in Korean sources—but in the fact that he tells us their locations in the city. His description of the location of various palace buildings in particular is helpful for reconstructing the layout of the main palace site, now known as Manwŏldae, which is the only site to have yielded archeological remains in the form of distinct remnants of foundations. Xu’s work has been instrumental in identifying the names of these structures. An interesting omission is the lack of any estimate of the size of the Koryŏ population. According to the account in the History of the Song, the population of Koryŏ numbered 2,100,000 men and women.142 In chapter 11, Xu Jing claims the capital garrison numbered 30,000 as an indication of the growth in population since early Koguryŏ times, but there is no evidence that he obtained any information on the number of households. Song culture everywhere.  Although Xu notes in the preface that he has set out to record only what is different from China, in fact he was also keen to note things that were similar. Since what is different from China is by definition “barbarian” and therefore worthy only of scorn, had he stuck to the letter of his objective, the work would surely have been infamous rather than famous. As is summarized in chapter 40, there were many ­areas in which Korean culture was reaching a level similar to Song’s, and in the preceding chapters this is a recurring theme. The image that emerges from Xu Jing’s descriptions of Korean culture is that the Koryŏans were diligent students of Chinese culture and were very much open to the Chinese emperors’ mission civilatrice. While the Illustrated Account is oft quoted by scholars for the positive



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things it says about Koryŏ, there are also a few instances where its author displays contempt: he, for example, makes fun of the Koreans’ high hats, which he derisively says are to compensate for “their dwarf-like stature” (chapter 11), and sneers at the omission of the policy essay from the civil examinations (chapter 40). On balance, though, the good points of Korean society far outweigh the bad, and although there are a few areas where he grudgingly seems to concede that barbarian ways may be better—for example, that they have better personal hygiene (chapter 23) or are more “humane” than the Chinese (chapter 16)—in the main the positive attributes of Korean culture are imitations of Song. Such is the case with his attitude of approval of Koryŏ’s observance of ritual propriety, especially the showing of proper deportment in foreign relations and the mastery of the protocols of diplomacy and the rhetoric of a “lesser state.” But when commenting on such cases he betrays a clear chauvinistic streak or seems to have succumbed to the fawning of Koreans eager to talk the talk of cultural submission to China, whether or not their behavior reflected their true feelings. It is in regard to buildings that we see some of the most explicit examples of this chauvinism and the way it is manipulated by Koreans. Two examples in particular serve to illustrate this tendency: the description of temples—Anhwa Temple and the Pog’wŏn Taoist Monastery—and the verbatim transcription of the building record of Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion. Images of Song temples?  If we are to believe Xu Jing, the most prestigious temple in Kaesŏng was Anhwa Temple, or Chŏngguk Anhwa Temple as he calls it. Although he mentions the names of about thirty Kaesŏng temples, only for Anhwa does he provide a detailed description of various features of the temple, especially of the road leading up to it, its general layout, the names of the buildings, their name boards, and so on. As to why this temple outranks all others, Xu simply states that “among the temples, Anhwa Temple crowns them all because it honors the imperial signature” (chapter 17). So regardless of the function of these temples for Koreans, to Xu Jing the overriding factor is admiration for Chinese culture (the honoring of the imperial signature). Probably this is how his Korean hosts wanted him to see things, perhaps taking him there especially to show off the plaque with Emperor Huizong’s calligraphy. The plaque was provided in 1118 at the request of King Yejong (Koryŏsa 14:27a); another plaque, carrying the name of the temple itself, had been inscribed by grand tutor Cai Jing. Whether Xu Jing was expert in temple architecture is not known, since he does not mention how the temple compares to Chinese examples. On the

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pavilion behind the temple, however, in chapter 17 he offers the following comments: A spring emerges halfway up the mountain, with sweet, pure, and delicious water. A pavilion has been built around it with a plaque bearing the name “Anhwa Spring.” Flowers, plants, bamboo, trees, and strange rocks have been planted here to make this a place for relaxation and amusement. The skill of constructing and decorating the garden was not special, but it was done in imitation of Chinese models [of landscaping]; moreover, the scenery was clear and beautiful, as if one were in a screen [painting]. The Koryŏ people keep the imperial writings as well as compositions by kings in this place [Anhwa Temple] and uphold them with special solemnity. The envoys came here together with the officials and clerks of the three escort ranks to pay their respects below the hall with imperial writing. Food was offered to monks to pray for blessings.

Xu’s admiration for the beauty of the place is clearly inspired by its resemblance to a Chinese setting and the symbolic presence of the emperor. He further offers short descriptions of three other temples in the capital, noting especially the opulence of Kwangt’ong Poje Temple, where the Chinese envoys also make donations. At Hŭngguk Temple he notes that a bronze flagpole is one hundred feet high and covered in gold, topped by a phoenix head holding a brocade flag in its mouth. But rather than admitting he is impressed, he sniffs, Some other temples also have these [flagpoles], but only the one at Anhwa Temple has an inscription reading “Long live the emperor of Song.” Looking at such devoted praise, [it seems that] it must have come from a sincere mind. Thus it is only natural that they [the temple’s Korean patrons] are showered with the favors and affection of the imperial court.

This passage encapsulates the spirit of his account: what is different from Song China is noted briefly with disdain, but when the Koreans display their humble admiration for the Middle Kingdom, either by imitating it or basking in the imperial munificence (preferably a combination of the two), they win his praise; and on the whole the praise outweighs the blame. The Illustrated Account presents a picture of a country single-minded in its devotion to the Song emperor. How far this corresponds with reality is difficult to gauge but ultimately beside the point. What matters is that this is the picture that suited everyone: the Koreans, for they wanted to assuage the Chinese and keep them convinced of their loyalty; Xu Jing, because he



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could show the emperor evidence of the success of his cultural policy;143 and the Chinese (and perhaps Korean) readership of his work. Also interesting is how Xu Jing was looking for any resemblance with cultural artifacts from his own capital: he quotes King Sukchong as telling a Chinese envoy that paintings in Hŭngwang Temple were modeled after Xiangguo Temple in Kaifeng (Bianjing, the capital of the Northern Song). But even more than Buddhist temples, this tendency is reflected in his descriptions of Taoist temples. Before Emperor Huizong dispatched envoys to disseminate Taoist teachings, there is no evidence of a Taoist temple in Kaesŏng. To accommodate the emperor’s wishes, King Yejong built the Pogwŏn Taoist Monastery,144 and though he apparently had not seen them with his own eyes, Xu Jing was keen to note that the Taoist paintings there closely resembled those at the imperial court. The fact that Kaifeng was invaded and looted by the Jurchen barely two years after Xu recorded this probably made poignant for Chinese readers pining for their lost capital the suggestion of the existence of a copy of that lost capital in a far and yet familiar country. More ritual obeisance . . . or not?  The political situation was of course quite different from idealistic cultural fantasies. Koryŏ had become disillusioned by Song’s naïve attempts at forging an alliance first against Liao and then against Jin. In fact, when Xu Jing visited Kaesŏng, the Koreans were already negotiating with the Jin the terms for transferring their tribute relationship to Jin. It is not certain how much Xu Jing knew about this; as a kind of cultural attaché, he was probably not involved in any negotiations, and though his fellow envoys may have apprised him of their desperate attempts at getting the Koreans on board,145 nothing of this transpires in his account. As mentioned earlier, perhaps he chose to ignore such sticky diplomatic issues and kept hoping with his emperor that cultural affinity would win out over realpolitik. It is also possible that he was taken in by the Koreans. Besides the biased reporting of Song influence discussed above, there is another kind of “padding” evident in his work. Chapter 6 is the second of two chapters devoted to the buildings of the royal palace compound. As usual, descriptions are limited to the names of buildings, their relative locations and size, and sometimes how they compare with their equivalents in China. But he also includes verbatim copies of poems affixed to buildings that were related to, for example, the new year or the king’s birthday. And when he comes to the Pomun and Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilions, both institutions devoted to Chinese letters, he casually mentions that he managed to obtain the record of said Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion and proceeds to quote this text in full. Although Xu Jing quotes a number of textual fragments composed

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by Koreans, the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion record is by far the longest, it being a complete text of a building inscription that runs to several hundred characters. To the modern reader, this paean to enlightened Confucian monarchy, replete with titles and empty phrases, is frustrating and useless, apparently simply serving to fill up space. To Xu Jing, however, it may have seemed like an ideal text to illustrate the Koreans’ devotion to the Son of Heaven. A couple of passages taken from chapter 6 should suffice to illustrate why this was grist for his mill. In all matters of government or affairs great and small, it is said that one can always rely on assistance rendered. Only after we started to grasp and process what has been bestowed since the Chongning (1102–1106) and Daguan (1107–1110) eras could we pursue Confucianism and music in the “literary pavilions” and “classics mats” and abide by the system of “proclaiming peace.” Now our ruler has received the grace of the Son of Heaven, so his mind is completely devoted to treating his subjects as those next to him. Therefore all the ministers and officers of state, protected by heaven, harbor the intention of repaying the ruler.

At first sight there is nothing here that is improbable. King Yejong did establish the Pomun and Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilions around 1116, and they fit in with his policy of promoting Confucian learning.146 The former was intended to store imperial edicts, the latter to house Confucian books and classics and also to provide a venue for lectures, some attended by the king himself. All of this is attested by the History of Koryŏ annals for Yejong’s reign: although no exact date of their founding is provided, these two pavilions first appear in entries for the eighth month (when the king appointed a resident scholar) and for the eleventh month of 1116 (when it is noted that the king went to Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion for a lecture).147 What is remarkable is that the same Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion record can be found in the biography of Kim Injon in the History of Koryŏ.148 As Kim Injon149 is the author of the text, perhaps it should not surprise us, but it is rather unusual to find so extensive a quote in the biographies section of the History of Koryŏ. A comparison of the two editions of this text—the one from the Illustrated Account and the one from the History of Koryŏ—shows them to be identical except for two small details: First, Xu Jing includes an exact date (second day of the fourth month, 1117), which is omitted in History of Koryŏ. Second, the record revolves around a banquet, with center stage being taken by the products brought back from China by the



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envoy Yi Charyang; according to the History of Koryŏ edition of the record, however, it was Yi Chagyŏm who brought back the products. What raises further suspicion is the figure of Kim Injon. It was he who reported in 1112 to King Yejong, following his mission to the Song court, that the Chinese were deluding themselves with overly lavish ceremonies, considering the situation of the time.150 It is ironic, then, that the same person would write such an ode to the success of Song ceremonial diplomacy, Furthermore, if we check Kim’s activities around the time the text was supposedly composed (1117/04/02), we find that he was dispatched to the northern border on 1117/02/09, and on 03/03 was tasked with transmitting a decision to the Liao that basically amounted to a refusal of help. Shortly after the Jin attacked and conquered two walled cities held by Liao and returned them to Koryŏ, Kim Injon reported on the event to the throne.151 Although we do not know when all these events were concluded, it seems unlikely that he could have been back in Kaesŏng to take part in a banquet on 04/02. Perhaps this is why the History of Koryŏ compilers left out the date; they must have been aware that Kim Injon could not have been in the capital at the time. There is, moreover, no record of the banquet in the History of Koryŏ. If we look at the discrepancy in the names (Yi Charyang versus Yi Chagyŏm), we find that it is probably not a simple mistake but rather a deliberate attempt at resolving another obvious problem: according to the History of Koryŏ, Yi Charyang returned from his mission to Song China in the fifth month, that is, after the banquet at which the ceremonial items he had brought back were supposedly displayed.152 Given that we know that the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion first appears in Koryŏ sources in the latter half of 1116, and that before this, in the sixth month of that year, the envoy Wang Chaji had returned with what has been called the “greatest musical gift” Korea ever received from China,153 it would make more sense to have held a lavish banquet to commemorate both the opening of the pavilion and this gift sometime in the autumn of 1116. What also speaks for this interpretation is that most of the officials mentioned in the text were promoted shortly after Wang Chaji’s return. But we have to consider as well that such a banquet may never have taken place at all, or at least not in the way described in Kim Injon’s text. Considering the pattern of deliberate obfuscation in Koryŏ’s dealings with foreign powers, and the circumstantial evidence just discussed, it seems plausible that Kim’s text was simply redacted to please the Song envoys. But just as with the case of King Hyŏnjong taking symbolic revenge through his choice of titles for fictitious kings, here, too, there seems to be a sting attached. For what other reason would the Koreans have chosen

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this particular date if not to invalidate the whole ritual? The entire paean to Song culture was staged at the moment Kim Injon negotiated with the Jin the return of two fortresses to Koryŏ; perhaps 04/02 was even the very day Kim Injon reported the return of the fortresses, thus marking the first step toward Koryŏ’s rapprochement with Jin. In that case, it is also likely that the History of Koryŏ compilers simply copied the text from the Illustrated Account. We know that they were aware of the Illustrated Account, as it is mentioned in the biography of Kim Pusik, and it is entirely possible that copies circulated in Koryŏ. The History of Koryŏ compilers were clearly suspicious of the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion record and were puzzled as to where to insert it in Kim Injon’s biography; ironically they inserted it right after his role in reclaiming the Baozhou fortress from Liao sometime after the third month of 1117, perhaps assuming that the favor of writing this record was granted because of his role in the event. They seem to have been unaware, however, that the “mistakes” were deliberate. This long detour into the finer points of diplomatic protocol is justified, I think, because it so clearly shows how dependent Xu Jing was on information provided by his hosts. This does not mean that we should assume that all the information he is transmitting from Koryŏ sources is fake; still, we should be aware of the types of distortion at play and that the desire to create a veneer of Chinese culture is one of the chief areas of distortion.

Maps and Illustrations As noted, the original illustrations to Xu Jing’s account have been lost, and one of the unfortunate consequences of this is that the text is imbalanced. Since the illustrations originally formed an integral part of the text, in many places the author clearly wrote his descriptions as comments on the illustrations; without the illustrations, it is often difficult to imagine how the buildings or objects he describes may have looked. Some Korean translations of the text, such as the ones by Chŏng Yongsŏk and Cho Tongwŏn, have therefore added copious illustrations. The majority of these are drawn from a Chinese pictorial encyclopedia, Wang Ji’s Sancai tuhui, which dates to the late Ming (1368–1644). It is in fact a compilation work, sourcing a wide variety of pictures of objects and people from a wide range of Chinese reference works. Although in most cases the depictions are probably close to how objects may have looked in Koryŏ, there is no way of ascertaining this. While they certainly help to understand the text, because of the logistical problem of inserting a large number of illustrations in this translation, and also because I feel that more research is needed before we can be cer-



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tain of a reasonable resemblance to how the objects looked, I have decided to reproduce only a few (figures 2–4) to give visual cues to a few objects that are particularly hard to picture in the mind’s eye. Also, I have added two reproductions of objects now in the National Museum of Korea that look uncannily like objects described by Xu Jing. Even more problematic, however, are his dense narratives of the places he visited. His desire to cram in as much information as possible about palace buildings, gates, places he passed through, and the like often makes it impossible for the reader to follow his footsteps. To make sense of such narratives, good maps are indispensable, and I have therefore provided maps for the most difficult passages, namely his descriptions of the walls and gates (map 2), of the palace compound (maps 3 and 4), and of the sea journey to Korea (maps 8 and 9). I have also added maps of the government offices (map 5), of Buddhist temples (map 6), and of the hostel where the Chinese envoys stayed (map 7). These maps are based on previous research and also on cross-checking Xu Jing’s descriptions with Korean sources, notably the History of Koryŏ. Yet the maps remain tentative, and although it is not possible to explain here all the problems encountered in reconstructing his itineraries, it is necessary at least to give some background on the two most problematic descriptions—those of the city walls and gates and those of the royal palace. Although Xu Jing claims to have provided a complete picture of Kaesŏng’s city gates that corrects and complements previous accounts, his information in fact remains incomplete. Moreover, since all of the gates he mentions have disappeared, their exact location is difficult to ascertain. Modern attempts to locate them have not resulted in a consensus as to either their exact location or their names, but research has shown that there were many more than the twelve gates Xu Jing lists. The walls and gates naturally underwent many changes in the course of history. The outer city walls, known as the nasŏng in the Korean ­sources, were first constructed in 1029 and completed in 1050;154 this is the construction that Xu Jing would have witnessed. Although he claims that this outer wall was “sixty li in circumference” (about thirty-three km), we know now that the circumference was ten less than he describes.155 He does not mention that, in addition to these outer walls, there was a separate wall surrounding the royal palace compound and that within the walls was a separate enclosure for the main palace, the inner palace compound. These walls probably antedate the outer city walls. The walls would undergo many changes and reconstructions, especially after the Mongol invasions, when the capital was abandoned in 1232 and the walls and buildings suffered severe damage. The lack of manpower frustrated

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attempts at comprehensive repairs during the reign of King Kongmin, so in the last years of Koryŏ it was finally decided to simply build a smaller “inner” wall (naesŏng) extending from the middle of the northern section to the middle of the western section, thus reducing the physical size of the city by half.156 This would be the wall that protected the city during the Chosŏn period; its main gate, the Namdae (great south) Gate, is the principal remnant extant today. The outer wall fell to ruin, except for a few sections in the mountainous northern stretches. The first systematic study of the historical geography of Kaesŏng was undertaken by Ko Yusŏp, who in 1945 published his survey of all the monuments and relics of the city.157 The publication in 1980 by the North Korean scholar Chŏn Ryongch’ŏl was the first attempt to put all the names of the gates on a modern map.158 To all appearances, the map was based on a geographical survey combined with a study of historical ­sources. Despite scholarly misgivings about its reliability,159 the map has until recently served as the base map for virtually all research on Kaesŏng in South Korea.160 However, while all of these studies have adopted Chŏn’s drawing of the city walls, the location of the gates has been so contested that virtually every scholar has a different interpretation of the location, number, and naming of the gates. Apart from the Illustrated Account, the other main source for the history of Kaesŏng gates is the Koryŏsa, whose list of twenty-five names161 far outnumbers the twelve listed by Xu. This discrepancy might be due to the limitations on Xu Jing’s movements around the country. Chŏn has suggested that Xu may have listed only the important gates, based on an entry in the Koryŏsa that says there were four big gates, eight middle gates, and thirteen small ones.162 Whatever the reason, Xu Jing’s limited description is invaluable for the details it provides about the relative location of each gate. Together with descriptions and maps dating to the Chosŏn dynasty, as well as the detailed survey maps made during the colonial period, this has made it possible for scholars to re-create the location of the gates, though they have not always made clear on what basis they have assigned the names of gates. Only the article by Hosono Wataru is consistent in providing a rationale for the choice of location and name, in consequence of which I follow his interpretation.163 The following table summarizes his determination of the location of the list of gates mentioned in the Koryŏsa; thanks to comparison with the Gaoli tujing, he has ascertained that they are classified in consecutive order clockwise from the Cha’anmun in the north. There is a discrepancy between the number of gates on the Koryŏsa’s list and Hosono’s interpretation, due, apparently, to his basing his count on the number of identifiable places for gates.164



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Table 3: The gates of Kaesŏng: Comparing the Illustrated Account with the ­History of Koryŏ Position clockwise from Cha’an-mun

KRS

Gaoli tujing

1

Cha’an-mun

2

Anhwa-mun

3

Sŏngdo-mun

4

Yŏngch’ang-mun

5

Anjŏng-mun

Anjŏng-mun

7

Sung’in-mun

Sung’in-mun

8

Hong’in-mun

Sŏn’in-mun? Sŏn’gi-mun

Pukch’ang-mun

9

Sŏn’gi-mun

10

Tŏksan-mun

11

Changp’ae-mun

13

Tŏkp’ung-mun

14

Yŏngdong-mun

15

Hoebin-mun

Hoebin-mun

16/17

Sŏn’gye-mun

Sŏnhwa-mun?

18

T’aean-mun

T’aean-mun

Changp’ae-mun

19

Aenggye-mun

20

Sŏn’am-mun

Sŏnhwa-mun?

21

Kwangdŏk-mun

Kwangdŏk-mun

22/23

Kŏnbok-mun

22/23

Ch’angsin-mun

22/23

Pot’ae-mun

24

Sŏnŭi-mun

Sŏnŭi-mun

25

Sanye-mun

Sanye-mun

26

Yŏngp’yŏng-mun

27

T’ongdŏk-mun

The two evident discrepancies are that neither the Sŏnhwa-mun nor the Sŏn’in-mun appears in the Koryŏsa. I have provisionally paired them with similar-sounding names. One may surmise that the “Declaring China” gate was either a misunderstanding or an embellishment by the Koreans to convince Xu of their sinophilia; the Sŏn’in, or “Declaring Humanity,” Gate is similar in meaning to the Hong’in, or “Spreading Humanity,”

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Gate. Finally, it should be added that some of the main palace gates have also been added to this map. The palace buildings, like the city gates, present a tremendous challenge to verifying their location. Unlike the city walls, however, we can build on the results of several excavation campaigns of the main palace site, now known as Manwǒldae (full moon terrace), a designation it acquired in the Chosǒn dynasty after falling into ruin. Thus the location of the main palace hall, Hoegyǒng, is beyond doubt; other locations of palace buildings are harder to ascertain, and still others are hotly debated. Here too, the most credible perspective is offered by scholars who combine documentary research with practical knowledge, in this case architectural history and archeology. Here I have followed the research of Woo SeongHoon and Lee Sang-Hae, who have achieved what seems to be the most reliable reconstruction of the layout of the buildings. Excavations on the Manwŏldae site have been carried out by a joint team of North and South Korean archeologists off and on over the past years, so it can be expected that corrections may soon be necessary to this map. In the meantime, however, this version appears to be the one that best fits what Xu Jing describes. Finally, for the sea journey from China to Korea, the research by Morihira Masahiko has resolved most of the problems in identifying the names of islands along the route, so there is no need to further address this problem here.

Conclusion Some of my statements in this introduction may lead the reader to suspect that the Illustrated Account is not all it is hyped up to be, namely, a unique window into Koryŏ society in its prime. On the contrary, it remains one of our most precious sources for the history of Korea’s medieval period. My critique here is an attempt to show that, just like any piece of travel writing, Xu’s Jing’s Illustrated Account is as much about the traveler and the baggage he brings as about the places and people he describes. This is in fact not different from the “gaze” of, for instance, travelers imbued with an Orientalist view who described the countries they visited according to predetermined categories. In the same way, to truly appreciate this work we must understand what motivates it; only so can we truly assess its value. In this introduction I have tried to dissect Xu Jing’s worldview. A thorough reassessment of the information the work contains in the light of this new understanding of the text remains the task of future research. As we have seen, Xu Jing was first of all constrained by the established



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ways of writing about other countries in imperial China. There were only two categories of people in this scheme: Chinese and barbarians. Barbarians could either submit to the Chinese emperor and be enlightened or remain in various states of benightedness. Xu does his utmost to show that Koryŏ has chosen the former path; it is, in his telling, in many ways a satellite state of Song in that it strives to uphold the imperial system in all respects, even to the point of scrupulously following the Chinese system of weights and measures. Perhaps that is why he gives the work the title of tujing, or “gazetteer,” a term normally reserved for accounts of prefectures within the Chinese empire. Yet sometimes the barbarian attempts at imitating Chinese culture fall risibly short, and in such instances he sneers at their comical literary efforts as pale imitations, the “dregs of Tang writing.” Second, it seems clear that he wanted to ingratiate himself with Huizong by showing that the emperor’s cultural policy was working and that the Koreans were deeply devoted to Chinese civilization. This often comes across as strained, as, for example, in his description of a Buddhist temple keeping the imperial writings. It is clear that he is quite selective in picking what he will use as grist for this mill. At the same time, however, he undermines the picture of a perfect ally by describing their military as useless (chapter 13). Given the overall positive evaluation of the Koryŏ people, including those he honors with a biography, perhaps the negative remarks should be seen as out of character, unconscious nods to stereotypes that simply could not be questioned in the intellectual discourse of the time. But it does imply that he is thoroughly biased toward noting similarities between Korea and China, in spite of his stated aim of devoting the bulk of the text to the things that are different from his own country. The fact is that the customs and aspects of culture that really are different are given short shrift, relegated to a few cursory passages. Moreover, it is not clear how many of the customs he describes are based on what he saw: apart from the descriptions of the banqueting proceedings, it seems that most of his observations are second-hand knowledge. After nearly two centuries of interaction, a good deal of information about Koryŏ was circulating in Song China, and Xu definitely drew on earlier embassy accounts and probably also on orally transmitted lore. One of the most problematic aspects in this is his lack of a diachronic perspective. Taking Koguryŏ-Koryŏ as an unchanging entity,165 he often recycles information from dynastic records that go back nearly a millennium, presenting that information as if it were applicable to the contemporary society. Yet it is also important to note that bias is not one-sided. It is influ-

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enced by multiple refractions among the objects of his gaze. Like good tourist guides, the Koryŏ entourage had internalized Song preconceptions about themselves and consciously and unconsciously played to that image. Those assigned to deal with the Chinese—the escort commissioners—were invariably people who had been on missions to China and who knew how to deal with their guests. Well aware that the Chinese were keen to see the results of their mission civilatrice, they showed them evidence of Korean veneration for Chinese culture, even if they had to make it up out of whole cloth, as in the lengthy paean to Chinese culture attributed to Kim Injon. In so doing, they could manipulate the Chinese gaze to their own ends. This is most notably the case in the claims that Koryŏ succeeded to Koguryŏ. That the Illustrated Account (and other Chinese works of the time) failed to even acknowledge Silla as standing between Koguryŏ and Koryŏ must count as a Korean coup in the campaign to manipulate the Chinese view of them. It can be regarded as a victory for Koryŏ’s diplomacy because the northern part of the peninsula was also claimed by Liao and Jin, who, in turn, tried to lay claim to Koguryŏ. Ironically, the Illustrated Account, intended to prove to the emperor that his project of culturally manipulating the Koreans was working, ultimately shows the Koreans to have adroitly adapted the diplomatic system to their own ends. Its biases and limitations notwithstanding, the work has never ceased to fascinate its readers. The catastrophic events that engulfed Northern Song shortly after the book was presented to the throne proved that the work failed completely in its purpose of supplying a reliable intelligence report on a foreign ally. Yet this does not seem to have impacted its popularity. Koreans from Kim Pusik onward have taken to the Illustrated Account for its basically sympathetic portrayal of Koryŏ and its people. For the Chinese, it continued to represent a source of information on Korea as reliable and comprehensive as was possible to obtain at the time. Additionally, it probably resonated with feelings of nostalgia for the cultural efflorescence that took place under Emperor Huizong, who after all remained the archetypal emperor-artist; at the same time, it was probably also read for its exotic appeal.166 For the modern reader, the book is especially interesting both for its detailed descriptions of the Koryŏ capital and the journey to it and for the worldview it presents of a twelfth-century Chinese intellectual. Thanks to Xu Jing’s meticulous attention to places and place-names, we can easily follow in his footsteps and reconstruct the arduous journey of the embassy to Koryŏ. Along the way we get tantalizing glimpses of religious practices, shipping, everyday life, eating and drinking, clothing, build-



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ings, institutions, and so much more. In this short introduction I have not come close to drawing a comprehensive picture of the Illustrated Account; it is a complex and fascinating work that demands much more study. In particular, it needs to be better contextualized, in terms of its reception history in China for example; many of my conclusions are tentative, as I have not been able to study the abundant Chinese writings of the Song period in any detail. A great deal of work also remains to be done in matching Xu Jing’s information with Korean sources. In the meantime I hope this translation will help to convey to a Western audience the appeal that this work has held for so many generations of Chinese and Koreans.

II. Translation Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ

An Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ

Preface I heard that the Son of Heaven, at the end of grand court meetings on the first day of the first month, spread out in the courtyard maps and [population] registers of all the countries. The kings, earls, viscounts, and barons of all the myriad countries were gathered together in one place and could thus inspect them. For this reason what the officials [in charge of the maps] had collected was treated with the utmost reverence, and the position of foreign envoys was a matter of the greatest urgency. Formerly, under [King] Cheng of Zhou [r. 1115–1078 BCE], the Bureau of Operations1 managed the maps of the under-heaven. In order to manage the land of the under-heaven, they differentiated between peoples of a country, of the metropole, of the provinces, of the Four Yi in the east and the Eight Man in the south, of the Seven Min and Nine Luo in the north, and of the Five Rong in the west and Six Di in the north;2 the Zhou knew about all their strengths and weaknesses.3 The officials of the guest department (xingren) staffed the postal stations along the roads [taken by envoys], and as for congratulations or relief efforts, there was nothing they did not manage pertaining to their five areas of responsibility (wuwu).4 For any felicitous event or bad event, everything that falls within their five areas of responsibility, there is nothing that cannot be consulted in the books. All this was reported to the king, enabling him to obtain comprehensive knowledge of all that happened in the under-heaven. The officials for foreign affairs (waishi)5 recorded these facts and used them to compile gazetteers for the countries of all four directions. The cadastral officers (dasitu) compiled these facts and made them into maps of the territory.6 The reading instructors (songxun) lectured on them, so as to draw attention to the lessons to be derived from them.7 The geography instructors (tuxun) lectured on them so as to draw attention to the affairs of the earth.8 59

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This is how the esteemed “single man” [yiren, i.e., the emperor], though secluded deep in the nine layers [of the palace] where he loftily resided, could observe the four quarters ten thousand miles into the distance as if pointing to something in the palm of his hand. When the Duke of Pei9 first entered the [Hangu] pass, Xiao He10 alone gathered the maps and books of Qin. While the Heavenly Mandate was already settled, the fact that the Han dynasty obtained intelligence of strategic areas and the household census was all due to Xiao He’s merit! When Changsun Sheng of Sui reached the Tujue,11 at every excursion or hunting trip he immediately recorded the local terrain to the smallest nook and cranny. After his return he reported his observations to Emperor Wen [r. 581–604]: with his mouth he related the situation, with his hands he drew the terrain. Eventually, on a later day, the effectiveness of [this report] was proven. However, one of the foremost tasks of someone who takes a light carriage to travel as an envoy to another country is the compiling of maps and registers. In the case of Koryŏ, this is all the more difficult: since it is located east of the Liao [River],12 it is not like being in the proximity of the imperial domain, where an order sent out in the morning gets a response in the evening. The earthly enterprises [of the vassal states] eventually must turn to the celestial virtue of the emperor, the myriad countries becoming like family. Koryŏ was fortunate to be embraced by Emperor Shenzong [1067–1085]13 and induced to come to the court.14 After selecting the best talents at court, they took back the imperial rescript that they were fortunate to touch. Such were the magnificent grace and the lavish rituals, the likes of which had not been seen before. Then, because of his pervasive talent in the classics and his writing, which transcended his generation, Supervising Secretary [Lu] Yundi15 had captured the first rank in the examination, and much hope resided in his work. As for the drafting advisor of the Royal Secretariat, [Fu] Moqing,16 he was well known for the eminence of his learning as well as for his actions. He strictly observed loyalty and filial piety and did not shrink from his duties. Together they were commissioned [as chief envoy and deputy envoy] and went to Koryŏ. Not only did the way they upheld the worthiness of their insignia when conducting the talks live up to the great envoys of yesteryear, but also their dignity and reputation of itself sufficed to strengthen the authority of the court and inspired and uplifted the barbarians [through what they] saw and heard. However, after they had received the commission to serve but just before their departure, news came that Wang U [Yejong] had passed away [so that] they were also entrusted with offering sacrifices and transmitting condolences.



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Your servant is a slow-witted rustic. Because of the lack of [suitable] people who could be recruited, I was attached at the end of the embassy. For the really important affairs, I firmly followed those in charge but here and there managed to achieve something insignificant and insufficient to recompense even one ten-thousandth of the court’s outlay for the embassy. Taking a step back, I reproach myself, intoning the line “[even when riding a galloping horse,] everywhere enquire, everywhere reflect” from the poem “Brilliant Are the Flowers.”17 For discreetly asking about all affairs, this is exactly the task of the envoy. Merely with what reached my ears and eyes, I collected a wide variety of stories. I sifted out what was similar to China and retained what was different; this resulted in more than three hundred items altogether, organized in forty chapters; I have drawn the shapes of objects in pictures and described affairs in words. [The resulting work] is called An Illustrated Account of the Xuanhe Embassy to Koryŏ. Your servant first looked at the Monograph on Kyerim (Jilin zhi) composed by Wang Yun in the Chongning era [1102–1106]. [Wang Yun] first recorded the description [of affairs] but didn’t draw the shapes [of objects]. Recently during the embassy, I took [Wang’s work] along to ascertain its contents, and there was much to supplement.18 For your perusal of the illustrated account made by your servant, I have selected [to place] in front of you [certain] secluded spots in different territories. It is thus modeled after the precedent of “grouping the rice” as practiced by the ancients.19 Formerly when Zhang Qian of the Han set out for his mission to the Yuezhi20 [and then] returned after thirteen years, he could barely relate the topography and local products of the countries he had traversed. Your servant is stupid and his talent falls short of his predecessors. Yet unlike Zhang Qian, he was in Koryŏ for barely more than a month, and after receiving a place in the hostel he was shielded by guards. In all, he could venture outside only five or six times. What reaches the ear and eye while hurrying about in carts or on horseback, or while wining and dining, is not like having thirteen years of time [to observe things]. Still, [your servant] obtained the rough draft of the founding of their country and the essence of their government, as well as the forms of customs and everyday things. Without fail these have been drawn or organized and properly recorded. I have not dared to boast or aggrandize, nor have I sneaked in embellishments, which would amount to clouding your majesty’s judgment. I have simply collected the facts to report to the court. Thereby I have, however minutely, tried to repay my indebtedness [for receiving] this commission. In accordance with the decree that called me to the palace, I offer this to the emperor, respectfully presenting the overall outline of the work in this preface.

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On the sixth day of the eighth month of the sixth year of Xuanhe [1124], the court gentleman consultant,21 entrusted with the position of assistant general secretary and in charge of ritual objects on the ship carrying the state-letter embassy to Koryŏ, endowed with the purple fish pouch,22 your servant Xu Jing, respectfully composed this preface.



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Chapter 1: Founding of the Country I have heard that the majority of those who act as chief to the barbarians use deceit and force to aggrandize themselves with fancy names and fake titles such as chanyu or kehan;23 these are not worth repeating. Koryŏ, on the other hand, since the enfeoffment of Kija, selects its feudal lords24 on the basis of their virtue. Later generations were somewhat less scrupulous, but rulers of other surnames still laid claim to the titles of the Han when they took over the seat of power. Thus, to those above, proper respect was shown, and those below followed the order of precedence. Therefore, the succession of dynasties and the transmission from generation to generation has been well documented. I have investigated all the histories and arranged their generations of kings to compose the following record of the founding of their dynasty. The First Enfeoffment The origins of Koryŏ lie in King Wu of Zhou’s enfeoffment of Kija, [whose name was] Xuyu, as ruler of Chosŏn; in fact, his surname was Zi.25 Passing from the Zhou over the Qin to the Han, in the twelfth year of Gaozu [195 BCE], a person of Yan named Wi Man sought asylum [in Chosŏn]. He brought together a faction and made them wear the mallet-shaped hairdo and dress of the barbarians; they then invaded the territory of Chosŏn and made him king.26 Kija’s lineage ruled the country for eight hundred years and were then succeeded by the Wi. The Wi ruled for eighty years. Before this, the king of Puyŏ obtained the daughter of the river spirit. Penetrated by the rays of the sun, she became pregnant and gave oviparous birth. When [the boy] got big he was good at shooting, and because the word for “good marksman” in the vernacular is chumong, he was given the name Chumong. The Puyŏ people thought his extraordinary birth was inauspicious and asked to eliminate him. Chumong became afraid and fled. When he reached a river that had no bridge, it appeared [to him] that it was impossible to cross. Then he took his bow and struck the water, chanting an incantation, [whereupon] fishes and turtles floated side by side so he could ride them to safety [on the other shore]. He reached Hŭlsŭnggol Fortress and settled there, naming it Koguryŏ. Because of this he took the name Ko as surname and Koryŏ27 as the name of the country.28 Altogether there were five tribes: the Sono, Chŏllo, Sunno, Kwanno, and Kyeru.29 When Emperor Wu of the Han [r. 141–87 BCE] destroyed Chosŏn, he made Koryŏ a district subordinate to the Xuantu30 commandery. The

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chief of Koryŏ was granted drummers, pipers, and other entertainers. Frequently chiefs presented themselves to the commandery to receive official robes and caps from the court. The district prefect was in charge of the name register [census]. Later [the chiefs] grew somewhat arrogant and stopped going to the commandery. On the eastern border [the Chinese] built a small fortress where at regular times of year they could receive [the robes and caps]. For this reason it is called Ch’aek [“cap”] kuru, kuru being a Koryŏ name for fortress. Thereupon, for the first time [the Koryŏ chief] called himself king.31 Wang Mang tried to raise troops [from among the Koryŏ] to punish the Xiongnu, but the [troops] never arrived and so he downgraded the king [of Koryŏ] to a feudal lord. Then the Koguryŏ people started raiding the border. During the reign of Emperor Guangwu [25–57 CE] Koryŏ flourished [again] and sent administrators to outlying regions.32 In the eighth year of Jianwu [32 CE],33 [Koryŏ] sent envoys to our court. Because of this, the title of king was restored to them and they were ranked as an outer dependency.34 After the reign of Emperor An [106–125], the tribes started to flourish, and though they sometimes resorted to plundering raids, in the end they turned around and submitted tribute again. First the Sono tribe provided kings, but later [their line] declined and the Kyeru attacked and replaced them.35 Then [the throne was passed on] to Wang Kung,36 who as soon as he was born opened his eyes and could see. The people of the country loathed him [for this, but] he grew up to be strong and brave. During the reign of Emperor He [88–105 CE], [Wang Kung] frequently raided the area east of the Liao River. [The throne] then passed to Wang Paekko.37 When Paekko died, he left two sons. The one named Palgi, was unworthy to succeed his father. The other [son] was called I’imo,38 and the country’s people enthroned him. At the end of the Han, Gongsun Kang defeated I’imo in his country below Hwando-san.39 The people then by consensus put his son Wigung on the throne.40 Wigung was also very brave and liked to ride horses. Like his ancestor Kung, he could see at birth. Since this king was like [Kung], and since the Kuryŏ41 people use the word wi to mean “like,” he was named Wigung [Wi-Kung], “like Kung.” The Wei general Guanqiu Jian slaughtered [many Koguryŏ soldiers], pursuing [Wigung] as far as Suksin. [The general] then engraved a stone to record his merits and returned.42 In the Yongjia era [307–313] of the Jin period [265–316], the [territory of the] fifth-generation descendant of Wigung, Soe,43 was contiguous with that of the Xianbei [leader] Murong Hui44 in the area west of the Liao River. Murong Hui could not contain him. In the beginning of the Jianyuan era [343–344] of Emperor Kang [of the Eastern Jin] [r. 342–344], the son



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of Murong Hui, Murong Huang,45 led an army to attack Koguryŏ, and inflicted a heavy defeat.46 Later [Soe] was annihilated by Paekche.47 Later, Murong Bao granted their king, Ko An, the title governor of Pingzhou.48 In the Yixi period [405–418], An’s grandson Yŏn sent the regional chief Son Ik to offer piebald horses49 and was rewarded with the title governor of Yingzhou, king of Koryŏ, and lord of the Lolang commandery. During the time of Emperor Wen of the Sui [r. 581–605], the seventhgeneration descendant of Yŏn, Wŏn, led Malgal troops to attack the area east of the Liao River.50 During the time of Emperor Taizong of the Tang [r. 627–650], the great man of this eastern tribe, [Yŏn] Kaesomun,51 plundered and harassed indiscriminately. The emperor himself attacked Yŏn Kaesomun, his authority shaking the area of Bohai and east of the Liao River. Gaozong [650–684] then ordered Li Ji [594–669] to pacify Koguryŏ. He took the king, Pojang [r. 642–668], captive52 and surveyed the land and divided it into prefectures and districts. He established the Andong protectorate in Pyongyang Fortress and protected it with a garrison. Later, Empress Wu sent a general to kill their leader, Kŏl Konu, and install [instead] Kŏl Chungsang. But Chungsang died of illness and so his son [Tae] Choyŏng was enthroned; because he had four hundred thousand people who were based in the [territory of] Kyeru, he was loyal to Tang [which then ruled over this territory].53 During the reign of Emperor Zhongzong [705–710], Holhan province was established and Choyŏng made governor and king of the Parhae commandery, which was later named Parhae [state].54 Originally, when [Po]jang was [still] captive [of the Tang], one of his chieftains, Kŏmmojam, enthroned the king’s grandson (through his daughter) as King Sun.55 Then [the Tang] ordered Gao Kan to pacify him. The seat of the protectorate-general was moved several times, and most of the old fortresses were annexed by Silla,56 the rest of the people being scattered among the Tujue or the Malgal.57 The Ko clan was thus cut off for a long time but slightly revived toward the end of the Tang so that they could again act as kings to their country. In the first year of Tongguang of the Later Tang [923], they sent an embassy to court,58 but the histories omit the family name of the ruler. In the second year of Changxing [931], Wang Kŏn provisionally took charge of state affairs59 and sent tribute embassies to court, upon which he received a title that bestowed the state on him.60

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Chapter 2: Dynastic Lineages I heard that the historian’s way is to transmit briefly that which is distant and in detail what is near. The historical royal lineages of Koryŏ have been described in outline above. From the time the Wang clan founded the country, across successive generations they faithfully served the present dynasty [i.e., the Song]. By the time of Wang U [Yejong, r. 1105–1122] and Wang Hae [Injong, r. 1122–1146], the rituals bestowed were even more munificent. Thus I could not but record these one by one. Now I will respectfully submit the succession of kings and their lineages and finish with the account of Wang Hae’s conduct. The Wang Clan The ancestors of the Wang clan are an illustrious family of Koryŏ. When the power of the Ko clan declined, the people of the country chose Wang Kŏn [T’aejo, 918–943] as their leader because of his virtue. In the third year of Changxing of the Later Tang [932], he announced that the authority to govern the country rested with him and requested the mandate from Emperor Mingzong [r. 925–933].61 Then [the emperor] invited Wang Kŏn to become governor of Xuantu province, granted him the title of “greatly righteous military envoy,” and invested him as king of Koryŏ. In the second year of Kaiyun of Jin [945], [Wang] Kŏn died, and his son Mu [King Hyejong] was enthroned.62 Toward the end of the Qianyou period [948– 950] of Han, Mu died and his son So [King Kwangjong, r. 949–975] came to the throne.63 Then in the third year of Jianlong of our imperial [Song] dynasty [962], Emperor Taizu was at the height of his power, which covered myriad countries, and So sent envoys to court. He was bestowed the title of merit subject and was granted stipend villages.64 In the ninth year of Kaibao [976], So died and his son Chu [Kyŏngjong, r. 975–981] came to the throne.65 He sent envoys to request the mandate and was enfeoffed as king of Koryŏ. After Emperor Taizong [r. 976–997] came to the throne, he changed the title of the enfeoffment to “greatly obedient military envoy.” In the seventh year of Taiping xingguo [982], Chu died, and his younger brother Ch’i [Sŏngjong, 981–997] sent a petition requesting that the enfeoffment be passed on to him.66 An edict granted this request. In the sixth year of Xunhua [995], the Khitan attacked Koryŏ.67 Ch’i, having no protection, was seized by fear and so became vassal to the northern caitiffs,68 after which he had to cease sending tribute missions to the [Song]



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court. When Ch’i died, his younger brother Song [Mokchong, r. 997–1009] came to the throne.69 In the third year of Xianping [1000] his minister Chu Inso came to the imperial court with the following message: “The people of my country pine for the imperial transformation, but forced by a powerful neighbor, we cannot do as we please.”70 The court bestowed an edict of praise on him. In the seventh year of Dazhong xiangfu [1014], Song died.71 His younger brother Sun [Hyŏnjong, r. 1009–1031]72 took charge of government affairs and inflicted a heavy defeat on the Khitan. He [resumed] the sincere offering of tribute and furthermore requested to receive a title and the correct calendar and also requested investiture.73 Emperor Zhenzong [r. 997–1022] initially wanted to grant this request, but because his ministers criticized this, the emperor desisted and agreed to send only an edict. During the Tiansheng era [1023–1031], Koryŏ envoys frequently came together with Jurchen [representatives] to offer local products in tribute.74 The Son of Heaven gracefully recompensed this with exquisite rituals showing his consideration for Koryŏ. Later, Sun died and his son Yung came to the throne. Yung was unremittingly weak, inattentive to government affairs, and abrogated his power. Afraid of the northern caitiffs, he again became subservient to them, so the tribute embassies [to Song] were again discontinued. After he died, he was privately given the posthumous title of Chŏng[jong].75 His son Tŏk[chong], whose personal name was Hŭm, and [Tŏkchong’s] younger brother Mok[chong], personal name Hyŏng, all failed to send tribute missions, so the imperial court also ceased dispatching envoys.76 The younger brother of Hyŏng was Hwi [Munjong, r. 1046–1083]. In the fourth year of Xining [1071], he took charge of the country and resumed the offering of tribute.77 In both the seventh and ninth year [of Xining, i.e., 1074 and 1076], envoys arrived. Emperor Shenzong [r. 1067–1085] praised [Munjong’s] loyalty. Then in the first year of Yuanfeng [1078], the emperor appointed Junior Grand Master of Remonstrance An Tao as state-letter envoy; [An] was seconded by the imperial diarist, Chen Mu. Departing from Mingzhou,78 they conquered the sea and crossed the ocean, but when they arrived, Hwi was gravely ill, suffering from paralysis. All he could do was pay his respects to the imperial mandate and request physicians and medicine. The emperor inspected this petition and granted it. In the third and fourth year [of Yuanfeng, i.e., 1080 and 1081] Koryŏ sent envoys to court. In the sixth year [of Yuanfeng, i.e. 1083] Hwi died; he had been on the throne for thirty-eight years and was posthumously titled Mun[jong].79 His son, the crown prince, Hun [King Sunjong, 1083], was then enthroned but died after one hundred days. His younger brother, the Prince

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of Kugwŏn, whose personal name was Un [Sŏnjong, 1083–1094], took the throne. The emperor appointed Senior Grand Master of Remonstrance Yang Jinglüe as sacrificial envoy,80 while the guest protocol envoy, Wang Shunfeng, seconded him. Junior Grand Master of Remonstrance Qian Xie was made condolence envoy, while Assistant Commissioner for Audience Ceremonies Zhu Qiu seconded him. In the seventh month of 1084 they departed from Banqiao Harbor in Mizhou81 and crossed the sea to Koryŏ. In 1085 Emperor Zhezong ascended the throne and envoys [from Koryŏ] came to offer condolences [for the deceased emperor, Shenzong]. The emperor also sent envoys to congratulate Un on his accession. After four years on the throne [Un] died82 and was given the posthumous title Sŏn[jong]. His son Yo then ascended, but in less than a year he had to abdicate due to illness. The people of the country then requested that his uncle Hŭi [Sukchong, r. 1095–1105] rule in his stead. Not long after, Yo died and was given the posthumous title Hoe[jong].83 Hŭi then succeeded him to the throne. Between the fifth year of Yuanyou [1090] and the first year of Yuanfu [1098], tribute missions again arrived at the imperial court. Then in the third year [of Yuanfu, i.e., 1100], [Sukchong] sent envoys to comfort and support [the new emperor Huizong]. It was in accord with the events of the Yuanfeng era [that Song-Koryŏ relations were resumed]. When the emperor [Huizong, r. 1100–1125] succeeded to the throne, he pursued filial piety by following earlier examples; he followed exactly in the footsteps of previous heroes. In forests or seas, near and far, there was nobody who did not pledge loyalty. His virtue spread across the borders; his grace reached the corners of the sea. Then in the first year of Chongning [1102], he ordered the vice director of the Ministry of Revenue, Liu Kui, and the supervising secretary, Wu Shi, to put together a mission to Koryŏ. The presents were munificent and the emperor’s grace and virtue resplendent, in order to bestow ever more favors on Koryŏ. Following the will of his deceased father, Shenzong, [Huizong] rewarded and cherished Koryŏ even more than before. In the fifth month of the second year [of Chongning, 1103], the embassy set out from Plum Peak in Mingzhou circuit84 and crossed the sea to Koryŏ. At that time Hŭi, to avoid a Khitan taboo name, changed his name from Hŭi to Ong.85 From the time when former emperor Shenzong was ruling the empire, efforts were made to attract people from afar, and heaven accorded with the emperor’s plans. When Wang Hwi inherited the throne,86 he followed this purport; it was certainly not coincidence. Hwi was loyal and obedient; residing in principle, he knew how to honor China and provided lodging and took care of its envoys. In ritual and intention he was



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diligent and generous. Even when meeting with traders, he observed this demeanor. Because his rule honored humanity and reciprocity, he reigned the country for a very long period. How appropriate! In the second year of Chongning [1103], Ong died at the age of fifty87 and was succeeded by his son, crown prince U [King Yejong, r. 1105–1122]. From the third year of Changxing [932] till now, the sixth year of Xuanhe [1124], the Wang dynasty has ruled the country for 193 years, over nine generations and seventeen kings. (See Figure 1 on next page.) Wang Hae, [Present] King of Koryŏ Hae [Injong, 1122–1146] was the son and heir apparent of Wang U. In the third month of 1122, U became gravely ill. He summoned Yi Chagyŏm88 to deliberate the issue of his succession. In the fourth month, U died, and Yi Chagyŏm and others made Hae the new king. Hae’s facial features are penetrating and handsome; he is of short stature with plenty of flesh on his bones and a full face; he is clever and learned and also very strict. When he was still in the Spring Palace,89 if officials transgressed, they would invariably meet with a fierce rebuke. So even though he came to the throne at a young age,90 he was fully capable, and the officials rather feared him. When the accredited envoys approached him, he received the edict and paid his respects to it, then offered a lavish banquet. In ascending and descending [the throne], in entering and leaving, his demeanor was as composed as that of an adult. He thus acts as a sage ruler to the eastern barbarians.

Figure 1: Genealogy of early Koryŏ kings; 1a (left) according to the Illustrated Account,1b (right) actual genealogy.

Personal name Kŏn Mu Yo So Chu Ch’i Song Sun Hŭm Hyŏng Hwi Hun Un Uk Ong U Hae

Temple name T’aejo (918–943) Hyejong (943–945) Chŏngjong (945–949) Kwangjong (949–975) Kyŏngjong (975–981) Sŏngjong (981–979) Mokchong (979–1009) Hyŏnjong (1009–1031) Tŏkchong (1031–1034) Chŏngjong (1034–1046) Munjong (1046–1083) Sunjong (1083) Sŏnjong (1083–1094) Hŏnjong (1094–1095) Sukchong (1095–1105) Yejong (1105–1122) Injong (1122–1146)

Note: Diagram 1a is based on the drawing as it occurs in the Jingjiang edition, while 1b is a corrected version reflecting our knowledge of the relationships between the first seventeen kings of Koryŏ based on Korean sources such as the Koryŏsa. The better-known temple names of these kings are as follows (in the correct sequence as reflected in diagram 1b).

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Chapter 3: Cities I have heard that among the leaders of the four barbarian [tribes], many rely on mountains and valleys [for their livelihood] and seek out water and grass [land]. They move frequently and regard this as convenient and natural. Thus they have no opportunity of developing a system of national cities. The Jushi and Shanshan [kingdoms]91 of the western regions could merely build fences for the cities where they dwelled. When the historians still classify them as “countries with walled cities,” it is likely to record the difference [from nomadic peoples]. For Koryŏ, however, it is completely different. They have established a royal ancestor shrine and an altar for the earth and grain deities and have instituted town halls and provincial governors’ mansions.92 They have high parapets all around [their walled city], imitating the Chinese style. Probably these are remnants of the Chinese customs that were introduced with Kija’s investiture and that have been maintained till the present. Our imperial court occasionally sends envoys to maintain and support the country. When they enter its borders and notice the soaring ramparts, they cannot easily dismiss the country as barbarian. I have completely obtained the features pertaining to the layout of their country and have drawn them here. Borders To the south, Koryŏ borders on the Liao Sea; at some distance to its west is the Liao River. To the north it connects with the former territory of the Khitan, while to its east is located the great Jin empire. Furthermore, [Koryŏ] is not too distant from such countries as Japan, the Ryukyus, Tamna,93 [and the lands of] the Hŭksu [Malgal]94 and the Hairy People,95 with whom its borders are jagged and interlocking like a dog’s teeth. Only Silla and Paekche failed to consolidate their borders and were annexed by Koryŏ, now forming the provinces of Naju and Kwangju.96 The country is located northeast of our capital. Taking the land route from Yanshan and crossing the Liao area toward the east to their border is [a journey of] 3,790 leagues.97 As for the sea route, you can depart from Hebei, Jingdong, Huainan, Zhejiang, Guangnan, or Fujian. The country as it is now established is directly opposite the coasts belonging to Deng, Lai, Bin, and Di [prefectures].98 From the Yuanfeng era on, every envoy sent by the court has departed from Dinghai near Mingzhou99 to sail across the sea toward the north. Ships always set sail after the summer solstice, when a



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southern wind blows in the right direction, so that in a mere five days they could reach the other shore. When the borders of old were enfeoffed, [Koryŏ] measured more than 2,000 leagues east-west and more than 1,500 leagues north-south. Since it has also annexed Silla and Paekche, its territory is now somewhat wider both toward the north and the east. To the northwest, it adjoins the Khitan. Previously, it shared a border with the great Liao [empire of Khitan], but after Koryŏ was invaded, Naewŏn Fortress was constructed to stop [future incursions], and the fortress has held firm.100 However, [Koryŏ] has also relied [for protection] on the Amnok River, which is tricky to cross. The Amnok River emerges in Malgal [territory] and derives its name from the fact that its water is the same color as the head of a mallard.101 It flows through the area east of the Liao River for 500 leagues, passes through Kungnaesŏng, and to the west conjoins a stream called the Yŏmnan River.102 The two rivers conjoined flow southwest to Anp’yŏng Fortress,103 where they empty into the sea. This is the largest of Koryŏ’s rivers; with waves and clear, [deep] water, at the place where one can ford across it, there is moored a large war vessel. The country relies on this [river] as a natural defense. The water is about 300 paces wide. It is 450 leagues northwest of Pyongyang and 480 leagues southeast of the Liao River.104 [The territory] to the east of the Liao River used to belong to the Khitan, but now the caitiff hordes105 have disappeared and, the land [around the river] being infertile, the Jin has not restored its fortresses and defenses. Now it merely functions as a passageway for travelers. West of the Amnok River are also the Paengnang and Hwang’am Rivers; they come together a few leagues beyond P’ari Fortress and flow south as the Liao River.106 During the Zhenguan era [627–650] of Tang, at the time of his comprehensive rout of Koryŏ, Li Ji crossed [the river] at Namso.107 Surprised that the water there was shallow and narrow, he asked about this and was told that “this is where the Liao [River] originates.”108 It is known from antiquity that you cannot for long rely on this river as a secure [border]. This is why Koryŏ has withdrawn its defenses to the east of the Amnok. Topography Koryŏ people generally can read books109 and understand the principle of civilized ways, yet they also observe taboos according to yin-yang theories. Therefore, when constructiing something in their country, it has to match the topography. Only when a location has been analyzed for a long time can it be chosen as a site for dwelling. From the end of the Han, [the capital] was moved to the foot of Hwan-

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do Mountain.110 Later, from the Wei to the Tang, they lived in Pyongyang until Li Ji pacified its territory and established a protectorate-general. After that, they escaped to settle slightly to the east; the exact location is not clear however. Toward the end of the Tang the state was revived at the place where the capital now is. It used to be known as Kaeju but is now reestablished as Kaesŏng-bu.111 To the north, the city leans on Mount Sung,112 the shape of which runs from the north-northwest but at its spine [below the peak] slightly splits into two mutually encircling [branches]. Geomancers call these the dragon and tiger arms. Looking at it from the viewpoint of the five notes theory,113 since the Wang clan has a surname corresponding to shang,114 they need a higher [mountain] to the west if they are to prosper. Qian, “to prosper,” is the hexagram for the northwest.115 The connecting hill [conveying the energy from the main mountain] drops north-northwest. To its right a mountain twists and turns from the west to the north before turning due south toward a peak that is especially prominent and sturdy as an overturned basin and therefore called a table [mountain].116 Outside [the city] there is another table [mountain] that is about double the height of the first one.117 The situation of the mountains is such that they respond to each other, one as host and the other as guest, one north and the other south. The watercourse originates behind Mount Sung. It runs toward the north, and after heading due north it turns toward the northeast before winding its way into the city. Coming out of the Kwanghwa Gate it bends slightly north and then again follows a southern course to flow out of the city.118 What is described above is the trigram qian, which stands for the metal element.119 Metal stands for longevity, so to be to the southeast of it is an auspicious divination. Looking down on the city from halfway up Mount Sung, to the left is the stream, to the right mountains, at the back the ridge and in front a mountain pass120 with dense forests. The topography resembles “an azure young dragon drinking from a mountain torrent.” Thus it is only natural that [the Koryŏ] have held the eastern territory for so long and that they have always been a vassal state to the hallowed dynasty [of China]. The Capital Since before the Tang dynasty Koryŏ had situated [its capital] in Pyongyang, which was originally the Nangnang commandery founded by Emperor Wu of Han and later the [seat of] the protectorate-general established by Emperor Gaozong. Judging from the Tang treatises, Pyongyang



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is southeast of the Amnok River. Toward the end of the Tang, the Koryŏ ruler took heed of the many military troubles over the generations and moved [the capital] somewhat to the east. The present capital is more than a thousand leagues southeast of the Amnok; it is not the Pyongyang of old.121 Its walls measure sixty leagues in circumference; the terrain is coiling and twisted and the ground is full of sand and gravel, [yet] the walls are constructed following this topography. Outside the walls there is no moat, and no woman’s wall was built [on top of the walls].122 [Instead] extended rooms that look like galleries have been constructed in a row; they look rather like watchtowers.123 Although military installations have been installed, not much care has been taken in preparing them. Also, because of the shape of the mountains, [the walls] are not high or strong enough. Especially in the lowest places, they cannot foil the enemy. Should the alarm be sounded, I am convinced they are insufficient as protection. There are twelve outer gates,124 each with its own designated name. The old monograph only knew about seven of these.125 I have obtained the correct names [for all twelve]. To the east are the Sŏn’in (declaring humanity) Gate, for which the old [monograph] does not have the proper name, merely calling it Tongdae (eastern great) Gate;126 the Sung’in (worshiping humanity) Gate, which the old [monograph] calls Tong (eastern) Gate;127 and the Anjŏng (peaceful stability) Gate, which the old [monograph] calls Suhyul, a [word taken from the] Koryŏ dialect.128 To the southeast is the Changp’ae (waxing moon) Gate,129 not mentioned in the old [monograph], and due south are the Sŏnhwa (declaring China) Gate, also not recorded in the old [monograph]; Hoebin (meeting guests) Gate; and T’aean (grand peace) Gate, the name of which according to the old [monograph] is Chŏnggwan (Zhenguan-era) Gate but which has been changed to the above name. To the southwest is the Kwangdŏk (bright virtue) Gate; the old [monograph] calls this Chŏngju Gate, as indeed the road leads there,130 but names of administrative divisions are not proper for gates. Due west are the Sŏnŭi (declaring righteousness) Gate and the Sanye (lion’s) Gate. Due north is the Pukch’ang (northern flourish) Gate; the old [monograph] calls it Sungsan Gate because it is the road specially for climbing this mountain. To the northeast is the Sŏn’gi (declaring blessings) Gate; the old [monograph] calls this Kŭmgyo (golden suburb) Gate, but now it has changed to this name. In the southwestern corner are established the palace and residences of the royal city. In its northeastern corner is the Sunch’ŏn Hostel. [The hostel] is very well built—even its western gate is imposing and beautiful—since it was constructed for the Chinese envoys. From the Bureau for Capital Markets131 to the Hŭngguk Temple Bridge, and from the Kwanghwa Gate as far as the Storehouse for Offerings to Deceased Ancestors,132

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there are long galleries measuring several hundred bays.133 Because the people’s houses are dilapidated and not wholesome to behold, these [galleries] are used to block them from view; they [officials] do not want to let people see how ugly they are.134 The southeastern gate is where the stream [mentioned above] flows southeast;135 here all the different streams come together. The remaining gates belong to offices, palaces and shrines, Taoist and Buddhist temples, detached palaces, and guest houses. Because of the terrain, all these are spread around like stars. People’s houses are grouped in clusters of more than ten, together forming a hamlet. As for public wells, streets, and markets, they do not merit reporting. Here I have given a broad overview of how the state is constructed and have provided drawings. For the rest, please refer to the other sections.

Map 2: Walls and gates of Kaesŏng. (See Table 3 for key to numbers.)



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Viewing Towers Originally there were no viewing towers136 in the royal city. But since the exchange of envoys started, Koryŏ envoys roamed the suzerain country and obtained the method of the towers’ design, so now they are able to replicate them to a certain degree. At first only the palaces and temples in the royal city had [viewing towers]. Nowadays, on both sides of the official road, the ministers of state and rich people would like to show off their opulence so that, entering the Sŏnŭi Gate, [one sees] once every several tens of houses a tall building. Near Hŭngguk Temple two towers stand facing each other; the one to the left is called Pakche (broad succor), the one to the right Ikp’yŏng (equal benefit). East of the royal compound, two towers stand along the sides of the street, but I could not see their name boards; they were decorated with brightly colored awnings and curtains. I heard that they are places where the whole royal family goes to relax and enjoy the view. When the envoys pass by, women can be seen up in the towers. Stealing a glance at them, I noticed that the decoration of their clothing is not different from that of ordinary people. Some say that every time the king goes out to amuse himself [here], his family first change into embroidered [dresses]. People’s Houses Although the royal capital is vast, its soil is stony and it is full of mountains and hills with no flat and wide area. Therefore the houses of the people are scattered high and low across this terrain, like beehives or anthills. [The people] cut weeds for roof cover that is barely enough to keep out wind and rain. The size [of the houses] is only two roof beams. Comparatively rich families will have some tiled-roof buildings, but those number only one or two for every ten houses. According to the old account,137 only the houses where prostitutes or actors stayed had a long pole planted [in front] to distinguish them from good houses [i.e., the houses of moral inhabitants]. Now I have learned that this is not the reason [for the poles]. On the whole it is the habit [of residents] to indulge in heterodox worship of spirits and the poles are thus simply tools to keep the spirits at bay by offering prayers and sacrifices.138 Ward Markets Originally there were no ward markets in the royal city. From Kwanghwa Gate to the ministries and the guesthouse there is only a long gallery to

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shield the people’s houses [from view]. Sometimes there are boards in the galleries hanging over the gates to the wards. [The wards] are named Yŏngt’ong (eternal passage), Kwangdŏk (broad virtue), Hŭngsŏn (flourishing benefaction), T’ongsang (comprehensive trade), Chonsin (preserving trust), Chayang (aid and nourishment), Hyoŭi (filial piety and righteousness), and Haengson (practicing modesty).139 There are no roadside market stalls among them. There are many places where the fences are broken and there are holes in the walls [revealing] dense vegetation or vacant, unused wasteland, an even worse sight than the market stalls. It is only for external display that they attempt to make things look beautiful.140 Trade According to Koryŏ tradition, every time the envoys arrived [at the capital], [merchants] gathered everything together for a large market. There they arranged all kinds of goods for display, such as cinnabar, lacquer, and silken fabrics, all splendid products of good quality. But the gold and silver containers and goods were all products from the royal palace that were only displayed when the time came [for the envoys’ visit]. For it is not something they do habitually. The envoys from the Chongning and Daguan [1107–1110] periods witnessed this, but this time it was different. The custom is, in fact, not to have a permanent shop but just to prepare a market space141 for the day. Men and women, old and young, officials and clerks, artisans and performers, all use what they have to exchange in trade. There is no system of currency. Only rolls of cloth and silver ingots are used to calculate the price. For trifling goods for everyday use that are worth less than a roll of cloth or a tael, rice is measured and used to cover the price. The people have long been at ease with this custom and find it convenient. Meanwhile, the coins at one time granted by the imperial court [for such use]142 are now all kept in official storehouses. Occasionally they are taken out for display and the officials pass them around and play with them. Local Administrative Divisions The system of prefectures and counties is in fact not worth the name, especially for places where many settlements are grouped together. From the northwest of the country to the border with the Khitan and Jin, there are fortresses here and there, and along the southeastern coast some prefectures and counties have been established on islands and islets. Only the western capital [Pyongyang] is most resplendent, its walls and markets



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comparable to those in the Koryŏ capital. Furthermore, there are the three capitals,143 four military commands,144 and eight provinces. There are as well 118 defensive commanderies, 390 counties and garrisons, and 3,700 islands. In all of these, prefects and supervising officials have been appointed to govern the people. Only the provincial governors and those in charge of military commands have official residences of several pillars. Prefects and village heads,145 depending on where they are stationed, lodge among the people. Apart from land taxes and tributes, in the barbarian government, usually litigation is not brought to the officials. Official lands are not sufficient to support [the government bureaucracy], so the government also looks to rich people for donations.

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Chapter 4: Prominent Gates I heard that the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun respected the image of “Preparedness”146 and thus established double gates, where the watchman’s rattle was struck to keep people on their guard for robbers. Wise men of later generations also distinguished between worthy and low and so established grades [among the gates]. Therefore the gates of the Son of Heaven are called Gao (eminent), Ku (storehouse), Zhi (pheasant), Ying (response), and Lu (road), five altogether. The feudal lords eschewed two of these, [retaining] the Ku, Zhi, and Lu gates only. The state of Lu considered itself a successor to the Lord of Zhou and newly constructed the Zhi gate with two gazebos.147 How could they escape being mocked [by Confucius] in the Spring and Autumn Annals?148 How much more so for the other feudal lords! The system of prominent gates149 in Koryŏ rather resembles the rites of the feudal lords of old. Although Koryŏ frequently sent embassies to their suzerain country, their imitations are rather pedestrian. The material used for the gates is inferior and the workmanship clumsy, so the end result is plain and vulgar. Sŏnŭi Gate Sŏnŭi Gate is the gate that stands on the western compass point of the city walls.150 West is the direction of metal, and among the five norms151 it belongs to “righteousness” and for this reason obtained its name (“declaring righteousness”). Gates on the compass points are double gates; [the gate itself] is topped by a gazebo, and together [with the protective wall] they make up the double gate.152 To the north and south are side gates, which are opened separately and are built symmetrically. Each has armed guards protecting it. The middle gate is not often opened; only when the king or envoys enter or leave [the city] is it opened, otherwise everyone uses the side gates. [The envoys] travel from the Azure Waves Pavilion to the western suburbs and then have to pass through this gate before they can enter the hostel.153 Among the gates of the royal city, Sŏnŭi Gate is the largest and most ornate. It has been thus made on behalf of the envoys of the imperial court. Outer Gates The great majority of gates in the city walls are roughly built. Only Sŏnŭi Gate, as the gate where the envoys enter and leave, and Pukch’ang Gate,



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used by envoys on their journey back and also to go to the shrine,154 have been lavishly decorated. The rest cannot match these. From the Hoebin and Changp’ae gates to all the other gates, their design is roughly similar, but they have only two doors; without distinction of high and low, everyone has to enter or leave through these. Their walls are made by driving pillars [into the ground], which are protected by metal tubes.155 On top they have a small gallery. They were constructed following the height and shape of the mountains. If you look from below toward the ridge of Mount Sung, the city walls wind and twist in the shape of a snake’s writhing motions. Changp’ae Gate leads to Andong regional military command; Kwangdŏk Gate leads to Chŏngju;156 Sŏn’in Gate leads to Yangju, Chŏnju, and Naju; Sung’in Gate leads to Japan;157 Anjŏng Gate leads to Kyŏngju, Kwangju and Ch’ŏngju; Sŏn’gi Gate leads to the Jin state; Pukch’ang Gate leads to Mount Samgak,158 which is the place from which comes firewood, charcoal, pine seeds, cloth, and silk. Kwanghwa Gate Kwanghwa (broad transformation) Gate is a side gate of the royal palace. It faces east, and its appearance and structure are somewhat like Sŏnŭi Gate but without the gate enclosure; in terms of decoration, however, it surpasses Sŏnŭi Gate. It also has three gate doors. The southern side gate has a board inscribed with the four affairs of the ceremonial system commands.159 The northern side gate has a board with five characters taken from the explanation of the “creative” hexagram in the Book of Changes.160 There was still a spring poster161 attached reading, The snowy traces are still on the three-cloud steps [to the throne] The sun’s rays for the first time reach the five-phoenix hall A hundred princes pledge a long life of ten million [years] On the monarch’s dragon clothes, auspicious symbols float brightly Sŭngp’yŏng Gate Sŭngp’yŏng (ascending peace) Gate is the royal palace gate that is on the southern compass point. On top it has a two-story pavilion. At its sides rise two gazebos. Its three gates are all neatly aligned, adding to the grandeur of its design. The four corners of the gate doors are all decorated with flaming pearls made of bronze. Once inside the gate itself, to the left and right are placed two pavilions, both called Tongnak (shared joy). Low

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walls run continuously for nearly a hundred segments162 until they reach Sinbong (divine phoenix) Gate. The structure of this gate is even grander than that of Sŭngp’yŏng Gate. To the east [there is a gate] called Ch’undŏk (spring virtue). It leads to the heir apparent’s palace. To the west [there is a gate called] T’aech’o (great beginning), which leads to the site of the king’s residence. A bit more than ten paces further on is Ch’anghap (grand palace) Gate.163 This is the place where the king receives the imperial edicts. On both sides there is Sŭngch’ŏn (accepting heaven) Gate.164 When one mounts [the steps] from here, the incline is rather steep, and the inner court is narrow and confined. It is only a few tens of feet removed from the gates to Hoegyŏng Hall. The structure of Sŭngp’yŏng, Sinbong, and Ch’anghap Gates is ornate and colorful. By and large they are quite similar, although Sinbong Gate caps them all. The characters on their boards are gold on a vermillion ground, and they are in the style of Ou Yangxun.165 In general the Koryŏ people model themselves after the old and therefore would not dare to rashly use their own style and write in vulgar characters. Tongdŏk Gate Tongdŏk (sharing in virtue) Gate consists of two gates facing each other, with standing between them, Sŭngp’yŏng Gate. Their shape and structure is roughly similar to that of the palace hall gates but much higher. Only, they do not have a terrace or pavilion [on top]. The structure of Ch’angdŏk, Hoebin, Ch’ungung, and Sŭnghyu Gates166 is not different from Tongdŏk Gate. Especially between Ch’anghap167 and Sŭngch’ŏn Gates the differences are negligible. Palace Hall Gates The gate to Hoegyŏng Hall is halfway up a hill. A steep stairway of stone steps, about fifty feet high, [leads up to it].168 This is the gate to the main hall [of the palace]. It consists of three gateways, one next to the other. Through the middle gate, only the imperial decree can enter. The king and envoys separately take the left and right gates. Outside the gate twentyfour halberds are lined up. The armored soldiers hold their insignia while standing guard. Very numerous are those protecting [the gate], which is thus more strictly guarded than other gates.



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Chapter 5: Palace Halls, 1 Filled with admiration, I think of Emperor Shenzong, who diffused culture and education so that it reached even distant areas. Those who wanted to offer precious tribute goods to him in person traveled hither in great numbers by scaling [mountains] and traversing [seas]. But he was particularly generous in his display of propriety toward Koryŏ, and for this reason the emperor dispatched trusted officials, who carried imperial orders with words of comfort and support. At such time sagacious imperial rescripts were promulgated. Everywhere the envoys were able to observe, neither the names of palace halls nor the roof tiles with apotropaic masks showed any sign of trying to avoid [offending Chinese sensibilities]. From this it is evident that the wise plan of the emperor was vast and far-reaching, not apportioning blame to the barbarians for trifling matters but instead praising them for the grand design, that is, their loyalty and obedience. The Tangut Xia169 and northern caitiffs build cities of round tents made of felt. Over the four seasons, they move around depending on where they can find grass and water and on the temperature. Originally they had no fixed capital. As for Koryŏ, previous historians have already recorded how they dwell among mountains and valleys. With few fields, however much they toil, [the arable land] would be insufficient to support them, and thus their habit is to be frugal with food and drink. However, they love building palaces, and therefore to this day the halls where the king lives still have round support brackets and square roofs and rows of flying rafters colorfully decorated with red and blue. To see these gives a vast and lofty feeling. Following the ridge of Mount Sung, I stumbled along a lofty and precipitous path that was shaded by old trees, almost as if it were a mountain shrine or temple. I have drawn their appearance here and have also not omitted any names.170 Royal Palace Compound Along the inner walls surrounding the royal palace compound there are thirteen gates, each with its own name plaque.171 Their meaning has been chosen according to the direction [they face]. Only Kwanghwa Gate faces due east, leading to the grand avenue. Among the fifteen hall gates, Sinbong Gate is the most resplendent. Among the sixteen [administrative buildings]172 of the royal compound, the Department of Ministries is the foremost. The nine palace halls173 are uneven [in size and splendor], but

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among them Hoegyŏng [Hall] is the principal one. The three pavilions174 stand together like a triad; among them the Ch’ŏngyŏn (clear swallows) Pavilion is [the most] grand and imposing. There are also other small halls where one can dwell at ease. For the daily briefings [the king] sits on his throne, a wooden dais on which a padded cushion is spread. The state officials and trusted servants kneel down in rows on either side of the dais and listen to receive the royal instructions. These [instructions] are then passed on to the next levels. The great ministers see the king once every five days; there is no special building for policy deliberations.175 The other officials, apart from the first and fifteenth day of the month, meet four times [a month] with the king to listen to his instructions and receive their assignments. For this they stand outside the door [of the throne hall],176 the official in charge of petitions takes his place at the door to pass the instructions and assignments to them. To mount the steps [to the throne] or to return to one’s seat, everyone takes off his shoes and proceeds on his knees. The [officials] move around the court in respectful haste; coming face to face with the king they bend [forward] ninety degrees, such is their respectful attentiveness. The buildings other than the ones described here are all crudely built, and the reality does not live up to the lofty names they have been given, [names] not worthy of being recorded. I have thus separated [the chaff from the wheat] and drawn the halls, though some will appear in other sections. Hoegyŏng Hall The Hoegyŏng (gathering felicity) Hall is located inside Ch’anghap Gate. It also has a separate hall gate, and its scale is imposing, rising more than fifty feet high. To the east and west are steps with red-painted railings that are decorated with copper flowers. Its patterns and colors are magnificent, making it first among all the halls. [Together with] the two galleries [that connect the gates with the hall] it reaches thirty bays in size. The central courtyard is paved with stones, but the earth beneath them is hollow and not firm, so that it makes a noise when you walk across the courtyard. It is not for ordinary rituals but only for when envoys arrive or when the king receives the edict or offers his reply at the bottom of the courtyard. For the banquet, the places of the [chief] envoy and deputy envoy are fixed near the hall’s western columns facing east. The upper escort ranks are seated in the eastern side room, the middle escort ranks in the western side room, and the lowest escort ranks in the two rooms of the gate, facing north. Other rituals are held in other halls so as to differentiate them [in terms of function and importance].



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Kŏndŏk Hall Kŏndŏk (heavenly virtue) Hall is to the northwest of Hoegyŏng Hall. It has a separate hall gate and is laid out on a plan of five bays. It is slightly inferior to Hoegyŏng Hall. It is said that when envoys came here previously, at the third gathering the king wanted to show special courtesy and especially ordered palace maidens to take part in the banquet. This time when the envoys came, Wang Hae [Injong] was still wearing mourning clothes [for his deceased father], and as long as these are not laid aside, just as in Hoegyŏng Hall, only cups of wine were exchanged. When the imperial court does not dispatch an official envoy but only a local official who acts as envoy to carry an official letter or transmit a decree,177 the feast also takes place in this hall. The welcoming ritual would be adapted to the level of the embassy. Changhwa Hall Changhwa (eternal peace) Hall is behind Hoegyŏng Hall on a hill that stretches out toward the north. The terrain is high and steep, and the building’s construction is correspondingly narrow and confined. It falls short of Kŏndŏk Hall. Its two wings serve as treasuries: the east one stores the treasures of the inner palace that were bestowed by the imperial dynasty, and the west one is used to store the country’s gold, brocade, and other precious objects. [The hall] is watched by alert and well-prepared soldiers, making this place more strictly [guarded] than others. Wŏndŏk Hall Wŏndŏk (primordial virtue) Hall is behind Changhwa Hall. The terrain is somewhat higher [than that around Changhwa Hall]. The building is poorly constructed. I heard that the king does not frequently reside here. He comes here only if the neighboring countries invade and the alarm is raised at the borders; [on such occasions] troops are raised and orders given to the generals. Wŏndŏk Hall is also the place where the king together with one or two trusted ministers or confidantes would deliberate on crucial matters of punishment and death. Mallyŏng Hall Mallyŏng (myriad years) Hall is behind Kŏndŏk Hall. Its construction is slightly smaller [than Kŏndŏk Hall], but its decorations are much more

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lavish because it is [the king’s] bed chamber. Concubines and maids stay in rooms in two side buildings encircling it. Looking down from halfway up Mount Sung onto the rooms, they appear to be not very wide or spacious. Taking into account the number of concubines, one can identify their quarters.178



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Chapter 6: Palace Halls, 2 Changnyŏng Hall Changnyŏng (long life) Hall is located east of Kŏndŏk Hall within the Cha (purple) Gate. It is a three-bay structure and though lavishly decorated falls short of Mallyŏng Hall; however, it is somewhat bigger. Whenever envoys from the court of the Middle Kingdom want to travel [to Koryŏ], before setting the date they first send a letter. When this letter of introduction arrives, it is received in this hall. When traders approach the border, officials are sent to welcome them and check on their well-being. Once they have been housed in a hostel, the things they have come to offer are received in Changnyŏng Hall. The value is assessed and then reciprocated manifold with local products. Changgyŏng Hall Although the names of three halls—called Changgyŏng, Chunggwang, and Sŏnjŏng—have been recorded in the old record, I have heard that now Chunggwang (double brightness) Hall and Changgyŏng (enduring felicity) Hall are under reconstruction to be transformed into a detached hall.179 Probably it is located on the spot where a pavilion is to be built. Sŏnjŏng (promulgating government) Hall is the place where the king debates policy with his ministers.180 On the first day of the new year, the king meets here to drink with his ministers and subordinates. The king’s birthday also has a special title. Wang U [King Yejong] was born on the seventeenth day of the eighth month, and this day is called Hamnyŏng (omnipresent tranquility). On this day there is a grand banquet in Changgyŏng Hall with the members of the royal family, eminent ministers, and palace attendants [in attendance]. For those among the Chinese traders who reside in an official guesthouse, an official is sent to accompany them to the feast. Both Chinese and Korean music troupes perform and special dedicatory messages are composed. Once, the lyrics of one song paean were recorded: At that moment the auspicious glow lights up the palace forest A dense, harmonious vapor breaks through the accumulated yin With incense fire a thousand families pray for national longevity The instrumental band and choir lighten the guests’ hearts. In the excitement and merriment, the sun’s shadow moves across the pearly screen The dances finished, flowery bows fall onto the jade hairpins

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Pure joy lived to the full, so as recompense this beautiful scene Relaxed and at ease, don’t blame the wine cup for being deep. Yŏnyŏng Pavilion Yŏnyŏng (prolongated eminence) Pavilion is to the north of Changnyŏng Hall. Its layout and size are similar to those of Kŏndŏk Hall. This is where the king personally examines the presented scholars. Further to the north stands Chahwa (compassionate peace) Hall, which is a place for banquets. In front of [Chahwa Hall] are built three181 pavilions. [One of these pavilions] is called Pomun (precious letters) Pavilion and it enshrines the edicts bestowed by successive sages. To the west is the Ch’ŏngyŏn (bright banquet) Pavilion,182 which stores various works from the histories, philosophers, and miscellaneous collections. I once managed to obtain the record of the [Ch’ŏng]yŏn Pavilion, which reads as follows: Written by royal command of Kim Yŏn,183 custodial184 grand guardian with the prestige title equivalent to rank 1B, conjointly vice director of the Chancellery, editor of the state history, pillar of the state, merit baron of Kangnŭng district with a stipend village of 1,300 households, 300 of which are effective. Calligraphy and caption in seal script185 executed by royal command by Hong Kwan,186 Pomun-gak scholar with the prestige title equivalent to rank 3B,187 left policy advisor,188 senior military protector,189 and merit duke of Tangsŏng prefecture with a fief of three hundred households, holder of the purple and gold fish tally. The king with acumen and resourcefulness devotedly implements resplendent virtue; worshiping the Confucian arts and music, he admires the Chinese customs. Therefore on the side of the royal palace, north of the Yŏnyŏng book hall190 and south of Chahwa Hall, he separately built the pavilions of Pomun and Ch’ŏngyŏn. The former is intended to enshrine the edicts bestowed by the sagacious emperors of Song and the writings and paintings commissioned by them. When [these edicts] are displayed for instruction, one must prostrate oneself reverentially before them and then looking up, contemplate them. The latter is intended to gather the ancient and modern writings composed by the likes of the Duke of Zhou, Confucius, Mencius, and Yang Xiong.191 Oh, to discuss these daily with tutors and old scholars, to internalize the way of former kings—to store [these texts], to cultivate [one’s mind], and to repose and seek pleasure there! Without having to go beyond this building, the teachings of the three bonds and five norms, the principle



Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account of nature’s mandate and the virtuous way, are fully spread among the four walks of life.192 Moreover, this year of chŏngyu [1117], in the fourth moon in summer, the second day193 kapsul, for an important meeting in the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion, the king especially called [Wang] Po,194 custodial grand mentor, director of the Department of Ministries, and lord of Taebang; [Wang] Hyo, custodial grand mentor, vice minister, and lord of T’aewŏn; [Wang] Sŏ, custodial grand guardian and lord of Chean; [Wang] Kyo, custodial grand guardian and marquis of thorough counsel;195 [Kim] Kyŏngyong,196 custodial grand guardian and baron of Nangnang; [Yi] Wi,197 vice director of the Chancellery; [Yi] Chagyŏm,198 vice director of the Chancellery; [Kim] Yŏn; [Cho] Chungjang,199 vice director of the Royal Secretariat; [Kim] Chun,200 assistant executive in political affairs; [Kim] Chihwa,201 grand master of works extraordinaire; [Yi] Kwe,202 councilor of the Security Council; [Wang] Chaji,203 administrator of the Security Council; and [Han] An’in,204 co-administrator of the Security Council. Then with a relaxed demeanor the king spoke: Looking back, my virtue was not what it should be, but relying on heaven’s bestowal of peace and the blessings accumulated through [sacrifices at] the ancestral shrines and those for the gods of the earth, armed conflicts have ceased on all three borders, and letters and laws are on a par with China. In all matters of government or affairs great and small, it is said that one can always rely on assistance rendered. Only after we started to grasp and process what has been bestowed since the Chongning and Daguan eras could we pursue Confucianism and music in the “literary pavilions” and “classics mats” and abide by the system of “proclaiming peace.”205 In the deep halls and secluded seats, we welcomed assistant ministers, setting the example of a “banquet of great purity.”206 Although rites have periods of florescence and decay, as long as the excellent and worthy are able to grasp their meaning, then their execution will be unified. Our tribute-presenting envoy to the imperial court [Yi] Charyang207 came back bearing cassia-flavored wine from the emperor, blocks of dragon and phoenix brands of tea, exquisite fruits and precious vessels. Overjoyed, the king celebrated this lavish beauty with his ministers. [But] the ministers and officials all became afraid and, from the steps to the throne, shrunk away prostrate, refusing adamantly to handle the profuse ritual.208 Then the king quickly made them go to their seats, and with a benign expression he treated them and prepared food for them

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Xu Jing’s Illustrated Account to enjoy. The arrangement of the banquet setting, the alignment of the crockery, the grains, fruits, and other products in the goblets and platters, resembled the famous treasures from the six chamberlains; as for the beautiful and refined [products] from the four directions, not one was lacking. Then from the upper country were also glass, agate, malachite, rhinoceros horn, and other extraordinary and rare products for adornment, all displayed together on tables. The peaceful music and refined sounds of ocarinas and bamboo flutes, clappers, lutes and zithers, bells and chimes, all combined harmoniously in the court. The king raised his goblet and encouraged close ministers to drink, exhorting them as follows: “When ruler and ministers mingle together, it can only be done with utmost sincerity. Each should exert himself to the utmost and drink without restraint.” Then senior and junior exchanged bows, toasted, and emptied their cups. Some offered and some received drinks in a harmonious, merry, and most convivial mood of drinking the cups of wine to the very limit. After nine rounds, the king ordered everyone to go back to their seats and rest. Next, one of the king’s concubines was instructed to bestow lined garments and precious belts as a token of the king’s generous intentions. Then the king urged everyone back to their seats and ordered food and drink to be set for them. Everyone made themselves comfortable. Some opened their hearts with stories and laughter; some let their eyes drift and contemplated what was beyond the railing—the piled-up rocks forming a mountain, the pond drawing water from outside the court, the myriad scenes of lofty peaks and clear and limpid water everywhere, everything exuding the mysterious beauty of Dongting [Lake] or Mount Kuai[ji] in Wu. Until the end of the banquet, nobody had any intention of shying away from the heat;209 with [everyone] stone drunk after copious amounts of liquor, it finished when the night was ended. Thereupon all the gentlemen with official emolument were happy and with pleased countenance they said to each other, “Our king takes compassion and frugality as his treasures and does not indulge in reckless spending; his working clothes are not adorned or embroidered, and his utensils are not carved or engraved. Also, he considers that if one man does not obtain [his due] there is still something amiss. He spends every day toiling ardently and commiserating with others, rising before dawn and waiting till after dusk to eat. But when it comes to feasting for his ministers or esteemed guests, then he opens up the treasury of the court; passing on the upper country’s rare graciousness, he exerts himself throughout the day and continues with fire [torches into the night], not considering this overindulgence. With his mind full of praise for the worthy and ad-



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miring of rituals, abounding in love of goodness and forgetful of power, he can truly be called loftier than a hundred kings!” I once heard that in olden times the Duke of Lu used the rites and music of the Son of Heaven to transform the popular customs. Therefore in the National Academy of the capital the masters and the gentlemen shared joy with him. The ode of this goes as follows: “The Marquis of Lu has come to it, at the semi-circular pool he is drinking; he is drinking the good wine, and may he be granted the old age that is hard to obtain.”210 When holding a banquet in the seat of government, the ministers of state and the officers are in full accord. As the Odes puts it: “Then shall the Marquis of Lu feast and be glad . . . with his excellent ministers and all his officers, the country shall be held securely, thus receiving many blessings . . .”211 Our ruler has received the grace of the Son of Heaven, so his mind is completely devoted to treating his subjects as those next to him. Therefore all the ministers and officers of state, protected by heaven, harbor the intention of repaying the ruler. They made a prose poem modeled in words and meter on the poem “I Have Here Admirable Guests,”212 and the musicians and singers made music in accordance with the joy of the officials. Happiness affected everyone, and the rites and manners were conducted in good measure. The harmonizing of the ki of humans and spirits, the resting and responding of heaven and earth, the bestowing and repaying of superior and inferior: the source of transforming the local customs always lies in drinking and eating, when people are pleased, flushed with wine, and smiling. But why should it stop at “may he be granted the old age that is hard to obtain” and “thus receiving many blessings”? For millions of years the joy of great peace should be enjoyed, while simultaneously the Son of Heaven will be ensured eternal repose. Your subject is stupid and clumsy; enjoying the [one] chance in a million, I became a representative of the two directorates, and because of this position—not because of your subject’s talent—a special decree ordered me to act [as recorder] for this [text]; I could not refuse. Respectfully I put my hands together and bow my head till it hits the floor and force myself to record this.

Imch’ŏn Pavilion Imch’ŏn [facing a stream] Pavilion is to the west of Hoegyŏng Hall and stands within the gates of that hall. Its building has four pillars and its windows and doors all open to the outside. It has no double eaves and is quite similar to the platform gate.213 It is not a place for banquets or gatherings but [instead] stores tens of thousands of fascicles of books.

Map 3: Inner palace compound. Source: Adapted from U Sŏnghun and Yi Sanghae, “Koryŏ chŏnggung,” fig. 8. Reproduced by the kind permission of Woo Seong-Hoon.

Key: Government Offices: A. Department of Ministries B. Security Council

C. Royal Secretariat D. Chancellery E. Censorate

F.

Office of the Eight Commandments

Map 4: Royal palace compound, southern half. Source: Adapted from U Sŏnghun and Yi Sanghae, “Koryŏ chŏnggung,” fig. 11. Reproduced by the kind permission of Woo Seong-Hoon.

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Changgyŏng Palace Changgyŏng (enduring felicity) Palace214 is to the southwest of the palace compound at the foot of Yuam Mountain. [From here] there are two small roads, the northern one leading to the palace compound and the eastern one to the Sŏnŭi Gate and the long avenue. [Within the palace precincts] there are old buildings with several tens of pillars. The sisters of Wang Ong [King Sukchong] used to live here. After they married, the buildings became vacant and the grounds’ dereliction increasingly serious. Wang U [Yejong] became seriously ill, and though he was administered medical treatment, he did not get up [from his sickbed]. Therefore [this palace] was turned into a shrine for worshiping the deceased [king]. Wang U’s concubines, together with more than ten of his former officials, guarded the shrine. Recently, the envoys, carrying the emperor’s sagacious and compassionate words, in accordance with the old system of the Yuanfeng era [1078–1085] came to offer libations to the deceased king and condolences to his descendant. It was at Changgyŏng Palace that the king bowed to receive [the edict and condolences]. Chwach’un Palace Chwach’un (first heir’s) Palace is located east of Hoegyŏng Hall, within the Ch’undŏk Gate. When the king’s eldest son by his legal wife was first installed, he was named heir apparent. After he became an adult he took up residence here. The structure of the buildings is appropriately less [imposing] than the royal palace. The placard at its grand gate reads “T’aehwa” (supreme peace), the next one, “Wŏnin” (original humaneness), and the next, “Yuktŏk” (fostering virtue). The hall where he conducts official business does not have a placard. The crossbeams are very impressive. On the screen is written “King Wen as son and heir.”215 More than ten officials are also installed here. The Uch’un (second heir’s) Palace is located outside the Sŭngp’yŏng Gate, west of the censorate. The king’s sisters and daughters live here.216 Detached Palaces The king’s detached palaces and the places where his sons and younger brothers live, are all called palaces. Among the king’s mother, wives, and sisters, those who live separately are given a palace and land to provide for their living expenses. When [the palaces] are unoccupied [by the royal



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family], people are allowed [to live there] in order [for the royals] to obtain a profit, [the temporary residents] are required to present grains and taxes [as rent]. Kyerim Palace is west of the royal palace compound and Puyŏ Palace is east of Yuam Mountain. Furthermore, there are the six palaces of Chinhan, Chosŏn, Sang’an,217 Nangnang, Pyŏnhan, and Kŭmgwan spread across the city. They are where the king’s uncles and brothers live. The palace of the king’s step-mother is called Chŏkkyŏng (accumulated felicity) Palace. The current noble family does not appear to have anyone of lofty position, so among the detached palaces, nine out of ten are empty. Their lands were formerly attached to the Such’ang (resplendence of longevity) Palace,218 but now they are all attached to the royal palace and officials are installed to manage them.

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Chapter 7: Official Dress I heard that it is the custom of eastern barbarians to wear their hair short and to decorate their foreheads with tattoos; they sit cross-legged.219 [However] Koryŏ, since the enfeoffment of Kija, has been taught the benefits of farming and silkworm cultivation and therefore has proper dress and hats. According to the History of the [Later] Han Dynasty, “At public meetings the clothes were all made of embroidered brocade, and they used gold and silver to decorate themselves; the taega and chubu were allowed to wear a kind of conical cap like the cap of officials, while soga were granted lobed caps that looked like the bian conical caps worn in the Zhou era.”220 How could they emulate the system of Shang and Zhou caps and bian! Only at the beginning of the Tang era, and even then only to some extent, did we have the five colors for official clothes, use white gauze for our caps, and [wear] leather belts replete with gold rings. Then, when our dynasty started to send annual communications and envoys [to Koryŏ], frequently clothes were bestowed [on the Koryŏ officials], and gradually Chinese customs became prevalent there. Thanks to the favor bestowed by the emperor, a great change occurred and they started to follow the dress code of our Song dynasty. It was not merely a question of loosening the queue and discarding the lapels! However, differences can be discerned in the official titles, and in both court and casual dress from time to time there were similarities and dissimilarities [with China]. I have organized them and made drawings of caps and clothing. Royal Dress The Koryŏ king usually wears a high cap in black gauze, a tight-sleeved light yellow robe adorned with gold-and-blue embroidery and a purple silk sash. When he meets with high officials, noblemen, or commoners, he also dons a winged cap221 and puts on his girdle. For sacrifices he adds the crown and jade mace.222 Only when the envoys from the Middle Kingdom arrive does he wear the purple official robes with ivory mace223 and jade girdle; he prostrates and clasps his hands [when greeting the edict] as if in ritual dance; he is exceedingly respectful224 in performing the role of loyal subject. I have also occasionally heard225 that when the king is resting in his normal residence, he wears a black cap and robes of uncolored hemp just like ordinary people.



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Dress of Policy-Making Officials Koryŏ established its bureaucracy during the Wude period [618–626] of the Tang. There are nine grades, the first being taedaero,226 [the rank of those] in overall charge of state affairs; then comes the t’aedaehyŏng, followed by the ulchŏl, the t’aedae puin saja, the ŭidu taehyŏng—they are in charge of secret policy planning, dispatching of troops, and conferral of office and titles—then the taesaja, taehyŏng, suwisaja, sangwisaja, sohyŏng, chegwajŏl, and sŏn’in [in that order]. Furthermore, there is the manager of guest affairs, similar to the minister of foreign affairs, who is entrusted to [someone of the rank of] taebusaja,227 while the doctors of the academy, secretarial receptionists, and supervisors of libraries and guests228 are all of the sohyŏng rank [rank ten] or above. Furthermore, in all the big fortified cities they have installed yoksal, comparable to the circuit governors [in China]. In all cities they have installed ch’ŏmungŭnji,229 comparable to prefects; they are also called tosa. Their military officials are called taemodal, comparable to a general of the guards, a position that can only be held by those of the choŭidu taehyŏng rank230 or above. Next is the malgaek, comparable to a commandant, a position that can only be held by those of the taehyŏng rank [rank 7] or above. For those who lead [divisions] of one thousand or less there are also distinctions in rank. Nowadays [the Koryŏ] names for their officials and the system for emoluments are more and more copied from that of the Middle Kingdom. Enquiring as to the reasons for this, it was said that they honored the precedents of the Kaiyuan period [713–729].231 Even their dress and hats sometimes show a resemblance [to the Tang system]. The ministers’ dress of former generations consisted of a cap of blue gauze with deep red gauze for ear ornaments and bird feathers for decoration. Recently, however, the state officials who come [on tribute missions] all wear purple, patterned gauze robes and winged caps made of silk. But only the officials of the ranks of grand preceptor, defender-in-chief,232 Secretariat director, and director of the Department of Ministries233 wear gold fish [tallies] on their jade girdles. Dress of Chief Councilors The dress of chief councilors234 is a purple, patterned silk robe with a gold belt that has circular decorations and gold fish tallies hanging from it. The director of the Chancellery,235 the defender-in-chief, the minister of education,236 the vice directors of the Royal Secretariat and Chancellery,237 the se-

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nior executive in political affairs,238 the left and right vice directors [of the Department of Ministries],239 the senior executive in letters,240 the minister of personnel,241 the commissioner and vice commissioner of the Security Council,242 the associate administrator of the Security Council,243 and others were all allowed to wear these. Dress of Court Attendants The dress of court attendants is a purple, patterned light silk robe, with a “golden lychee flower” belt244 that has gold fish tallies hanging from it. Those who can wear this dress are those with the position of left and right policy advisor, chief censor, left and right assistant director,245 vice ministers, Hallim academicians and academicians who transmit edicts,246 and also officials who have to wait on the state envoys [from Song] [i.e., those who are appointed as welcoming escort commissioner and hostel escort commissioner]. Dress of Mid-Ranking Officials The dress of mid-ranking officials247 is a purple, patterned light silk robe with a “royal immortal” gold girdle. The vice censor-in-chief, remonstrance officials, supervising secretaries and executives,248 resident governors and special commissioners of provinces and chief prefectures,249 assistants at the Office for Audience Ceremonies, staff at the Six Ministries, military commissioners of the four protective regions,250 and the like, together with all those who received uncommon favor, all wear [this costume]. The heir apparent and the king’s brothers also wear it. Dress of Directors and Commissioners The dress of directors and commissioners251 is a dark red,252 patterned light silk robe with a red leather and rhinoceros-horn girdle from which silver fish [tallies] hang. Those with the offices of directors of the Six Courts,253 assistant directors and secretaries of the Department [of Ministries] and [Six] Ministries, Confucian officials of the national academy, and managers of the Royal Archives all wear [this costume]. Dress of Court Officials The dress of the court officials is a crimson-colored,254 patterned light silk robe, with a black leather and horn girdle from which silver fish [tallies]



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are suspended. Supervisors of education and doctors [at the National University], editors at the Office of Historiography, chief registrars at the [Office of] Palace Physicians and the [Bureau of] Astronomical Observation all wear these. In terms of their bureaucratic ranks and offices, they are all limited to a certain number of years; only after they have received transfer or promotion are they allowed to change [their dress]. The hostel escort commissioners, whenever they meet an envoy from the court of the Middle Kingdom in the hostel, assign two people to each; these people lead the way, wearing dark red but without the fish [tallies]. This is nothing but an imitation of our Song system of “the crimson robes in pairs lead the way.”255 Dress of Ordinary Officials The dress of ordinary officials is green; they have a wooden mace, a winged cap, and black leather shoes. Those who wear this clothing are the presented scholars when they first enter their bureaucratic career, assistant scribes at the departments and offices, and magistrates and military commissioners,256 assistant magistrates,257 and game keepers258 at local prefectures and counties.

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Chapter 8: Famous People I have heard that among the southern and eastern barbarians, Koryŏ has the most people of talent. Among those who serve the country as officials, only noble ministers derive their status from the eminence of their clan. The rest are either selected through the Doctor of Letters [i.e., the examination] system or obtain [a post] by offering valuable products. In granting inheritable emoluments [to high officials] and local offices [to local elites], everything is done according to rank. Thus there is [a system of] appointments, of ranks, of merit, and of granting [economic means]; there are officials in honorary or acting functions, merit subjects, and several armies. [The Koryŏ] have thoroughly absorbed the official system of our dynasty and have thoroughly consulted the Kaiyuan ritual code.259 However, these days it is clear that the nominal system and the reality do not match; the pure and the impure thus are mixed up, and all we have is merely empty phrasing. When the present embassy crossed the border, [it was met by] officials [assigned to deal with us], all of whom were selected for their intelligence. Thus, [responsility for] extending the proper ritual of receiving [the guests]—just to mention the important prefectures and provinces— [is assigned to persons] such as: the prefect of Chŏnju, executive at the Ministry of Punishment, O Chunhwa; the prefect of Ch’ŏngju, executive at the Ministry of Rites, Hong Yag’i;260 the prefect of Kwangju, executive at the Ministry of Revenue, Chin Suk.261 [The responsibility] for receiving and sending off with banquets [was that of officials] such as: the executive of the Ministry of Personnel, senior third rank, Pak Sŭngjung;262 custodial grand protector, junior first rank, vice director of the Royal Secretariat and the Royal SecretariatChancellery Kim Yag’on;263 custodial grand protector, junior first rank, vice director of the Chancellery and jointly of the Royal Secretary-Chancellery Ch’oe Hongjae;264 custodial grand protector, junior first rank, vice director of the Chancellery and jointly of the Royal Secretary-Chancellery Im Mun’u;265 associate administrators at the Security Council Ch’ŏk Chun’gyŏng266 and Yi Chadŏk.267 All were ministers close to the king. Besides the four [official] meetings in the royal palace, we wined and dined merrily [with them]. [In charge of arrangements] for the private audience with the king268 and the exchange of gifts were, for example: the executives of the Ministry of Revenue Yang Rin269 and Kim Yudong; executive at the Ministry of Punishment Im Kyŏngch’ŏng;270 executive at the Ministry of Public



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Works No Yŏnggŏ;271 chungsi taebu272 Hwang Kunsang;273 office chief at the Ministry of Public Works Chŏng Chun;274 first office chief [at the Department of Ministries] Yi Chibo;275 the transmitter of edicts Im Ch’ongsin; assistant at the Royal Archives, junior seventh rank, Kim Tan;276 commissioner at the Office for Audience Ceremonies Kim Posin;277 presenting official at the Office for Audience Ceremonies Yi Yŏngji; chogi naejŏn sungban278 Ho Inyŏng;279 commissioner of royal reception [at the Office for Audience Ceremonies] Wang Ŭi; warders at the Office for Audience Ceremonies Ko Tangyu280 and Min Chunghyŏng; presenting officials [at the Office for Audience Ceremonies] Yi Chŏm and Yang Mun’gŏ; chungwirang281 Yu Kŭp;282 chungnyangnang P’aeng Kyŏngch’ung; hunnang Wang Sŭng; sŏngch’ŭngnang Yi Chun’gi and Kim Se’an; poŭirang Yi Chun’i;283 sŭngjŏllang Hŏ Ŭi, Ha Kyŏng, and Chin Ŏngyŏng. [Among those charged with] transmitting orders and providing guidance were: the vice minister of rites, senior third rank, Kim Pu’il;284 director of the Office of Royal Clan Affairs, senior fourth rank, Chŏng Tam; Minister Yi Suk;285 administrator at the Office for Audience Ceremonies, senior fifth rank,286 Sim Anji; assistant commissioner at the Office for Audience Ceremonies, senior fifth rank, Yu Munji; commissioner of Royal Reception at the Office for Audience Ceremonies Kim Ŭiwŏn;287 secretarial receptionists at the Office for Audience Ceremonies Sim Ki,288 Wang Su,289 Kim T’aek,290 Yi Yejae, Kim Sunjŏng, Hwang Kwan, Yi Suk, and Chin Chŏk; warders at the Office for Audience Ceremonies Yun Inyong, Pak Sŭng, Chŏng T’aek, and Chin Ch’ing; presenting officials [at the Office for Audience Ceremonies] Yi Tŏksŭng, O Chasŏ, and T’ak An. All lived up to their selection through ability, eloquence, and wide learning. From first setting eyes on them until finally saying goodbye, I had the chance to take note of their appearance during banquets and music performances or while they were wandering around; in their exchanging of courtesies of welcome and parting, in their refinement and peaceful demeanor, there was many an opportunity to observe them. Starting with Yi Chagyŏm, I have drawn here the likenesses of five people, adding to [these drawings] explanations about their illustrious families. Custodial Grand Preceptor and Director of the Department of Ministries, Yi Chagyŏm Koryŏ commonly honors its important families, and often the chief councilors are rewarded for their merit by becoming in-laws [to the royal family]. Wang Un [Sŏnjong] was the first to marry someone from the Yi clan, and then Wang U [Yejong], when still heir apparent, was also given

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a daughter of the Yi clan as queen. From this their scions first basked in glory.291 Yi Chagyŏm’s elder brother Chaŭi in an earlier generation already served as chief councilor but was banished due to a [court intrigue],292 [an affair] that had given Chagyŏm a warning not to follow the same path.293 As [Yi Chagyŏm] was invariably bent on improving himself through cultivation, King Yejong had a deep faith in him and entrusted him with the education of the crown prince. At the time, the future king Injong was still young and weak, so Chagyŏm selected eight scholars of broad learning and ample experience to guide and assist the prince. This [group] included people like Kim Tan, who had returned from China, where he had been granted a qualifying grade, just in time to be selected. In the fourth month of 1122, Wang U [Yejong] died, and his younger brothers fought for the throne. [His father] Ong [Sukchong] had five sons, and U [Yejong] had been on the throne for a long time, so after Chagyŏm had already enthroned Hae [Injong], his uncle Wang Po, lord of Taebang, plotted to take the throne. Thereupon, together with Executive Chief of the Chancellery Han Kyŏg’yŏ294 and Commissioner of the Security Council Mun Kongmi,295 he plotted treason. They were joined by more than ten people inside the palace, including vice minister of rites Yi Yŏng,296 executive at the Ministry of Personnel Chŏng Kŭgyong,297 and executive at the Ministry of War Im Chon.298 But before they could move into action, the plot was leaked and they were all apprehended and brought to justice. Chagyŏm then informed the king, exiled Wang Po to an island in the sea, and executed a group of evil-doers, while also apprehending several hundred of the faction supporting them. Thus, thanks to his merit in subduing the rebellion he was promoted and invested with the title of grand preceptor. He was also granted a stipend village and given the position of director of the Department of Ministries.299 Chagyŏm has a stern and calm appearance, even as he is very correct and affable in his manner. He loves what is worthy and good, and although he is in charge of government affairs, he is rather good at upholding and respecting the royal family. Among the barbarians, someone who encourages and supports the royal house can be called a sagacious minister. However, he believes in slander and covets profits. [He] manages his fields and all his mansions by connecting them with pathways; the scale and design [of his houses] is opulent. Spreading presents in the four directions has left corruption in its wake, while everyone claims he has amassed several tens of thousands of catties [of gold]. Because of this all the people in the country despise him. What a shame!



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Welcoming Escort Commissioner: Minister of Justice, Junior Second Rank, Pillar of State, Bestowed the Purple and Gold Fish Pouch, Yun Ŏnsik The Yun clan generally enjoyed a reputation for Confucian learning. [Its scion Yun] Kwan300 served on the Security Council during the reign of Wang U [Yejong] and was once sent on a tribute mission to China. Ŏnsik is his son.301 Over the generations they had intermarried with the Yis, so he was on very good terms with Yi Chagyŏm. When Wang Hae [Injong] was still living in the residence of the crown prince, Ŏnsik also tutored him. In accordance with custom, when Wang Hae ascended the throne he promoted officials who had proven their value. Ŏnsik had handsome features and was of imposing stature and also was courteous, with the air of a Confucian scholar. One cannot compare him with barbarians. Joint Welcoming Escort Commissioner: Executive at the Ministry of Rites, Senior Fourth Rank,302 Supreme Defender of the Army, Bestowed the Purple and Gold Fish Pouch, Kim Pusik For generations the Kims have been an illustrious clan of Koryŏ. They are already recorded in the previous [dynasty’s] histories, similar to the Pak clan.303 Thus many of its scions advanced in the field of letters. Pusik has a full complexion and a tall frame; his face is darkly tanned and his eyes look alert. He possesses broad learning and vast knowledge and is good at composition; he knows about present and past and instills trust and confidence in fellow scholars; there is nobody who can match him. His younger brother Puch’ŏl304 was also famous at the time. Once I paid a secret visit to the brothers. There is something that should be admired in the significance of these brushes with fate and fame. Hostel Escort Commissioner: Custodial Master of Works cum Commissioner of the Security Council, Junior First Rank, ­Supreme Pillar of State, Kim In’gyu Kim Kyŏngyung was grand tutor and custodial royal secretary during the reign of Wang Ong [Sukchong]. Kim In’gyu is his son.305 Wang Ong’s [Sukchong’s] father, Wang Hwi [Munjong], married a daughter of the Kim clan. Therefore, In’gyu is a great-maternal-uncle to Wang Ong.306 During the treason of Han Kyŏg’yŏ, Yi Chagyŏm supported Wang Hae [Injong] by executing the evil [officials] and In’gyu assisted him. For this he was

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promoted to the position of minister of works and was also allowed to sit on the Security Council. In’gyu is tall and has a beautiful beard. He looks very handsome and his demeanor exudes gravitas.307 It is no surprise he was chosen to receive the Chinese envoys. Joint Hostel Escort Commissioner: Executive Officer at the Ministry of Rites, Senior Fourth Rank, Supreme Defender of the Army, Bestowed the Purple and Gold Fish Pouch, Yi Chimi Every time envoys of the Middle Kingdom arrive, Koryŏ has to select to serve as hostel companions people of talent or those who had been on a tribute mission before. Chimi is none other than Chagyŏm’s son. He is of handsome appearance and once experienced an audience in the imperial palace. He stayed in the hostel for several months. Among his country’s affairs, be it large or small, there was nothing he did not grasp. In adjudicating affairs he always observed propriety, initiating and receiving with grace and attention to detail, he was generously endowed with a Chinese spirit. Whenever conversation turned to the imperial court he was always careful and attentive, as a sunflower that turns to the sun. His loyalty and sincerity are therefore worth esteeming.



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Chapter 9: Ceremonial Attributes, 1 I have heard that a barbarian chieftain, if the country has one, when entering or leaving [the palace] is followed by no more than ten or so primitive or silken banners so that there is hardly anything to distinguish him from his subordinates. Koryŏ, however, has since ancient times habitually sent tribute envoys, and [their mores] have thus been refined. Thus their king and ministers, superior and inferior, move with ritual and refinement. When the king goes on an inspection tour, everyone has the correct ceremonial attributes, and the divine flag [troops] gallop in front while armored soldiers block the road. The soldiers of the Six Divisions all hold their attributes. Although it is not completely in conformity with classic rites, compared with other barbarians it is splendid to behold. This is why Confucius thought it would not be a shame to reside here.308 And is not, moreover, Kija’s country a close relative of the hallowed dynasty? Here I have appended drawings of their ceremonial attributes. Coiled Dragon Fan There are two coiled dragon fans.309 They are made with dark red310 silk and have a vermilion handle with gold decoration. A single dragon,311 wriggling and crooked, is embroidered in the middle. It has only one horn and no scales, but in appearance it looks like a dragon; in any case it belongs to the family of wriggling creatures. When the king enters, [these fans] are held in front of him; he wears a brocade gown and a peaked cap, and his personal bodyguards carry the fans. During banquets they are placed in the courtyard, but when the banquet is finished they are retrieved. Double Dragon Fan There are four double dragon fans. They are decorated in various colors and look somewhat similar to the single dragon [fan described above] except that the embroidered design is repeated to form a pair. During a ceremony, they are also held by the [king’s] personal bodyguard. Embroidered Flower Fan There are two embroidered flower fans. They are made with dark red silk and have a vermilion handle with gold decoration. A peony is embroi-

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dered in the middle. The design and construction of the two flower fans are similar to that of the dragon [fan], but toward the top [the flower fan] is slightly indented. During rituals they come after the dragon fans. They are also carried by the [king’s] personal bodyguards. These fans, which have three colors, are each two feet wide and four feet high; their shaft is ten feet long. Feather Fan There are four feather fans. They are made by collecting kingfisher feathers and weaving them together; next, on the bottom part, a decoration is made with silver in the form of a stylized bird, which is covered with yellow gold. One gets the impression that they should be brightly colored, but the colors are difficult to preserve; in the course of time the plumes become worn and [eventually] fall off. As for the shape, it is square on top [and rounded below]. I had to draw its perfect form as it originally was before its use over a long time, and I beg the reader’s indulgence in this. As for its structure, it has a ten-foot-long shaft with the fan itself being oneand-a-half feet wide and two feet high. During ceremonies the [king’s] personal bodyguards are dressed in caps with bent wings and decorated with golden flowers and full-length brocade gowns to carry this fan.312 Bent Parasols There are two bent parasols.313 They have six corners, from which ornaments dangle. They are covered with a decoration of red silk, and on top there are bright pearls interspersed with gold and silver ornaments. The shaft is slightly bent. When the king leaves or enters, he is not covered by these parasols; [they are purely] ceremonial, carried by the [royal] bodyguards riding several tens of paces in front [of the king]. They are twelve feet long and two feet six inches wide. Figure 2: Bent parasol. Source: Wang Ji, Sancai tuhui, 1899.



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Blue Parasols The construction of the blue parasol is roughly similar to the Chinese [parasol]. They have red silk on the inside and broad spokes that droop downward. Yellow silk thread is woven through the fabric as a colorful decoration. I have heard that they are usually made of red fabric, and only when the Chinese envoys approach are they covered with blue silk. The Koryŏ people actually hold red to be the most precious color, so that apart from the king, nobody can use it. By covering the parasols, they are respecting the august dynasty while at the same time appearing modest and correct in front of the envoys.

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Chapter 10: Ceremonial Attributes, 2 Flower Parasols Regarding the construction of the flower parasols, they use patterned silk interspersed with embroidered decorations; the top part has six corners from which ornaments dangle. Their appearance is like the jade bracelets hanging from a belt; they hang down from five-colored straps, and when they strike against each other they make a tinkling sound like bells. These parasols measure three feet across, six feet wide, and twenty-five feet high. During great ceremonies [members of] the Golden Bird Division of the Capital Guard hold them and place them outside the Ch’anghap Gate [during a break in the ceremonies]. Yellow Banners Regarding the construction of the yellow banners, they use patterned silk overlain with embroidered auspicious clouds. Their shape is pointed at the top, with dangling ornaments on two corners that produce a sound when [the banner] is moved. The banner measures nine feet from head to tail, while it is one foot five inches wide;314 the shaft is fifteen feet long. During big ceremonies [these banners] move along side the flower parasols. The clothes of the soldiers who hold [them] are all the same. Leopard Tails The leopard tails are inserted on top of spears. They are irregular in length because, naturally, they follow the shape of the animal from which they are taken. When welcoming an edict, the Thousand Bull Division marches in front, carrying the leopard tails. When they reach the gates, the [leopard tails] are placed between the Tongdŏk and Sŭngp’yŏng Gates. Golden Halberds The construction of golden halberds is somewhat similar to the main battle axe. On the tip of the pole is placed a soaring phoenix, which, when [the soldier carrying it is] marching, moves as if about to fly. When the king goes somewhere, one soldier of the Royal Dragon-Tiger Army follows at the back carrying the golden halberd.



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Polo Sticks The polo stick315 is carved from wood and covered with white metal. A small hole pierces it through which a colored ribbon is suspended. During big rituals, ten executive captains316 and lieutenants317 hold them, and they are placed below the two flights of stairs of the Hoegyŏng Hall. Pennons The pennons are made of red silk, and they are tied together in sequence and then attached to the pole. The tip of the pole is decorated with white feathers. I had already noticed them on Kunsan Island. They are only granted to army chiefs and local administrators. Thus, because they are used as objects to transmit signals, the army regards these pennons as very precious.

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Chapter 11: Guards and Armies, 1 I have heard that in comparison with other localities [in the country], the weapons and armies of the Koryŏ royal city are much more advanced. Bravery and valor are clearly flourishing here. When the envoys from China arrive, they all appear to present [the envoys] with a magnificent spectacle. According to their rules, every citizen older than sixteen has to fulfill army duty. The higher officers of its six armies318 usually reside in administrative buildings. The other soldiers are given land to cultivate to earn their living and, if the alarm is raised, take up arms and engage the enemy. When on duty [in peace time], they take up their corvée assignment and go to do their work, returning to their fields when their tasks are completed. It happens to be similar to the xiangmin system of old.319 Originally, during the [Northern] Wei period320 [386–354], the number of households did not exceed thirty thousand. When Gaozong of Tang subjugated Pyongyang, he captured three hundred thousand of their soldiers, so, looking back at these previous generations, [the number of people] must have increased many times over. The resident garrison in the royal capital numbers thirty thousand. They are divided in groups that take turns defending the city. Roughly, their military organization is as follows. The army has generals, and generals have regiments; the rank and file have their superiors, and the foot soldiers are organized in divisions. There are six divisions of the army. These are the Dragon-Tiger Army, the Divine Tiger Army, the Awe-Inspiring Army, the Golden Bird Army, the Thousand Bull Army, and the Restraining Crane Army.321 They are divided into two divisions, that of the left and that of the right. Furthermore, there are three grades, namely, the Superior Army, the Ferocious Army, and the Navy.322 There is no system of branding the face or marking, and neither do they live in barracks. Only when they render service to the state can they be distinguished by their clothing. The upper and lower part of their armor is joined together, looking as if they are sown or tucked in.323 Their appearance is very odd. They wear gold-flower-decorated hats that are almost two feet high;324 brocade clothes and blue robes with a loose waist that covers the legs.325 The people of this country are of dwarf-like stature, so they especially add high hats and brocade clothing to make their appearance more robust. I have here drawn each of them with names and colors and lined them up further below.326



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Banner Leaders of the Dragon-Tiger Personal Guard of the Left and Right The banner leaders of the Dragon-Tiger Personal Guards of the Left and Right327 wear brocade robes with a globe-shaped pattern; they tie a goldplated belt around the waist and wear a cap with straight protruding wings. The dress code is somewhat similar to that of the Chinese court. Figure 3: Cap with protruding wings. They hold small flags to command Source: Wang Ji, Sancai tuhui, 1543. the Six Armies, since they are the division commanders of the armies and divisions. In the royal palace there are only two banner leaders. When envoys arrive, one is placed among the soldiers, leading the way on horseback. He is thus on special assignment to receive the envoys and therefore temporarily desists serving the king. With ritual propriety reaching this level, it can truly be called excellent. Generals of the Dragon-Tiger Personal Guard of the Left and Right The generals of the Dragon-Tiger Personal Guard of the Left and Right also wear brocade robes with a globe-shaped pattern and tie a gold-plated belt around the waist; the wings of their caps are bent upward, with the right one slightly crooked, and the caps are decorated with golden flowers. When the king enters or leaves, more than ten [generals] holding feather fans and golden halberds are in his retinue. The Left and Right Personal Guard Army of the Divine Tigers The Left and Right Personal Guard Army of the Divine Tigers wear brocade robes with a globe-shaped pattern and tie a gold-plated belt around the waist. They wear a hat [decorated with] golden flowers and add a purple strap that is tied under the chin in the manner of a hat string with tassels. The shape and appearance [of the hat] is extremely high. Looking at them gives an impression of loftiness. Formerly, during the Yongning period of Qi,328 when Koryŏ envoys came, they wore poor-looking trousers and a peaked cap. Executive of the Royal Secretariat Wang Rong329 teased them, saying, “When clothes do not match, they are a disaster for the body. That thing affixed to the head, what kind of thing is it?” The answer was,

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“This is a remnant model of the old bian cap.” Looking now at the shape of their high hats, the custom of peaked caps is indeed still the same. The Awe-Inspiring Left and Right Personal Guard Army The Awe-Inspiring Left and Right Personal Guard Army wear red, patterned silk robes, the hems of which are dotted with five-colored floral clusters as decoration, golden-flower high hats, and black rhinoceros-horn girdles. There are more than twenty soldiers [of this guard] to accompany the king; they hold large fans with dragon patterns or embroidered flower patterns and bent parasols and march both before and behind the king. As for their daily dress, from the Dragon-Tiger and Divine Tiger [Armies]330 down all wear a purple hat and no golden embellishments. Among all the divisions, only this one uses people who are all of equally imposing presence. Supreme Generals of the Six Armies and Left-Right Division The supreme generals of the Six Armies and the Left-Right Division331 are protected by armor made of black leather in which iron [buttons] are inserted. Patterned brocade is used to join the parts together so that they form a seamless whole. From the waist down hang more than ten straps, [each] decorated with five-colored embroidered flowers. To the left hang a bow and sword. [The generals] greet [the envoys] by clasping their hands [in front] and bowing as they stand on top of the hall gates. Only when greeting the edict do they prostrate themselves. On days when an edict is received or memorial dispatched, six soldiers are positioned in the central gate of the Hoegyŏng Hall and four each in the two side gates. They stand there immovable like mountains or like clay or wooden dolls. Their reverent and severe appearance is something to esteem. Supreme Senior Colonels of the Six Armies and Divisions Regarding the supreme senior colonels of the Six Armies and Divisions,332 those who have earned merit with the king subsequently receive promotion [to this position] and compensation. The king personally trusts them and relies on them for protection both inside and outside the palace. For their daily dress they wear all-purple clothes and a winged cap. Only for great rituals and offerings or when receiving an edict or sending off a memorial do they don full armor, though without the helmet. [On such occasions,] rather than being worn on the head, [the helmet] hangs on their backs, and instead [of the helmet] they wear a purple patterned silk kerchief decorated with



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pearls and shells. On the left side of the girdle hangs a bow and sword. In their hands they hold a crossbow. If, when the king proceeds, there is a loud din in front of him, they twang their strings as a warning without shooting and everybody becomes silent. If a bird flies over they shoot it with a pellet. At night they patrol the city with torches and constantly surveil everything. I always wondered about the meaning of “holding the crossbow.” When I asked about this I was told “it derives its meaning from the censor’s impeachment procedure.”333 Ferocious Army of the Dragon-Tiger [Army] The Ferocious Army within the Dragon-Tiger [Army] wear tight clothes of gray-blue cloth and humble trousers made of white ramie over which armor is worn. They do not cover their shoulders and do not don a helmet, but wear [the helmet] on their back when marching. Each carries a small spear with a white pennant attached to its end; [the pennant] is not longer than a foot and is decorated with painted clouds. When coming out to welcome the edict, when entering the city to receive the edict, or when presenting a memorial, they take a place at the back [of all the guards], marching in lines on each side of the street. For gatherings in the palace or for outings, they do not wear armor. Among the military, this army is the most numerous, counting approximately thirty-thousand soldiers. Golden Bird Division Army The Golden Bird Division Army334 wear purple vests with wide sleeves; [each soldier] wraps around his head a winged cap that is fastened with a colored [strap]. Each follows the color of his direction.335 Every direction has one division, and every division sticks to its color. [Their caps] are decorated with embroidered flower clusters. They hold pennants and parasols as ceremonial attributes and place them outside the Hapch’ang Gate [when not on duty]. Restrained Crane Army The Restrained Crane Army wear purple-patterned brocade robes decorated with big embroidered flower clusters in five colors. [Each soldier] wears a winged cap with the wings bent upward. A few dozen of them are used to receive the edict and hand it to the king; when the king has a private audience with the envoys, then [these soldiers] carry the boxes [with ritual instruments and other goods] to and fro.

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Chapter 12: Guards and Armies, 2 Thousand Bull Left and Right Division Army The Thousand Bull Left and Right Division Army wear red clothes with tight-fitting [sleeves], peaked caps made of leather, and belts made of black horn. At the waist are two aprons decorated with a pattern of wild beasts. [Each soldier] holds in his hand a small spear with a drum that looks like a rattle drum336 tied around the top. There are also those who hold things like decorative bidents,337 stirrup poles, and leopard tails; like their clothing, their ceremonial attributes are first-rate. Divine Flag Army The Divine Flag Army338 uses leather for its head covering. On top is attached a wooden nose that gives the forehead the appearance of a wild beast to show how ferocious they are. Their crimson dress is short and at the back they too [like the Thousand Bulls Army] have a double apron decorated with a pattern of wild beasts. Only for the rituals of welcoming or receiving the edict do they line up in front and unfold the great divine flags to the five directions. [The flags] are carried in carts with axes and are placed in the directions according to color. Every cart [is pulled by] more than ten people. On mountain roads or steep passes, or when it happens to be very hot, the sweat pours down their backs. Compared with other ceremonial [guards], theirs is the most arduous labor. Dragon-Tiger Superior Army The Dragon-Tiger Superior Army wear clothes of blue cloth with tightfitting [sleeves] and patterned brocade caps. On their breast and on their back [the soldiers] wear a round sign, which is not the same for all. [Those who serve as] runners in the royal palace all wear a dragon pattern; the rest wear coiling flowers [as their sign]. All [such embellishments] are made with gold thread, and various embroidered patterns are added in between. Their design is exquisite. In the hostel, next to the quarters of the three escort ranks, are stationed thirty-two of [these runners]. They are called patrolmen and are in fact there to watch out for emergencies. If people are let in or out, they are given a runner: ten or more for the upper escort ranks and progressively fewer for the lower ranks.



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Navy under the Dragon-Tiger Army The navy under the Dragon-Tiger Army wear clothes made of blue cloth with tight-fitting [sleeves] on which is embroidered a golden, coiling hawk-eagle and red-leather and copper belts. They each hold a crimsonhandled whip. More than twenty of them guard the gate of the Sunch’ŏn [Hostel], and whenever there is a banquet at the hostel, they line up in the courtyard. When the wine is offered, they shout “yes” and retreat in two lines, east and west. Marching in opposite directions, they return to their place outside the gate. Division Lieutenants for the Gates to the Administrative Offices The division lieutenants for the gates to the administrative offices wear purple, patterned brocade clothes with tight-fitting [sleeves]. They wear a cap with straight protruding wings. To the right side of their belt hangs a long sword. They stand with their hands clasped in front. Military ranks are administered in consideration of the positions someone has fulfilled. Those who have engaged in battle and captured enemy heads but have refused a grant of silver are assigned as their next appointment a post as guards of the capital gates so that they can stay in the royal capital. Personal guard generals of the left and right are posted outside the gate to Hoegyŏng Hall as well as at all the other gates, from the palace gates such as Kwanghwa to the outer gates such as Sŏnŭi. They are frequently used even at Buddhist and Taoist temples and administrative offices. However, any who do not reach [the standard] in their dress and fitness are for some time transferred and replaced with other people. They are not first-rank personnel. Executive Captain–Banner Leader of the Six Armies I first noticed the executive captain–banner leader339 of the Six Armies on Chayŏn Island.340 They are among the officer class of the army. They wear a cap with two side wings and purple, patterned brocade clothes with tight-fitting sleeves and a belt and leather shoes. In their hands they hold flags and military insignia [i.e., ceremonial implements]; they command the army and manage affairs, and every company has one. When the army lines up or moves, they see to it that everything is correct. They are just like their counterparts in China.

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Division of the Left and Right, Royal Carriage Army The Royal Carriage Army,341 [part of the] Division of the Left and Right, wear purple clothes with tight-fitting [sleeves] with an embroidered magpie pattern in silk and soft black gauze caps made of unreeled silk.342 They [also wear] short cloth jackets and leather shoes. Their function is to lead the horses. Only the envoys, vice[-envoys] and upperescort rank officials have these people assigned to them. For the other [escort ranks], they are replaced by [soldiers of] the Dragon-Tiger Superior Army. Army-Commanding Cavalry Colonels The clothing and decorations of the army-commanding cavalry colonels343 is not uniform. All those who wear purple silk battle robes [under their armor], white trousers, black shoes, caps made of patterned silk and decorated with pearls and shells are [Ko]ryŏ people. Those wearing bluegreen, tight-meshed battle robes with large flowers whose trousers are either purple, yellow, or black, and whose heads are [partially] made bald and whose caps are short and tightly attached to the crane—I heard that they are Khitan soldiers who submitted [to Koryŏ]. When the envoy and vice-envoy returned from a banquet in the royal palace, [standing] in front of the Storehouse for Offerings to Deceased Ancestors atop an insignificant small mound, they could see several tens of cavalry gallop forward. With shouts and the sound of bells, the [soldiers] quickly burst forward; jumping from saddle to stirrups, they showed nimble and lightning horsemanship. The intention was to present a glorious and martial [spectacle]. The island barbarians to the east are a distant and rustic lot. If by chance there are a few able soldiers [among them], they hurry to show them off to people. How risible this is. Cavalry Generals in Command of the Soldiers The cavalry generals in command of the soldiers wear clothes of purple silk with tight-fitting [sleeves], and winged caps with straight protruding wings. On the right they carry a quiver with tiger [decoration] and on the left they hold a bow and arrows. When the troupes line up in the royal palace, they number more than a hundred. They are divided in two companies. Whenever the envoys leave [the hostel], [the cavalry generals lead



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them] till just in front of the Kwanghwa Gate, where they dismount. They stand there and do not enter the palace. When returning to the hostel, they stop at the outer gate of the Sunch’ŏn [Hostel].344 When they stand in formation, they are extremely uniform and straight, unlike the cavalry colonels.

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Chapter 13: Arms According to the Fan Ye shu, “The meaning of ‘yi’ [eastern barbarians] is ‘foundation.’ ”345 When we talk about humanity, it is about loving life. The myriad things have their foundation in the earth from which they emerge. Therefore [Koryŏ people’s] natural disposition is meek and compliant; they are thus not like the western rong barbarians, who love arms. Although Koryŏ is the country where Kija formerly taught the eight articles,346 their weaponry is very simple and rough. How can it be otherwise if their nature is originally like this! According to the Art of War, “If the weapons are not well sharpened and advantageous, it is just the same as fighting with one’s bare fists.”347 Well, the weapons of the Koryŏ people are rough and simple, which explains why the Huns348 have frequently occupied them without them being able to oppose. Even so, with different customs there are [different] implements, and each has its own qualities, about which we should know. I will now provide their names and object [descriptions], drawing349 them below. Marching Drum The marching drum looks somewhat similar to the clapper350 in court music.351 The barrel is rather long and embellished with copper rings. It is wrapped with a purple band and tied below the waist. When the army marches, it goes in front. It is struck alternately with the metal hand bell. Its tempo is rather leisurely. The shape of the metal hand bell is not different from the Chinese model, so I have not drawn it. Bow and Arrows As for the making of bow and arrows, their appearance is very simple, like the crossbow.352 The body [of the bow] reaches a length of five feet. The arrows are not made of bamboo but frequently from willow boughs, which are moreover short and small. When firing the arrows, [the archers] do not wait till [the bowstring] is fully drawn, but instead raise their body and send it off. Although the arrows travel very far, they have no power. The cavalry among the guard corps protecting the gates and the senior colonels all use a quiver with tiger decoration to carry [the arrows] to prepare for any eventuality.



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Attached Leather Rattles The appearance of the attached leather rattle353 is somewhat like the rattle drum. On both sides there are leather ears that produce a sound when there is movement. They are tied to the ends of spears. Every company [of musicians carrying these] consists of about twenty people. At major rituals the Thousand Bull Left and Right Division Army carry them. Stirrup Poles Stirrup poles are used when the king receives an edict—then they are placed on top of the stirrups.354 The shafts are lacquered vermillion. When the envoys go in front, several dozen of the Thousand Bull guards carry them; when the king is on the road, then they go in front. The stirrups are daubed with gold, but the rest of the pole is made of iron.

Figure 4: Stirrup pole. Source: Wang Ji, Sancai tuhui, 1904.

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Ceremonial Two-Pronged Halberds There are two types of two-pronged halberds. At the gate to the Hoegyŏng Hall, twelve of each are lined up. The superior and inferior [types are differentiated] through the use of gilt bronze decoration. Their appearance is very large. When receiving the edict or organizing a banquet, they are among the ceremonial weapons that are lined up. They reach six feet in length, and though they are similar to those in China, their size is different. Foreign Oboe The foreign oboe355 is sharp at the top and bulky at the bottom. Its shape is rather short. When the envoys first arrived at Kunsan Island,356 the patrol officers in the boat that came out to inspect us wore blue clothes and blew this instrument. Its sound is wailing and guttural and not harmonious, somewhat like the buzzing of a swarm of insects. When receiving the edict, [the people blowing the oboe] march in front. Every several tens of paces they abruptly turn back to face the carriage with the edict and blow. When the sound halts, they march on again. Afterward they hit the cymbals and drums to set the rhythm. Animal Shield The animal shield is constructed by stretching an animal hide over a wooden frame. It is decorated with a picture of a lion. On top are [mounted] five daggers that are covered with pheasant tail feathers. The intention is to allow one to defend oneself while at the same time striking others. Moreover, [the shield] does not allow the adversary to see the sharpness of one’s [weapons]. However, they look rather like the [toy shields] children hold for their games. I’m afraid they do not suffice to protect against arrows or stones. There are two types used by Koryŏ soldiers, but they only differ in size. Girdle Sword The girdle sword is long and has a sharp blade. As for the decorations, its [hilt] is encrusted with white gold or black horn. The sides of the sheath are made of shark skin, and a colored silk cord or leather strap is tied to a ring to connect it [to the girdle]. [In accordance with] customs handed down from old, ivory, jade, and other gems are used to decorate the tip and opening of the sheath. The lieutenants and senior colonels guarding the gates all have them attached to their girdle.



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Chapter 14: Flags and Pennons Your servant has heard that in the Koryŏ ceremonial system, whenever there is a memorial banquet or sacrifice to heaven, big flags are erected on the ten sides,357 each one reflecting the color of its direction. They are decorated with pictures of the divine animals and called divine flags. They are very large in surface: for every flag several bolts of silk are used. At the bottom, it is attached with an axle to a cart. More than ten soldiers dressed in red clothes pull the cart. They follow the king wherever he goes, and the flags are erected in the sequence [of the directions] where he takes up residence. On the four sides [of each flag] a rope is attached to protect it against the power of the wind. Each flag is more than sixty feet high. When the country’s people see that a divine flag has been planted somewhere, they do not dare to go near. When the decree and [imperial] writings entered the city for the first time for the reception ritual, these [flags] were especially employed358 as a mark of respect for the imperial order. There are also the flags for the five directions. I had already seen them when we first landed at Kunsan Island. Only the red flag359 has a decoration; it is carried by the armored soldiers of the Dragon-Tiger Army and the Ferocious Army. Then there are the small white flags, which are not bigger than the palm [of one’s hand]. They are tied to the tops of spears and are somewhat like children’s playthings. I have arranged them all in the following pictures. Elephant Flag There are two elephant flags. As for their make-up, their body and decorated fringes are all black, according to the principle of the water element;360 in the middle is painted an elephant, and in front there is a foreign boy holding a golden halberd.361 Again [like the divine flag, the elephant flag] is restrained by tying large ropes to its top; it is like the old caring for the young.362 When marching, its posterior shaft is raised; following the terrain, it is supported and carried forward. When rituals are performed, [these flags] are stood according to the directions. As for the position of the many flags, black takes precedence. Referring to the Records of Ritual, it is said that “in a war chariot the flag is fully displayed; in a peace chariot it is kept folded round the pole.”363 Thus one knows that erecting a flag on a cart has been done since antiquity. This is not something peculiar to the eastern barbarians.

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Hawk Flag There are two hawk flags. As for their construction, their body and decorated fringes are all red, in accordance with the principle of the fire element.364 In the middle is painted a hawk soaring upward. It has the meaning of urgency and speed. According to the Rites of Zhou, “A bird and peregrine falcon [design] are used to make a flag.”365 The use of the hawk for the red flag is also accidentally in accordance with the old conventions. It marches behind the elephant flag. Sea Horse Flag366 There are two horse flags. As for their composition, their body and decorated fringes are all blue, in accordance with the principle of the wood element.367 In the middle is painted a horse with a mane reaching to the shoulders and looking like bursts of fire. This refers to the fact that the horse is a fire animal. Painted on a blue flag, it symbolizes that wood and fire give life to each other,368 and its positions accord with those of the two divine [animals], the blue dragon and the red bird. It marches behind the hawk flag. Phoenix Flag There are two phoenix flags. As for their composition, their body and decorated fringes are all yellow, in accordance with the principle of the earth element. In the middle is painted a flying phoenix. The phoenix is covered with the five colors, and its position accords with the central palace: if there is no earth, the five elements cannot produce. Therefore the colors of the five directions are all found on its plumes, and it is fitting to take it as a symbol. It marches behind the great white flag. Great White Flag There are two great white flags. As for their composition, their body and decorated fringes are all white, in accordance with the principle of the metal and water elements.369 In the middle is painted a man with a golden cap and jade mace, yellow clothes, and a green robe to symbolize the great white.370 He rides atop a turtle, which has a snake’s head. This combination of the two figures [i.e., the man and the snake-tortoise] has been chosen because metal is the mother element of water and water can produce metal.371 Their places accord with the two protective spirits of the white tiger and the dark warrior, respectively.372 According to the Records of Ritual, “When the sovereign marches, the red bird should be in front and the dark warrior



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at the back. The blue dragon should be to the left and the white tiger to the right.”373 In the two flags one can respectively see that they rather accord with the old system. They follow behind the horse flag. Flags for the Five Directions The flag for the northern direction is black in color with one decorated fringe. It is two strips374 wide and has neither a painting nor an embroidered pattern. From [the time] the envoy party first reaches the border until their entry into the city, this flag is in front of all the others, leading the way. There is no sequence [for the other flags] when marching, and there is no [set] number of them to be erected. They are carried by soldiers in blue dress. Initially, in accordance with the old custom, the chief envoy and deputy envoy carrying a state letter were given forty flags decorated with golden embroidery that emitted a bright radiance. When the imperial decree first entered the city, the boatmen were entrusted with leading the way by holding [the flags]. Their radiance lit up the suburbs and the wilderness. The Koryŏ people who beheld this felt rather ashamed of their own vulgarity.375 The flag for the southern direction is red in color with one decorated fringe. Unlike the other [flags, which do not have a picture], in the middle is painted a divine being holding a wooden whip. Among the flags of the five directions, the red flags are the most numerous. The flag for the eastern direction is blue with one decorated fringe. It has no painting or embroidery. In terms of size and number, it is similar to the other flags. The flag for the western direction is white with one decorated fringe. It also has no painting or embroidery. It has the smallest number in comparison with the other flags. The flag of the central direction is yellow with one decorated fringe. It also has no painting or embroidery. Only upon arrival at Kunsan and Chayŏn Islands, when [the local dignitaries] met the envoys and lined [the flags] up on the beach, did these [flags] have decorations. There is another type of flag inlaid with varied colors as well. In the middle there is a “revolving radiance” [embroidered pattern] and in the four corners are painted clouds and vapors. All the constables in the prefectures, battle ships, and patrols carry one. Small Flags As for the system of small flags, they have a white body and red decorated fringe. At the top are drawn green clouds. When the envoys entered the city and the king came to greet the edict, several tens of thousands376 of the Dragon-Tiger Army wearing armor and holding [these flags] lined the streets and marched along.

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Chapter 15: Horses and Carts I have heard that a country needs soldiers; soldiers need to be transported by means of carts, and carts need horses to move them. Thus when the ancients [discussed] the systems of states, they necessarily looked at the numbers of carts and what they could carry to assess the size [of the states]. And when the Book of Odes praises the wealth of Lu and Wei, it does so by citing the number of their horses.377 Koryŏ, even though it is a country [encircled by] the sea, also needs to transport heavy things across great distances and therefore cannot do without carts and horses. However, its territory is narrow and confined and its roads strewn with rocks. It cannot be compared to China. Therefore the system of shafts and wheels, the methods of reining and driving are also different. Ornate Palanquins There are three types of ornate palanquin. One is used to carry the edict; another is used to carry the imperial writings; [the third] is the palanquin in front, which holds a big golden incense globe. As for their appearance, the palanquins use [a cover of] five-colored patterned silk interwoven with brocade embroidery. On top, there is a flying phoenix, and on the four corners emerge lotus flowers; when [the palanquin] moves, [the lotus flowers] shake. Below, [the palanquins] rest on lacquered red pedestals. The four poles each have a dragon head. Forty members of the Restraining Crane Army carry the palanquins. In front, holding ceremonial objects, are two people who guide the procession; they shout “rise!” or “stop!” [to the bearers] in a solemn and dignified manner. When the crown prince and the officials come out to welcome the edict and see the palanquins, they prostrate themselves on the road where they stand. Palanquins The construction of palanquins378 is somewhat similar to that of foreign beds made of woven rattan. Soaring phoenixes and flower patterns are inlaid in lacquer, and gold[-leaf] is applied as decoration. On top is placed a brocade cushion, and the four poles379 are decorated with silk bands and knotted ribbons. From Kunsan Island until we entered the [capital] city, whenever we left the hostel there was always the compulsory palanquin to carry the envoys. Because this courtesy was excessive we did not dare to ride in them. But placing [the palanquins] among



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the guards leading the way was a fixed ceremony [which the envoys followed]. Ox Carts As for the design of the ox cart, it is made in rudimentary fashion, without any system at all. Below are two shafts. To the shaft in front of the wheels380 are yoked the oxen. Every time goods are loaded on the cart, they have to be fastened with straw ropes to prevent them sliding off or overturning the cart. This is all the more necessary because this country is full of mountain roads and everything gets shaken around on high mountains and bare hills. As a result [the ox cart] is used as a ceremonial vehicle only. The King’s Horse The horse on which the king rides has a very luxurious saddle and saddle cloth replete with gold and jade. All of this has been presented [to the king] by the [imperial] court. For the most part, when ridden [the horse] wears no armor. Only at major rituals [such as] the eight commandments banquet and the receipt of the edict is it clad in armor. The saddle and bridle are placed on top of the armor, which is also covered with an embroidered veil; the leather straps and ornamental silk tassels on the girth all have little bells which tinkle when they hit each other; all this produces a very luxurious effect. However, what is different from China is that behind the saddle is added an embroidered cushion, which is like the fur seat for mid-ranking officials.381 Envoys’ Horses Koryŏ is not far from the Jin state, and therefore there are many excellent horses in its country. Yet the grooms are not adept at dressing the horses. That [the horses] run fast is because they do so naturally, not because of human intervention. As for the system of saddle cloths, only the [horse] on which the king rides has a saddle cloth of embroidered red brocade lavishly decorated with gold and jade.382 The officials and ministers have saddle cloths of embroidered purple brocade decorated with silver. For the rest, the customs are similar to those of the Khitan, and there are also no [further] distinctions in status. When the envoys came to the hostel for the first time, a date was divined for the reception of the decree. However, the saddled horses that were offered were roughly similar to those used for the king. On ac-

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count of their luxury the envoys refused adamantly. After [refusing] four more times, other horses were granted. The new horses were like those the country’s officials rode. The horses on which the upper escort ranks rode were one level inferior to those of the main envoy and deputy envoy. The middle escort ranks again were given [saddle trimmings] of one level lower. Cavalry Horses The saddle cloths of the [horses] on which the cavalry ride are extremely exquisite with finely wrought details. The saddles are decorated with shell inlay; the hind straps and reins are made of cypress branches and agate and are inlaid with yellow gold and dark silver. The saddle cloth is on both sides decorated with painted geese with necks twice as large as their bodies. The Koryŏ people call them heavenly geese. The rein straps resound with the sound of bells. This also has an ancient meaning. Pack Saddles The country of Koryŏ has many mountains, and the roads are full of potholes and thus not accommodating of vehicles. There are also no camels to carry heavy loads, so, because people can only carry light loads, they often use horses [carrying] a pack saddle.383 The way it works is by attaching two containers vertically on each side of the horse’s back. The goods to be transported are all placed inside the containers. The horse is harnessed as if for riding, and in front [someone] pulls and at the back [someone] drives the horse on so that it trots quite fast.



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Chapter 16: Officials and Offices Your servant has heard that before Tang and Yu384 established them, only a hundred offices existed. In the Xia and Shang dynasties, the number of offices doubled, and the country remained well governed. By the Zhou, the detailed [organization was achieved]. Heaven was correctly observed and the four seasons adequately examined, and everything was executed according to the Way and government affairs were based on that. How could there be such a travesty as there being only names and nothing to correspond to them in reality! When Koryŏ was first established, there were twelve ranks in officialdom.385 The barbarian language was used to give them names, a disservice to the well-bred and elegant. With the gradual transformation [of their society] through the imperial [grace], they created officials and offices, modeling the terminology on the Chinese system. However, when it came to assigning positions and administering affairs, they still followed barbarian custom. Thus the names of the offices did not conform with actual practice. However, their spirit of admiration for righteousness is still commendable. Government Offices As for the system of officials and bureaus, their beautiful names by and large have all been copied from our imperial court. But when it comes to taking up functions and bestowing offices, the title and the reality do not match; the titles are only used for window dressing because they sound impressive.386 The Department of Ministries is located within the Sŭnghyu (accepting respite) Gate.387 In front of it there is a big gate with two galleries, [one on each side,] measuring more than ten bays. In the middle there is a three-bay hall; this is the place where the director [of the Department of Ministries] and his staff are busy with the affairs of government, where all government affairs are executed.388 To the west of the Department of Ministries, south of the Spring Palace [of the crown prince], [there is a complex where] the front gate stands open; inside the gate are lined up three buildings. In the middle is the Royal Secretariat and to the left is the Chancellery;389 to the right is the Security Council, the place, in other words, where the state councilors— executives [of the Chancellery and Royal Secretariat] and security councilors—administer affairs.

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The Department of Guest Rituals is diagonally in front of Kŏndŏk Hall and is in charge of receiving guests from all neighboring quarters. The Office of the Eight Commandments is to the east of the Sŭngp’yŏng Gate and is in charge of managing banquets and sacrifices.390 The Censorate is within the Left Tongdŏk Gate and has as its task enforcement of good mores and the correct interpretation of the law. The Hallim Academy is to the west of Kŏndŏk Hall and houses ministers [who excel] in literary arts and learning. The Bureau of Royal Carriages stores carriages and horses. The Directory of Weaponry stores armor and weapons. When it comes to rituals and ceremonies held by the Department of Guests, the officials of the Office of Audience Ceremonies assist and take care of the guests. The Depository of Clothing Materials391 is in fact a treasury full of precious goods. The Right Granary is used to store grain. All of these offices are within the inner city, the enclosure where the king lives.392 As for those offices outside of the Kwanghwa Gate [which is the entrance to the royal palace compound], north of the official road is the Ministry of Revenue. To its east are the Ministry of Public Works, the [Office of] Merit Evaluation,393 the Office of Music,394 and the Bureau of Beverage Supervision.395 The four gates [of these institutions] stand beside each other along the northern [side of the road] and face south, each with a plaque bearing the name [of the office]. South of the road are the following three offices: the Ministry of War, the Ministry of Punishment, and the Ministry of Personnel. Their gates are lined up along the southern [side of the road] and face north. Several tens of paces to the southeast [of the official road] is the Directorate of Minting, and slightly [to its] north the Directorate for Construction and Maintenance. The [headquarters of the] following three armies— the Capital Gate Division,396 the Thousand Bull Division, and the Golden Bird Division—are within the North Gate.397 However, the Golden Bird Division is somewhat closer to the east to facilitate guarding against possible emergencies [from the outside]. The two bureaus of the Great Markets and the Capital Markets face each other on the eastern and western side of the great south street.398 Their purpose is to pacify and monitor the administration of the markets. As for the managing of strings, there are the bow and arrow [bureaus] of the wards; there is an office for caps, and for the divining of the heavens, there is an observatory. All of these are within the outer city walls. There is also the Kaesŏng prefectural [bureau], which oversees all marriages and litigation on land disputes within forty leagues of the city walls.



Key: Government Offices (Note: Offices within the royal compound are given in the key to map 4.) A1. Ministry of Revenue A2. Ministry of Public Works A3. Ministry of War

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A4. A5. G. H. I. J.

Ministry of Punishment Ministry of Personnel Office of Merit Evaluation Office of Music Bureau of Beverage Supervision Directorate of Minting

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Directorate for Construction and Maintenance Bureau for Capital Markets Bureau for Great Markets Storehouse for Offerings to Deceased Ancestors Medicine Bureau

Map 5: Government offices. Source: Adapted from U Sŏnghun, “Koryŏ sidae Kaegyŏng sijang,” fig. 1, with additional reference to Pak Yong’un, Koryŏ sidae Kaegyŏng, 43, map; and Kim Ch’anghyŏn, Koryŏ Kaegyŏng ŭi kujo, 162, map. Reproduced by kind permission of Woo Seong-Hoon.

National University The National University formerly was inside the Southern Hoebin Gate. In front is a great gate, the plaque of which reads “Kukchagam.” In the middle was built the Sŏnsŏng (declaring sagacity) Hall, which opens up to two wings of dormitories to house the students. The former location being extremely cramped, it has moved to the Yehyŏn ward and, because the number of students is quite large, its layout has become more generous.

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Public Granaries As for their system of public granaries, the [Koryŏ people] do not attach locks [to the doors] to keep out thieves but put up an external wall with only one gate. Within the inner walls, of old there were three granaries. I could only see the Right Granary. Outside the Sŏnŭi Gate, there is a granary called Dragon Gate. In the mountains of Hongju399 there is a granary called “Plentiful Supply” but it is popularly known as “Lotus,”400 which is a mistake. The Great Righteous Granary formerly stood outside the southwest gate. It could amass three million [sŏk] of rice. Following a fire, it was completely reduced to ashes and afterward moved to [a location outside] the Changp’ae Gate. The Koryŏ people chose [the new location] because it is a place where several streams converge and can thus subdue fire.401 Then there are also the Sea Salt and Ever-Stable Granaries, which stand several hundred paces from each other. Only the Plentiful Supply and Right Granaries do not frequently issue [grain rations], instead keeping grain in store to prepare for military turmoil or floods or droughts. Their way of stacking creates the look of a round house, just as the Book of Odes describes: “and we have our high granaries.”402 Underneath, there is constructed a terrace of earth that is several feet high. Straw is woven into sacks, which are filled with one sŏk of rice or other grains.403 These are stacked up to make up [the granary]. Its height reaches several tens of feet and extends outside the wall. Above, it is covered in thatch to protect [the contents] against wind and rain. If air cannot circulate through the rice, it will get moldy. In Koryŏ granaries, even if rice is stored for several years, it is still fresh because the method of storing the sacks allows the air to circulate slightly. The chief councilors every year receive 420 sacks of rice; when they retire, the amount is cut in half. From the level of an executive at the Department of Ministries and below, everyone receives 250 sacks; directors and secretaries [at administrative offices] receive 150 sacks. Court functionaries receive 45 sacks. Recording officers at the various armies and divisions receive 19 sacks. For the military officials, [emoluments] are calculated from this level upward so that they are on a par with those of civil officials. Inside and outside [the capital] those who are appointed to office and receive an emolument number more than 3,000. Officials without office or awaiting the assignment of their office do not get emoluments but do receive lands; these [officials] number more than 14,000. Their lands are all in the outlying districts [far from the capital]. Tenants or soldiers till the land, but when the [harvest] time comes, [the grains] are transported and distributed equally.



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Palace Stores The Storehouse for Offerings to Deceased Ancestors is located east of Kwanghwa Gate, north of the official road on the way to the Sunch’ŏn Hostel. The front gate measures two bays and opens slightly toward the east. To the left there is a hall, the structure of which is very high, extending outside the walls. To the right there is a multi-storied structure; on the east side there are no windows, but on a column there is a board saying “storing water and warding off fire.” What is stored inside is none other than the utensils to sacrifice to previous kings. Sacrificial animals and the ingredients for the maigre feasts on national memorial days are distributed from here to the various temples.404 Medicine Bureau The traditional custom of Koryŏ was not to administer medicine when people were ill. They thought disease was caused by spirits and [therefore] only chanted spells to suppress the spirits. After Wang Hwi [Munjong] dispatched envoys to bring tribute and request doctors, people became somewhat familiar [with medicine] but did not completely master its techniques. During the musul year of Xuanhe [1118],405 envoys arrived and petitioned the emperor to grant [permission to send] medical officials to train [Korean doctors]. The emperor accepted the petition and then ordered Lan Zhuo and others to go to their country [Koryŏ]; they returned after two years.406 From then on those who were proficient in medicine were numerous. Also, east of Poje Temple, a medicine bureau was raised, and officials of three ranks established: the grand physician, a doctor of medicine, and a head of pharmacy. With green dress and wooden mace, every day they oversaw the offices. Although Koryŏ uses barter trade for all other products, on the markets medicine is traded only for cash. Prisons As for the design of prisons, their walls, which form a circular enclosure, are very high. In the middle there is small building. This design is derived from the “circular mound” [for sacrifices to heaven] of ancient times. Now the [capital] prison is located south of the official road, facing the Ministry of Punishment. Those with light crimes are remanded to the Ministry of Punishment, but those who have committed theft or other heavy crimes are remanded to the prison; they are tied up with ropes, and not one man can be at ease. They also have the system of cangue and shackles.

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But because of delays or sentences not being passed, some stay in prison for years. Only by redeeming with gold can people escape. All those sentenced to a beating with a big wooden stick are tied up horizontally with their hands above their heads; thus held to the ground they are then flogged. An extremely light [punishment] is a beating with a light bamboo or heavy stick for from one hundred to ten [strokes]. Depending on the gravity of offense, [the number of strokes] can be increased or decreased. Only for major treason and unfiliality are [the offenders] decapitated. The next [degree of punishment] is when the legs are tied in opposite directions and moved in the opposite direction to the breast; the next [degree of punishment] is when the flesh is stripped off, similar to [the ancient practice of] being torn apart between chariots. The outlying districts do not mete out capital punishment; all [convicts] are shackled and sent to the capital. Every year in the eighth month sentences are revised. The barbarians are humane by nature, and capital punishment is often pardoned; instead [the convicted] are banished to mountains or islands.407 For such pardons, the length of time [spent in exile] is determined by the severity [of the crime].



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Chapter 17: Shrines and Temples I have heard that Koryŏ people commonly believe in spirits and fear them and that they are also restrained by superstitious beliefs in yin and yang. When they fall ill, they do not use medicine; even if it is their father, son, or close relative [who is stricken], they avoid looking at the sick person but merely [chant] magic spells and curses in order to overcome the illness. According to previous histories, their customs are vulgar, [because] in the evening and at night men and women gather without regard for ceremony to sing and enjoy themselves. They offer to ghosts, earth and grain deities, and numinous stars. In the tenth month there is a great offering to heaven called Tongmaeng. In the east of the country there is a cave called Susin,408 where also in the tenth month [the spirits] were welcomed and offered to.409 From the time the Wang dynasty ruled the country, they built a fortress along the mountains south of the capital,410 and in the eleventh month officials were taken [there] with all their regalia to make offerings to heaven. Later, Koryŏ kings received investiture from the Khitan in this place, and when a crown prince was invested the ritual also took place here. The Tongmaeng assembly of the tenth month is now called the “fast of the eight commandments,” a vegetarian banquet that takes place on the full moon [fifteenth day] of the same month. The rituals are sumptuous.411 The [royal] ancestor shrine is located outside the capital’s east gate. Only at the king’s accession and then once every three years there is a great sacrifice, for which the king dons his crown and jade mace to conduct the [ritual of] offerings himself. For the rest, officials are dispatched [to perform the sacrifices]. On the first day of the year, the first days of every month, and the vernal and autumnal equinoxes, sacrifices are presented to the portraits of deceased royal ancestors [at the shrine]. Their likenesses are drawn in the palace, and monks lead the way [from the palace to the ancestor shrine], intoning Buddhist texts day and night without interruption. Their preference for the Buddha is a deeply engrained custom, so on the full moon of the second month all the Buddhist temples light candles; it is extremely resplendent and extravagant. The king together with the queen and his consorts all go out to watch the spectacle, while the local people throng the streets, making lots of noise.412 For the spirit shrines within a hundred-league radius [of the capital], officials are dispatched with sacrificial animals in each of the four seasons. Also, for the great sacrifice that takes place every three years, all within

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the borders [of Koryŏ] observe it. However, when the time of the sacrifice comes, using the sacrifices to the spirits as a pretext, people are forced to give up their assets: silver413—or other products of the same value—in the amount of a thousand taels414 is raised. This is given to the ministers and officials, who distribute it among themselves. This is laughable indeed! Except for the palace halls where the king lives, only the shrines and temples are luxurious. But among the temples, Anhwa Temple crowns them all because it honors the imperial signature.415 I have here drawn what I saw and heard along the road used by the envoys and while visiting the shrines. For the rest, those institutions I did not see have been omitted. Pog’wŏn Taoist Monastery The Pog’wŏn (source of blessings) Taoist Monastery was constructed during the Zhenghe era [1111–1117] north of the royal palace, within the Taehwa Gate.416 The signboard [on its gate] reads “Gate of Diffusing the Staff,” and the next signboard reads “Source of Blessings Taoist Monastery.” I once heard that in its halls are paintings of the three purities.417 As for the painting of the “Emperor of the Muddy Primordial,”418 his hairs and beard are painted brown, accidentally corresponding with the way our hallowed court paints the true likenesses [of such deities]. How wonderful! Originally this country’s customs were devoid of the teaching of “empty tranquility,”419 but now everyone seeks refuge in it. Chŏngguk Anhwa Temple For Anhwa (peace and concord) Temple, you set out from the palace and go northeast through mountains for about three to four leagues (ri). Gradually you will see a place where the shade of the trees is cool and dense and the [topography at the] foot of the mountain is rugged. Passing Wangnyun Temple420 south of the official road,421 for a few tens of paces you go to and fro on a twisting and turning path lined by high pine trees, dark and dense like a myriad halberds. A clear, flowing rapid hurries along, scouring the rocks with the sound of a wailing zither and smashing jade. Across the gully is a bridge to the other bank, where two pavilions have been built; half of the buildings stick out into the stones on the riverbank. One is called Ch’ŏnghŏn (bright veranda)422 [and the other] Yŏnŭi (flowing ripples). They stand several hundred paces apart. Then, you again enter into a deep valley and pass through the mountain gate pavilion, continuing for several leagues along a side stream.



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Then you enter Chŏngguk Anhwa temple gate and next the temple itself. The temple’s name plaque was inscribed by the present grand preceptor, Cai Jing.423 West of the gate there is a pavilion with the name Naengch’ŏn (cold spring); further north you enter the Chach’wi (purpleemerald) Gate, and the Sinho (spirit protection) Gate. In the eastern wing of this gate there is a statue of the god Indra, while in the western wing is a hall called Hyangjŏk (incense accumulated).424 In the middle [of the temple compound] has been built the Muryangsu Hall425 with a pavilion on each side. The one to the east is called Yanghwa (harmony of yang) and the one to the west Chunghwa (respecting China). Behind this building, three gates are lined up next to each other. The eastern gate is called Sinhan (divine brush). Behind it is a hall called Nŭngin (Buddha [literally “the humane one”]) Hall. Both plaques [of the hall and the gate] are embellished with imperial writings bestowed by the current emperor.426 The middle gate is called Sŏnbŏp (good dharma) and behind it is the Sŏnbŏp Hall. The western gate is called Hyosa (filial thoughts) Gate, and behind its courtyard there is a hall called Mit’a (Amitābha) Hall. Between the Sŏnbŏp and Mit’a Halls there are two rooms, one for worshiping Avalokiteśvara and the other, the Medicine Buddha. The eastern wing [of the Mit’a Hall] has portraits of the patriarchs, and the western wing, portraits of Kṣitigarbha [and the Ten] Kings.427 The other [buildings] are the living quarters of the monastic community. To the west there is a fasting complex;428 whenever the king visits this temple, he comes to this complex via the Simbang (finding fragrance) Gate. The front gate is called Ŭngsang (gathering blessings); the north gate is called Hyangbok (expecting blessings). In the middle is the Insu (benevolent long life) Hall and behind it the Cheun (clouds joining) Tower. A spring emerges halfway up the mountain with sweet, pure, and delicious water. A pavilion has been built around it with a plaque bearing the name “Anhwa Spring.” Flowers, plants, bamboo, trees, and strange rocks have been planted there to make this a place for relaxation and amusement. The skill of constructing and decorating the garden was not special, but it was done in imitation of Chinese models [of landscaping]; moreover the scenery was clear and beautiful, as if one were in a screen [painting]. The Koryŏ people keep the imperial writings as well as compositions by kings in this place and uphold them with special solemnity. The envoys came here together with the officials and clerks of the three escort ranks to pay their respects below the hall [adorned by] the imperial writing. Food was offered to the monks to pray for blessings. As the sun was setting we returned to the residence. It was the second day, kyech’uk, of the seventh month, 1123.

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Kwangt’ong Poje Temple Kwangt’ong Poje (universal salvation) Temple is south of the royal palace, more than one hundred paces north inside the T’aean Gate. The temple plaque is hung on the middle gate facing south toward the official road. The plaque reads “Gate of Supernatural Capacity.” The main hall is extremely majestic and imposing, even more so than the king’s residence. Its plaque reads “Precious Hall of the Arhats.” Inside are placed three statues: one of the golden immortal [Buddha], one of Mañjuśrī, and one of Samantabhadra. Along the sides [of the hall] are lined up five hundred statues of the arhats; they look eminent and ancient. Also, their portraits are drawn [on the walls of] the two wings.429 West of the hall is a five-story pagoda that is more than two hundred feet high. Behind [the main hall] is the dharma hall, which is flanked by monks’ quarters that can house a hundred people. Opposite [the main hall] there is a huge bell; when it is struck, its sound is subdued and does not rise very high. As per custom, the horses remaining from the [transport of] the ritual goods together with the two horses given to the chief envoy and the deputy envoy were redeemed for two catties of white gold. The money was used for incense, flowers, fruits, and vegetables that were offered for Buddhist services and for the upkeep of monastics. The chief envoy and deputy envoy did not personally take part, only the general secretary and the assistant general secretary together with the three escort ranks below them were sent to pay their respects. Hŭngguk Temple Hŭngguk (reviving the nation) Temple is along the road leading southeast from the Kwanghwa Gate. In front of the temple there is a stream that you must traverse via a footbridge [to reach the temple]. The great gate faces east and has a board that reads “Hŭngguk Temple.”430 Behind it are halls and rooms that are equally imposing. In the middle of the courtyard stands a bronze flagpole. It measures two feet in diameter at its base and is more than one hundred feet high. It tapers toward the top and is constructed of several segments that are covered in gold. On top is placed a phoenix head that holds a brocade pennant in its mouth. Some other temples also have these [flagpoles], but only the one at Anhwa Temple has an inscription that reads “Long Live the Emperor of Song.” Looking at such devoted praise,431 [it seems that] it must have come from a sincere mind. Thus it is only natural that they [Koryŏ] are showered with the favors and affection of the imperial court.432



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Kukch’ŏng Temple Kukch’ŏng (purefying the nation) Temple433 is located about three leagues to the west of the western suburban pavilion. Here the long galleries and wide buildings, gnarled pines and strange rocks all reflect and complement each other. The landscape is truly exquisite and pure. On the fringes, below a steep cliff, there is a stone Avalokiteśvara statue. When the embassy passed along the road in front of Kukch’ŏng Temple, a group of its monks numbering more than a hundred gathered up their robes and came out to gawk at us. Various Temples within and near the Capital Hŭngwang (reviving the king) Temple is located southeast of the capital. About two leagues outside the Changp’ae Gate, it faces toward a stream. Its scale is vast, and it houses a hemp-lined Buddha statue bestowed during the Yuanfeng era and a Tripitaka granted during the Yuanfu era [1098– 1100]. On both walls are paintings. Wang Ong [Sukchong] once told the envoy Liu Kui434 and others from the Chongning era [embassy], “When the cultured king435 soared to the virtuous mountain,436 he sent envoys to announce the enthroning of the new emperor, and then we obtained the models of the original [paintings] at Xiangguo (monastery of the realm of Xiang) Temple.437 Therefore, the local people, thereby able to admire the imperial grace, to this day treasure them greatly.” A little to the west [of Hŭngwang Temple] is Hongwŏn (vast perfection) Temple.438 Entering the Changp’ae Gate, to the north of the stream is Sunghwa (esteemed transformation) and to the south Yonghwa (dragon flower) Temple.439 Behind [the latter temple], separated by a small mountain, are Mit’a (Amitābha) and Cha-ssi (Maitreya) Temples,440 but they are actually not well maintained. Sunggyo (esteemed doctrine) Convent441 is within Hoebin Gate, while the three temples of Poje, Toil (observing the sun), and Kŭmsŏn (golden greatness)442 are within the T’aean Gate, arranged like the three legs of a ding tripod.443 North of the official road on Yuam Mountain, Pongsŏn (offering to deceased ancestors)444 and Mirŭk (Maitreya) Temples445 stand neatly aligned, with Taebul (great Buddha) Temple446 a little to the west of them. Northeast of the palace and not too far from the crown prince’s palace there are two temples, one called Pŏbwang (dharma king)447 and the other In’gyŏng.448 Entering through the northern T’aehwa Gate there are Kwisan (turtle mountain)449 and Wangnyun (royal dominion) Temples,450 which are on the road that leads to Anhwa Temple. Kwangjin (vast truth) Temple451 is located east of the Directorate

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for Construction and Maintenance; Poun (precious clouds) Temple452 [is] south of the Changgyŏng Palace. Going due east from the Sung’in Gate you will reach Hongho (vast protection) Temple,453 and going out of the Anjŏng Gate toward the northeast you come to Kwibŏp (seeking refuge in the dharma)454 and Yŏngt’ong (numinous penetration) Temples.455 Even to the north of Sunch’ŏn Hostel there are a number of small buildings adding up to several tens of bays. The name board of this temple says “Sunch’ŏn (obeying heaven) Temple.”456 In the one month since the envoys came to this hostel, the monks have chanted incessantly day and night. The signboard reads “to pray for a safe and comfortable journey for the state-letter

Map 6: Buddhist temples. This map is a revision of that published in Vermeersch, “Buddhism at the Center,” 34; it has been updated with reference especially to Pak Sŏngjin et al., Koryŏ tosŏng, 84, map.



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chief envoy and deputy envoy.” This clearly emanates from a spirit of trustworthiness; it is not a temporary crafty display. Furthermore, on Chayŏn Island there is Chemul (saving beings) Temple,457 on Kunsan Island, Chabok (relying on blessings) Temple.458 Besides their [main] halls, gates, and wings, there are no other main buildings and not more than two or three disciples around. Also, all the buildings of these temples are in a very derelict state, so I have omitted to draw them and merely recorded their names. Sung Mountain Shrine The shrine for the god of Mount Sung459 is north of the palace. Leaving the Sunch’ŏn Hostel in the direction of the Ministry of War, then straight north along a stream, you pass Kwisan Temple, then Pogwŏn Taoist Monastery; leaving [the city] through the Pukch’ang Gate, after about five leagues along a rugged mountain road, you reach a spot shaded by high trees460 from where you can see the city as if it were in the palm of your hand. The spirit was originally called the “High Mountain [spirit].” According to local lore, one of [the spirit’s] auspicious manifestations was as follows: When the Khitan invaded the capital, at night the spirit made tens of thousands of pines produce the sounds of people. The caitiffs thought they might be relief troops and withdrew. Later the mountain was enfeoffed with the name “Sung” and a shrine was made to worship the spirit. People inflicted by calamities or diseases donate clothes or present good horses to beseech it. Recently the envoys went there. On the twenthsixth day of the sixth month, chŏngmi, an official was sent to sacrifice at the shrine. As it is very far, when he was still only halfway up the mountain, he put the wine and food down and offered his respects from afar, complying with an old tradition. Shrine to the Eastern Spirit The shrine to the Eastern Spirit is inside the Sŏn’in Gate on a broad and rather flat expanse of land. Its halls are dilapidated; its thirty bays of galleries and porches stand barren and exposed yet have not been repaired. The board of the main hall reads “Hall of the Eastern Spirit Holy Mother.” [The statue of the spirit] is covered by a curtain to prevent people from seeing it. The statue of the deity is a carved wooden effigy of a woman. Some say that this is the Puyŏ wife, daughter of the river spirit, who gave birth to Chumong, the ancestor of Koryŏ, and was therefore given a shrine.461 According to ancient precedents, when envoys come here they

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send an official to present libations. These sacrifices and libations are like the ritual performed to the spirit of Mount Sung. Dragon Shrine at Clam Cave The Dragon Shrine at Clam Cave462 is in a crevice above the Rapid Water Strait,463 where it occupies several small rooms. In the middle is the statue of the deity. [Larger] boats cannot reach this place because the water is shallow, but an experienced boat master can go there in a small boat to offer sacrifices. Recently the envoys also went there to prepare sacrifices for the deity. The next day a small green snake appeared, and everyone called it a divine transformation [of the deity]. It is perhaps similar to the manifestation of strange phenomena after the smooth crossing of the Pengli.464 Thus one knows that divine things can be found everywhere. The standard of “grand numina” set by the imperial court is thus practiced even in barbarian territory.465 Five Dragon Shrine The Five Dragon Shrine is located on a peak west of the guesthouse on Kunsan Island. Formerly there was a small structure a few paces behind it. Now a new one has been built that has only two pillars and one room. On its front wall are painted the figures of the five spirits.466 Seafarers take extremely seriously the offering to them. Southwest of this shrine, in a big forest, there is a small shrine that people refer to as the annex shrine to that of the spirit of Mount Sung.



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Chapter 18: Taoism and Buddhism Taoism Your subject has heard that Koryŏ territory borders the Eastern Sea467 and is thus not far removed from the Taoist island of the immortals.468 None among its people being ignorant [of Taoism], they admire and aspire to the teaching of longevity and long contemplation.469 Before [Taoism] came here from China, there were many events such as invasions and wars, so there was no opportunity to practice the way of “purity and no-action.” What finally made them convert was the rise of the Tang dynasty, which worshiped the ancestor of the turbid primordial,470 and therefore in the Wude period, Koryŏ471 sent envoys entreating [the emperor] to send Taoists to lecture on the five thousand words [of the Daode jing] and expound the hidden and subtle. Emperor Gaozu was intrigued by this and completely agreed with the request. After this, Taoism was worshiped for the first time and surpassed the Buddhist scriptures. During the kyŏngin year of the Daguan period [1110], the Son of Heaven was concerned about people in that distant country and wanted them to hear about the splendid Way. Therefore when dispatching the state-letter embassy, he also had two “feathered masters”472 join the embassy. They selected people who could disseminate the teachings in order to enlighten the Koryŏ people. Wang U [Yejong] was a devout believer, and in the Zhenghe era he first established the Pog’wŏn Taoist Monastery in honor of more than ten eminent and true Taoists. During the day they stayed in the “fasting complex” but at night returned to their private residences. Later, this gave cause for debate among the officials, who agreed to create some new laws and restrictions. I have also heard that when Wang U [Yejong] was on the throne he frequently wished to bestow the Taoist teaching, expecting to replace the barbarian teachings [i.e., Buddhism] with it. His intention has not yet been followed, but it seems that people still expect this to happen. Taoists For the clothes of the Taoists, no feathered robes are worn. They wear white cloth lined with fur and a black cap with four straps. Comparing this with ordinary people’s customs [regarding dress], the only difference is that the [Taoists’] sleeves are narrower and their robes more resplendent.

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Buddhism The Buddha’s teaching originated in India. Later it was transmitted to the four directions, and its dharma flourished more and more. Although Koryŏ is located east of the sea, I heard that since a branch of the Qing­ liang Fayan school473 was transmitted to the east, the monks there became knowledgeable about the principle of human nature.474 Once, in the samgha hall of Poje Temple, I saw a placard hung to the wall for the congregation to see. The gist of what it said is as follows. Words are insufficient to express the Way; this has long been the case. The thousands of rolls of sūtras have served as teachings to cure diseases, yet the eye-store of the true dharma is not transmitted through them. The world-honored one thus held up a flower and showed it, and there was one who smiled.475 Reaching later generations, oral discussion between master and disciple was used to point at [the true mind], and this is called “discussing Chan.”476 Isn’t this a delusion? At the meeting at Vulture Peak, there was only Kaśyapa [who managed to perceive the Buddha’s mind]. Can it be so easily expected from the ordinary people? The people of old preferred the ram to live,477 yet the grand meaning of propriety was not forgotten.478 This is all the more the case for the trap that is speech.479 How could it suffice to obtain the meaning? From what I have heard, when it comes to explaining the Odes, “the right way is to meet the intention of the poet with sympathetic understanding,”480 and my school is also like this. Thus, words are used to grope for the meaning, but what that meaning derives from cannot be transmitted in words; thus it can only be understood through silence. How could it be found among the endless detailed words of texts?

Contemplating these several hundred words, I deeply embraced the schools’ essential purport. Both the Buddha statues and ritual implements were all immaculately clean, the flags brightly colored and with silken covers, and everything was conducted in the correct order.481 Among the great sūtras there are the Avataṁsaka and Prajñāpāramitā, together with innumerable minor ones. There are also volumes translated from China. Once I made someone who could speak Chinese recite one, and passage by passage it could be understood.482 When it comes to their fanbai483 chanting, it became incomprehensible mumbo jumbo that sounded all the same. Their hand bells and cymbals are small in size but produce a sad sound; their conches produce a big sound as if someone is shouting.



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Previously, during the Yuanfeng period, the upper escort envoy Song Mi perished on Chayŏn Island. Henceforth, all the envoys who came [to Koryŏ] had to stop by Chemul Temple to donate food to the monks and perform sacrificial rites, after which the upper escort ranks would go to the grave to spread out offerings and pay respects. This embassy, holding the imperial command to go yonder, also followed this custom. Whether living or dead, the principles of indebtedness and righteousness should hold. The human mind, when encountering a strange country for the first time, cherishes the far-away homeland. Suddenly seeing one who has died away from home, there is no one who does not shed tears. Leaving one’s territory as envoy, difficulties start from the area east of the Liao River, with a myriad dangers lurking across distant oceans. Isn’t being able to return safe and sound to the court a reason to rejoice? For those who cannot rejoin the spirits of their sovereign’s land, not being buried in the belly of ocean monsters is still a rare occasion. How could the Buddha alone be able to lend protection! I have drawn here the system of their clothing so that similarities and differences can be studied. State Preceptor The title of state preceptor is something like the samgha officers and temple administrators in China.484 At the top of the hierarchy is the royal preceptor.485 When the king meets [the preceptor], he bows. All wear a patchwork486 kāsāya with long sleeves and a robe draped over one shoulder and [hold] a golden vajra scepter.487 Below, they wear purple trousers, a black leather [belt], and shoes with bells. People’s clothing is roughly the same as in China, but in most Koryŏ people the back of the head is flat.488 Since the heads of monks are shaven, it can be clearly observed among them. This comes as a considerable shock and surprise! According to the History of the Jin,489 the people of the Three Han used a stone to press down on the heads of the newly born to make them flat. [What the History of the Jin says] is wrong; rather, [the shape of the head] is naturally like that because of their stock, not necessarily because it is flattened by a stone. Triple-Exalted Monk Grand Masters The triple-exalted monks are akin to abbots or Vinaya masters.490 For clothing they wear a purple-and-yellow front-closing491 field-of-merit kāsāya with long sleeves and draped over one shoulder, while below they also wear purple trousers. Their rank is lower than that of a state preceptor.492 They lecture on and explain the sūtras and commentaries, and they also

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are tasked with transmitting the teaching of human nature.493 Therefore, clever students of broad learning are chosen for this [rank]. Acarya Bhadanta The position of the acarya bhadanta is one rank below the triple-exalted monk.494 They are allocated offices among the different schools.495 Their robes have short sleeves and are draped over one shoulder, have a faded color, and consist of five parts. On the lower body they wear yellow trousers. There are only a few state preceptors and triple-exalted [monks], but those of the acarya rank are very numerous. I have not been able to ascertain their function. Novice Monks Novice monks496 [are those who] have left home at a young age but have not yet taken the full precepts. They wear cloth of faded color, which is not front-closing. When [their mastery of] the precepts and rules reaches a high level, they change to purple robes. After successive promotions, they can wear the nap robes. Among the monastic dresses of the Koryŏ people, the ma’nap is regarded as the most important.497 Householder Monks Householder monks never wear the kāsāya and do not adhere to the rules. They wear tight-fitting clothes of coarse white hemp tied with a black silken sash around the waist. They go barefoot, but sometimes there is one who wears shoes. They build houses for themselves, take spouses, and have children. For their public duty [to the state] they are engaged in carrying utensils on their backs, sweeping the roads, building and maintaining drains and ditches, repairing and building walls and houses. When the alarm is sounded at the borders, they are banded together in groups. Although not fit for cavalry, they are strong and brave. When they march with the army they carry their own provisions, so that without paying for them, the country can still [use them to] wage a war. I have heard that it was thanks to them that the Khitan were defeated by Koryŏ. They are in reality corvée laborers whose sentence has not yet expired, but since their heads are shaven, the barbarians [i.e., Koreans] call them monks.498



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Chapter 19: Common People I have heard that the Koryŏ territory is not very broad, but the people are numerous. Among the professions of the four classes of people,499 Confucian scholars are considered the most precious. Therefore, in their country it is considered shameful if you don’t know how to write. Mountains and forests abound, and there is little flat and wide land; there are thus not as many farmers who till the land as craftsmen or artisans. Special local products of the counties and prefectures are all offered to public offices. Merchants do not travel far: in less than a day they reach the main market. Everyone exchanges what they have for what they do not have, and they are satisfied with that. However, as humans they lack a sense of gratitude, are sensual, are fickle in love, and attach importance to wealth. Men and women marry easily, but unions are easily dissolved. Their ignorance of law and propriety is truly laughable! I have drawn here the ordinary people but have given the presented scholars pride of place as the first entry. Presented Scholars There is more than one name for presented scholars (chinsa). At the royal capital they are referred to as “gentry tribute,” while in the prefectures and townships they are known as “local tribute.”500 They all gather at the National University, where nearly four hundred will pass the examinations. After this, the king personally tests [those who have passed] on the three subjects of poetry, prose-rhyme, and essays. Those who pass this test are given an official position. Ever since the Zhenghe period, students such as Kim Tan have been sent to the imperial court,501 where they are especially granted a qualifying rank [as passers of the imperial examination] by the emperor. Ever since, people have been selected from among the gentry through their mastery of the classics, while the writing of policy papers is used to mark their progress; [finally,] they are tested on their level of excellence so as to determine the rankings.502 As a result, these days those who are engaged in Confucian scholarship are numerous. It is thus because they have a model to aspire to [i.e., China]. They wear a four-fold cap of patterned gauze, a fur[-lined robe] made of black pongee, a black belt, and leather shoes. When they present themselves for the examination they wear hats, and when they pass the examinations they are each granted a blue parasol and parade around the capital city on a horse led by a servant, thus presenting a glorious spectacle.

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Farmers and Traders As for the classes of farmers and merchants, whereas for farmers there is no such thing as rich or poor, for merchants there is no near or far. The clothing of both consists of a robe made of coarse hemp and a black cap of four layers. Only the quality of the cloth allows one to distinguish [the class of the person wearing the garment]. State officials and rich people, when they retire to their private residences for dinner, wear the same clothing. Only by the fact that their cap has two layers can we distinguish them [from farmers and merchants]; also, when the officials pass along the thoroughfares, if ordinary people see them they hide.503 Craftsmen and Artisans Koryŏ craftsmen and artisans are extremely skilled, but their sublime skills are all monopolized by official institutions such as the Hat-Making Office or the Directorate for Construction and Maintenance. Normally they wear a coarse white hemp robe and a black cap. Only when they are called up for corvée do the officials give them purple robes. I heard that among the several tens of thousands of Khitan prisoners who submitted to Koryŏ, one out of ten were craftsmen or artisans. The most talented among them were chosen to reside in the royal palace. In recent years the workmanship of vessels and clothing has therefore improved but has become rather artificial and vapid. Thus [these products] have not yet regained the pure quality of former days. Village Leaders A “village leader” is similar to the leader of local militia or household militia units.504 Somebody with sufficient means is chosen from among the people. Although for important affairs in their locality [these village leaders] turn to the local government office who has [been charged with] dealing with [such matters], they take charge of smaller matters, and therefore the ordinary folk of the places where they have jurisdiction show them considerable respect. As for their clothing, they use patterned gauze for hats, wear a fur[-lined robe] made of black pongee, tie a belt of black horn, and wear pointed shoes of black leather. This is very similar to the attire worn by presented scholars who have not yet taken the examinations.



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Boat People Patterned gauze is the most cherished part of the Koryŏ headdress. The price of a hat is about one sŏk of grain. Ordinary people have no funds to procure [such a hat], but they feel ashamed of going bareheaded like criminals and prisoners do. Therefore, they make bamboo hats and wear them. Some of them are round, some square; originally there were no fixed rules. A short woolen tunic covers their bodies, beneath which they do not wear trousers. Every boat has more than ten people.505 Every night they sing ballads to each other while drumming the rhythm on oars and other wooden implements. The noise they make resembles the quacking of ducks or the honking of geese, it is without the slightest sense of melody or feeling; I guess this is just their custom.

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Chapter 20: Women Your servant has heard that in the system of clothing in the Three Han, dyeing was unheard of;506 only flowered patterns were used but with restrictions. [Still today in Koryŏ] there are censors who inspect the people to see if there are any who wear patterned brocade or flowery silk and clamp down on any transgressions by imposing fines. The people observe this [rule] and do not dare transgress. According to the old custom, women wear white ramie [jackets] and yellow skirts. From the royal clan and noble families on down to the wives and concubines of ordinary people, everybody wears the same type of clothes. The tribute envoys who traveled to the Song emperor’s palace obtained the caps and robes of the ten ranks bestowed by the imperial court; as a result they changed [their dress code] to follow the Chinese model. Now the royal family and the families of chief councilors generally follow Chinese custom. In the course of time, as naturally as the grass bends [when the wind blows], [this change will gradually spread to the ordinary people]. I have retained only what is different from China and drawn it here. Noble Women As for the adornment of women, they do not like to wear thick make-up. They apply powder but no rouge. Their arched, [painted] eyebrows cover half the forehead, and a black veil of three layers covers their heads. Each layer is eight feet long and hangs from the head down to the ground, leaving the face uncovered. White ramie cloth is used for the outer robe, which looks somewhat like the men’s clothing. They wear wide trousers of patterned, fine silk that are lined on the inside with raw silk. To appear rich and praiseworthy, they do not allow [the shape of] the body to be manifest. They wear an olive-colored cap, tied with a colored sash with golden bells; to the waist are attached brocade fragrance pouches, of which they consider the more they wear, the more precious. When rich families prepare important seats [for esteemed guests], beside them they line up female servants, each holding a kerchief and bottle. Even in the heat of summer, they do not seem to consider [this kind of service] hard. For autumn and winter clothing, they sometimes use yellow pongee, which is sometimes dark yellow and sometimes light yellow. Their clothing does not differ, whether they are the wives of dukes, ministers, or grandees, or ordinary people or entertaining girls. Some say that the queen wears a red



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dress with rich embroidery, but [the wives of] state officials and ordinary people do not dare to wear this. Female Attendants and Concubines In the palace there are servants who accompany their mistress after her betrothal; state officials have concubines; then there are the wives of ordinary people or maidservants in various functions­. The attire for all is similar. Since they all have to carry things and work hard, they cover their heads; [the ends of the headscarves] do not hang down but are [tied up] in layers on top of the head. When they walk they lift their dresses. Even though they hold a fan in their hands, they are afraid to show even their fingernails and so often cover them with a red pouch. Demeaning the Envoys507 The way of coiffing the hair for married women is the same regardless of whether they are rich or poor. The hair hangs down on the right shoulder and then further down covers the back. It is tied with red gauze and put up with a small pin. For the [women of] ordinary families there is nothing specifically used to cover the head. The price [of the head cover] is set at one catty of silver. [The reason they wear no headcovering] is that it is beyond their [purchasing] power, not that there is a ban on it. They also wear a wraparound skirt made of eight widths [of cloth]. It is fastened very high up, being tucked in around the armpits. It has a countless number of layers because a large number [of layers] is considered worthy of esteem. Thus when wives and concubines of rich families make skirts, they use up to seven or eight bolts. This is really ridiculous. During the Chongning era, when the loyal ministers Liu Kui and Wu Shi came yonder as imperial envoys, they attended a banquet on the seventh evening [of their arrival]. The hostel escort commissioner, Yu Sin,508 glancing at the female entertainers playing music, addressed the chief envoy and deputy envoy as follows: “In our country the hair is combed very loosely, just as in the ‘falling horse mane’ style of old.” Liu [Kui] and the others replied as follows: “The ‘falling horse mane’ style was created by the wife of Liang Ji of the Eastern Han, Sun Shou.509 It does not resemble this at all.” Sin and others nodded in agreement. But to this day the method of putting up [the hair] has not changed. How can it still be like the old custom of the mallet-shaped hairdo!

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Aristocratic Women510 The dress of the barbarians, while somewhat similar [to China], still does not have any fixed rules. When the envoys first entered the city, looking inside a building adjacent to the road [they saw] a woman leaning against the railing. She was only in her early teens and must not yet have been married; she did not let her hair cover her face,511 yet the yellow clothing she was wearing was not suitable as summer clothing.512 I investigated [this way of dressing] for a long time but could not find out the truth. Some said that she wore the clothes of a child from the palace. [Ordinary] Women In the families of ordinary people, unmarried women tie their hair with red silk, leaving the rest to fall down their backs. The men do likewise, but instead of red silk they use a black cord. Carrying Burdens on the Back As per Koryŏ law, female servants are employed by government agencies; they are transmitted from generation to generation.513 Thus from the royal palace to government offices and Taoist and Buddhist temples, all are provided with them. As for their part in labor, they cannot carry things on their shoulders but are able to carry things on their backs. When they walk [with their burdens] they are very fast; even men cannot keep up with them. Carrying Burdens on the Head As for the labor of carrying things on the head, it is equally hard for everyone. Whether it is water, rice, or alcohol, everything is stored in bronze jars. Since the [jar] cannot be lifted onto the shoulders, it is placed atop the head. The jar has two ears; with one hand they support [the jar], and [with the other] they lift their skirts and walk. Children are carried on the [the women’s] backs. I have checked this in the classics, where it is said that “the gray-haired people do not carry loads on their back or head in the streets.”514 The reason why they use their energy for good labor is not because they have stronger muscles or bones—this would be impossible. The fact that they have their children strapped to their backs is precisely what is described as “they swaddle and strap their children on their backs and come [to a good ruler].”515



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Chapter 21: Official Servants Your servant has heard that the southern barbarians tattoo the forehead and sit cross-legged,516 [while the eastern barbarians] wear their hair loose and tattoo their bodies.517 These barbarians dwell with wolves and roam with deer. How would they know about the way of operating official institutions or appointing clerks! Only Koryŏ is not like this. Their clothes and caps [show the signs of] etiquette and decorum, and ruler and minister are distinguished in rank; [they show] the resplendent way of culture in dealing with others. In the center [i.e., capital city] they have established censors, departments, bureaus, and directorates; in the outlying regions they have established prefectures, districts, counties, and cities. They have established offices and differentiated official functions and select clerks for various responsibilities. Those above set the general policies, and those below execute the various detailed responsibilities. Even though it concerns the whole country, [the bureaucratic system] is simplified and rationalized. To track down a local clerk or summon the rank and file, a simple slip of paper with a few characters is all it takes to ensure people will not miss the appointed time. Therefore, from the supervising secretary at the Royal Secretariat and the high officials of the Security Council to the ordinary village leader, nobody dares to be indolent. If we meet officials and clerks of this country somewhere along the road, they must kneel and bow to pay their respects. When they report on something, they approach in a kneeling position; raising the hands and lowering the face, they listen and receive [instruction]. If they had not been molded in the sagely transformation a long time ago, could it have been like this? In the illustrations below, I have arranged them, from the functionaries to the grooms. Functionaries The clothing of the functionaries518 is not different in color from that of most officials.519 However, their green clothing is sometimes darker, sometimes lighter in color. From old it has been said that Koryŏ imitated the Tang system and wore emerald green. I have investigated and discovered this is not the case. In fact, the people of this country are poor and their customs simple. The cost of one official robe is set at approximately one catty of silver. Every time [this robe] gets dirty and has to be washed, it is dyed again, so that the color is a deep emerald green. This is thus not a type of clothing to differentiate a separate bureaucratic level.520 However, the posts of

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functionaries assigned to departments and courts are not limited only to the bureaucratic rank and file.521 Sons or brothers of eminent families also sometimes work as clerks. Now this green-like clothing is simply the type of robe worn by these functionaries who have inherited their position. Executive Captains The clothes of the executive captains522 consist of a narrow-sleeved robe made of purple brocade, a cap, and leather shoes. They are the same type of people as the Chinese office directors or hall attendants.523 When sons and younger brothers of military officials go to serve in the military guards, they are assigned these offices. Whenever the Chinese envoys arrive, [these executive captains] deliver trays and offer wine goblets. Holding their gowns, they stand ready with napkins, which all of them use. Office Runners The office runners524 cannot be compared to the officers at departments and courts. Usually they are the type of people who either issue or inventory gold, grains, and cloth from the storehouses and granaries in districts and counties. They wear black clothing and a cap and black leather pointed shoes. Sometimes we see them among the crowds in markets and streets. Sometimes when going to the office of a bureau, [we see] some who wear clothes of a different color. Junior Runners The junior runners525 are young and vigorous people who are appointed as functionaries for the first time. Old records have transmitted their name as “utmost respect”; however, this is due to an error regarding the tone of the characters.526 From this position they are promoted and assigned the role of [real] functionaries.527 As a result of receiving the position of functionary, they can later receive a ranked bureaucratic post. From the top-ranking officials to the lowest, everyone is given junior runners in case messages have to be transmitted. The number of runners is determined by the official’s rank. For ordinary affairs [these runners] wear a patterned brocade cap; when the Chinese envoys arrive, they put on a conical cap. Every important minister is followed by one or two junior runners. The attendants given to the escort commissioner and the envoy attendant, and those granted to the chief envoy and deputy envoys, wear the very same clothing.



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Chamber Boys The chamber boys are assigned to the envoys’ hostel for the purpose of doing chores. Every room, from that of the chief envoy and deputy envoy on down, has a certain number depending on the official rank [of the occupant]. As for their clothing, [these boys] wear a patterned gauze cap and purple robes with a horn belt and black shoes. Only attentive people are chosen for this job. Observing how they fulfill their duties, [one can see that] they are very respectful and also good at drafting letters. In Koryŏ, the salaries [for chamber boys] are poor and consist of nothing more than rice and vegetables. They eat meat only occasionally. When the envoys arrived, the heat was at its fiercest so that the food and drinks became smelly and disgusting. The leftovers that had to be set aside were given to them. They drank and ate [the leftovers] as a matter of course and took the remainder home. When the greatest ritual [of bestowing the edict] was over and [we] left the hostel, tears were streaming down their cheeks. In general, the Koryŏ people have profound sentiments toward China. Therefore, even though they are just chamber boys, their feelings are considerate and deep. Junior Bedchamber Attendants The junior bedchamber attendants wear purple robes and a cap, but their hair is loose. They are boy servants who work in the palace harem. They are also sometimes granted to the king’s most esteemed relatives by marriage and close ministers. The majority of Koryŏ people who are not married cover up the [front part] of their hair with a kerchief [while the rest] falls down their back. As soon as they are married, they tie up their hair. Those who work as bedchamber assistants are all just a little over ten years old. [As soon as] they get a bit older, they leave the palace. Grooms The grooms are similar to the “divine lads,”528 [the name given to] the sons and younger brothers of aristocratic families. By and large [grooms] are unmarried. Therefore their clothes are made of gauze or fine silk and are always black. There is also a category of groom who wears a widesleeved robe and black cap, but they are the slaves of officials and minor functionaries.

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Chapter 22: Various Customs, 1 Your servant has heard that according to the “royal regulations,” “When the valley is wide and the stream big, the culture is different [from other regions]. The people born there also have customs that are different [from other regions].”529 What is called here a “wide valley with a big stream” does not necessarily refer to a distant and secluded place. Even in the case of China, there are many different regions, and all of them have different customs; it is impossible for them to be all the same. How much more so in the case of barbarians, whose limes is beyond the sea; how could their customs be all the same! Of all the barbarians, Koryŏ has the reputation of being a country of civilization, ritual, and justice. [It is said that] when drinking and eating they use the right vessels, and for writing characters they use both the clerkly and the standard Chinese styles;530 [it is further said] that in social intercourse and the exchange of gifts they bend their knees [prostrate] to greet and use polite forms in making requests—all things that merit praise. However, in reality they are depraved, superficial, and flimsy [in observing Chinese customs] and all muddled up [in using both Chinese and native customs]. In the end, the barbarian customs have not yet been reformed. The rites of capping, marriage, funeral, and mourning are rarely practiced as prescribed in the [Records of] Ritual. Although the men somewhat follow the Tang system in wearing a head cover, women partly put up their hair and leave the rest loose. This gives them a distinctive look like the barbarian topknot or the Mongolian braided hair. For the marriage of members of the elite families, some form of betrothal gifts is used. Ordinary people, however, only exchange wine and rice to reach an agreement, and that is it. Furthermore, members of rich families marry up to three or four wives. Even slight discord [causes them to] immediately separate. [Women], when they give birth, reside in a separate room. Those afflicted with disease, even if they are close relatives, do not receive medicine.531 When people die, a shroud but no coffin is used. It is like this even for the king and members of the aristocracy. As for the poor, they do not have tools to construct a grave and thus expose [the corpse] in the open fields, neither sealing [off the body under a tomb] nor planting [trees next to the grave]. They leave [the corpse] to the ants, crows, and hawks to eat, and the masses do not regard it as wrong. They perform licentious feasts and heterodox offerings. They like the Buddha; Buddhist monks attend the offerings at the shrine to the royal ancestors, performing their Buddhist chants, which are larded with unin-



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telligible gibberish. They are rapacious and demand bribes. When they go somewhere they like to run; when standing, they often clasp their hands behind their backs. Women and nuns all pay their respects in the same way as men. These are the most alarming customs. And when it comes to trifling and annoying matters and the untoward, they are too many to count. However that may be, I have drawn whatever reached my ears and eyes. Moreover I have appended descriptions of local products, resources, and food at the back [of this account]. Courtyard Torches It is the Koryŏ custom to drink through the night. In the case of the Chinese envoys, they are treated with even more respect. It is always deep in the night when the time comes for the banquet to draw to a close and for us to part [with our hosts]. From the mountains and islands, prefectures and counties, [to the] pavilions in the suburbs and official hostels, all make a bright torch in the courtyard by bundling [pine wood] branches together. The executive captains hold the torches when the envoys return to their hostel, lining up shoulder to shoulder at the front to lead the way. Carrying Candle [Lanterns] In the royal palace and at official gatherings, from olden times no candles were lit. Recently, they are beginning to be manufactured in small quantities. The large ones are as big as a rafter, while even the small ones are up to two feet long. They are still not very bright [despite their size], however. During banquets at the Hoegyŏng and Kŏndŏk Halls, candle lanterns made of red gauze were put in the courtyard. Green-garbed men with their official tablets stuck [in their girdles] were there to carry the candles. I asked about this, and it was said that they were people who had newly entered the civil service. Although the old record calls them people who have newly passed the civil service examination, we now know that they are not necessarily all officials of the same rank.532 Recorder of the Clepsydra The office of recorder of the clepsydra533 approaches the ancients in both name and substance. Every quarter a drum is struck to record the intervals. In the central courtyard a board is placed on which tablets are hung. Exactly on the hour,534 a purple-garbed clerk grasps a tablet with both hands and stands to the left; a green-garbed person then makes a bow and announces

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that it is now such-and-such an hour, after which he places his official tablet in his girdle and walks back to the board, replaces the tablet, and retreats. Local Drinks535 Koryŏ tradition sets great store by alcohol and sweet wine for official gatherings. Only members of the royal family and state officials can use ­couches, tables, and plates for side dishes. The other officials, functionaries, and ordinary people sit on couches but are not provided tables and plates. In the Eastern Han [25–220 CE], the prefect of Yuzhang, Chen Fan, set up a couch especially for Xu Zhi.536 Therefore, we know that from ancient times there existed this kind of decorum. Now the Koryŏ people place a small tray on the couch. Plates and bowls made of copper are filled with dried fish and meat, fish, and vegetables. Although diverse in its presentation, [the menu] is not excessively abundant. Wine is taken without moderation because of the frequent encouragement to drink. Each couch can only seat two people, so if the guests at the banquet are many, more couches are added according to their number. Each person sits facing one other. There is not much wheat in the country. All of it is handled by traders who import it through the East-Capital Highway.537 The price of noodles is therefore quite expensive, and [wheat] is not used except to show lavish decorum. Among the foods, there are also some that are prohibited,538 which is especially funny. Jurisdiction The Koryŏ governing system is still rudimentary. Litigation documents are omitted and nothing is written down. When adjudicating at the official residence, [the prefect and his assistants] sit without a bench, simply mounting a couch and shouting instructions. Clerks deliver the record files and in a kneeling position present them to their superiors with both hands. After [the case] is heard by the superiors, a verdict is immediately given. I understand that nothing remains [in terms of recorded evidence] for a [new] investigation. When a case is closed, [all documents] are discarded, there being no archiving facility. Only for imperial edicts and diplomatic correspondence is there a storage place in the palace; these documents are archived as valuable items for future reference. When [the clerks] present food or a hand-washing basin to their superiors, they bow their heads and move forward on their knees, raising their hands to offer these things. Their conduct is extremely respectful, and the fact that barbarians can act like this is truly praiseworthy.539



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Responding to Courtesy540 According to Koryŏ custom, when it comes to the ritual greetings of everyday interaction, officials, functionaries, and soldiers, even though there may be strict divisions in terms of their responsibilities, do not always observe strict boundaries. All the chief councilors and leading officials, when meeting with those they govern in the course of their activities, have to take on a respectful mien and rise from their seat. They have to greet the officials they do not govern as well as the clerks and soldiers they have not met in a long time, even if [only] crossing the road or in the palace courtyard. [All] those in an official post also bend their head [down] and then straighten up to return a greeting. If the person greeted does not reciprocate, he loses the respect of the person who greeted him. [As the saying goes], if propriety is lost [in China], it has to be retrieved from the barbarians. One can observe this here. Granting Attendants541 The low status of attendants can be seen in the numbers granted to officials according to their rank. The chief councilors have four junior runners and thirty grooms. They lead and accompany the official. In front a blue parasol is held several tens of paces outside [the main group]. When he rides, [the official] lets two people lead his horse. The parasol in front cannot be displayed for those of lower rank, and it is not allowed [for them] to have two people lead the horse. When ordinary people ride, they hold the whip themselves to lead the horse on. The junior runners run in front and the granted attendants, holding napkins and bottles, follow at the back with the luggage. Officials of rank three and four542 [are granted] three junior runners and twenty grooms; office chiefs [rank five] [are granted] two junior runners and fifteen grooms; assistant office chiefs [rank six] and above [are granted] one junior runner and ten grooms. Those at the bottom of the official ladder are altogether given three people. All are official slaves543 [whose status] is inherited over the generations. Amazons When married women go out, they are also granted a servant and horse— after all, we are talking about the wives of senior officials or aristocrats. Those attending and leading [the horse] do not surpass three in number. The person [riding the horse] covers her head with black gauze, the trail

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[of the gauze] covering the horse’s back. She also wears a bamboo hat. Queens and royal consorts alone can use red as decoration, but they also do not use carriages. Formerly, during the Wude and Zhengguan [627– 649] periods of Tang, when palace maidens rode horses, they mostly used a veil that covered their whole body. Now observing the Koryŏ custom of covering [merely] the head, how could it be a remnant custom of the [Tang] veil!



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Chapter 23: Various Customs, 2 Bathing and Washing In the old histories544 it is said that in Koryŏ people are usually very clean. It remains so to this day. They always laugh about how dirty the Chinese are. When they get up in the morning they have to wash before going out the door. In the summer months they bathe again during the day. They gather in brooks and streams, without separating men and women, and all leave their clothes and hats on the bank. They do not find it strange to undress in the middle of the stream. Washing clothes and starching hemp fabric are all done by women. Whether day or night, they are diligent at this and do not dare to call it labor. They mostly draw their water from wells near rivers. Above, there is a pulley,545 and the water is drawn and poured into a basin. The basin’s shape is somewhat like a ship. Agriculture The national territory borders on the Eastern Sea546 and has many big mountains and deep valleys. Its terrain is rugged and steep with rough mountain passes and not much level terrain. Most agriculture therefore has to take place in the mountains. Because of the differences in elevation, plowing and clearing the land is labor intensive. From afar [the fields] look like a ladder or stone stairway.547 According to their customs, it is not possible to have private land. It is somewhat like the well-field system [of antiquity]. [Land] is granted to officials, functionaries, ordinary people, and soldiers in accordance with their rank. The queen dowager, the queen, the crown prince, the princesses, and [those] below all have their own personal income fields.548 Every 150 paces correspond to a kyŏl.549 When a commoner turns eight years old, [the family] has to file a report to claim the land. There are differences as to the amount of kyŏl granted. From state officials to soldiers, functionaries, grooms, presented scholars, and artisans, those who have no other occupation take care of the land [allocated to them].550 Only those guarding the frontiers are given grain. The territory is conducive to [the cultivation of] coarse millet, black millet, winter millet, sesame, barley, and wheat.551 Their rice is non-glutinous; they do not have glutinous rice. The grains are very big and their taste is sweet. Their ox plows and other farming implements are largely the same [as China’s] with minor differences, [so] I have not included them here.

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Fishery According to the national custom, mutton and pork can only be eaten by the king, princes, and aristocrats. Ordinary people eat a multitude of marine products. They have mudfish, abalone, mussels, pearl oysters, king prawns, silk clams, purple crabs, oysters, and sea anemones, and also seaweed and kelp, which everybody from high to low likes. [These marine products] whet the appetite, but they smell foul and taste salty. [Eating them] for a long time makes one feel disgusted. People living by the sea [raise] the anchor of their boats whenever the tide is low and go out to catch fish between the islets. They are not good at meshing nets, however, instead mending them simply with coarse cloth [skeins]. They have to expend much energy for meager reward. This is not the case for such things as oysters and clams, which when the tide is low cannot escape; even though people go all out to gather them, [these mollusks] are never depleted. Wood Gathering Woodcutting is not a specialized craft. Young or old just take advantage of some spare time to go to the mountains outside the city and gather [fuel] to the amount they can carry. But because of a taboo based on yin-yang [divination], it is now forbidden to cut trees in the mountains right next to the cities. Thus we can find many huge trees there that are of an armsful in thickness. The shade they bring is very refreshing. From the moment the envoys entered the hostel until they went back on board their ships, officials provided them with [fuel] for their cooking. The [Koryŏ people] are not good at using their shoulders, only using their backs to transport [the fuel]. Carving Notes Koryŏ people are not accustomed to the abacus. When officials or clerks are to be issued gold or brocade, the accounting clerks use a knife to carve a wooden slip. To record one item, they carve one notch, and when [all transactions] are concluded, [the slips] are discarded, not to be used again or stored in case of inspection [later].552 Their government is very simple; [this method of accounting] reminds one of the ancient custom of tying knots. Butchers The barbarian government is very humane. Due to their fondness for Buddhism, there is an injunction against killing. Therefore, except for the king



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or high ministers, nobody eats mutton or pork. They are also not good at slaughtering. Ten days before the envoys came they gathered the livestock, and when the time came to use them, they tied their four legs together and threw them into a blazing fire. After they had died and the fur burned off, they were doused in water. If they revived, they were beaten to death with a cudgel. After that they cut open the belly and pulled out the intestines and bowels, draining all the dung and offal. Even though the [carcasses] are made into a broth or the meat broiled, the foul stench does not disappear. This is how clumsy they are. Dispensing Broth In the long galleries of the royal city, every ten bays there is a small tent where a Buddha statue is placed. A big jar holding white rice porridge is placed there and there is also a cup and ladle so that all passersby may drink, regardless of whether they are rich or poor. Monks are in charge of this. Local Products Koryŏ’s territory is wedged between the mountains and the sea. Its soil is barren and rocky, and yet several crops are sown and reaped; hemp and ramie is profitable [for weaving], cows and sheep are raised easily, and marine products provide a healthy supplement. In the three prefectures of Kwangju, Yangju, and Yŏngju,553 there are many big pine trees. There are two kinds of pine tree; only the one with five needles produces pine seeds.554 Naju province555 also has them, but they are not as abundant as in the three prefectures just mentioned. When they are just coming into seed they are called pine cones,556 which look like quinces, with a greenish hue and dense [spikes]. When they gather dew [in autumn] they are cut off. When the seeds start getting ripe, the cones change to a purple color. They are used with fruits, savory foods, broths, and minced meat. However, one should not eat too many of them because they make people vomit without end. As for ginseng roots, there are places where they are specially grown. Those from Ch’unju557 are the best. There are two kinds, raw and cooked. The raw ones look white and are hollow. When used in medicine their taste is fully preserved. However, because during the summer they are damaged by insects, the [raw ones] are not as good as the ones that have been boiled in a cauldron till soft. These can be preserved for a long time. In the old accounts it is said that those whose shape is flat were pressed with a stone till the juice came out and then fried. I have enquired about

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[this explanation for the flat shape], and it is not true. The ginseng that is boiled is stacked high, hence its shape. As for them being fried, it is up to them to do this later according to their method [as they please]. Among the dishes that are served daily in the hostel, [one] was called “sandy ginseng.”558 It is very large but thin and beautiful. It would not be suitable for the pharmacy. As [the Koryŏ] territory is suitable for pine trees, there is also fuling.559 Sulfur is produced deep in the mountains, and from Naju province come white aconite seeds and yellow lacquer. All are [given as] local tribute. The [Koryŏ people] cultivate ramie themselves, and much of their clothing is made of cloth. Plain silk is considered the best quality [fabric]. It is an immaculate white like jade. With narrow selvage, it is worn by the king and the most eminent ministers. They are not good at sericulture, and so for their thread and fabrics, they look to merchants who come from Shandong, Fujian, or Zhejiang [provinces]. They are rather good at weaving patterned gauze, flowered damask, tight-woven silk, and brocade netting. Beneficial to the [production] of exquisite craftsmanship is the fact that among soldiers of the northern caitiffs who have surrendered to Koryŏ there are many skilled workers. Dyeing has also much improved over former times. There is not much gold or silver in the territory, but lots of copper. Vessels are made of lacquer, but [the quality is] not of a high level. However, the workmanship of their shell-inlaid lacquer is refined and very precious. The ink made of pine soot from Maengju560 is considered the most valuable, but the color is dull and contains little glue. It is still full of sand and grit.561 Their yellow hair brushes562 are so soft that they cannot be used for writing. Formerly it was said they were made from ape hairs, but this is not necessarily the case.563 For their paper, they use not only paper mulberry [bark] but also sometimes rattan [or similar fibers], which is beaten with a mallet until smooth. There are several quality grades. As for their fruits and nuts, the chestnuts are as large as peaches and are sweet tasting and very nice. The old record said that you could also have them in the summer months. I once enquired about the reason for this, and it turns out they are stored in earthenware containers that are buried in the ground, which allows them to be preserved for several years. In the sixth month, there are also cherries [literally “hold-in-the-mouth peaches”] that taste sour, like vinegar. Hazelnut trees564 and yew trees565 are most abundant. As for plants from the country of dwarfs [Japan], there are crabapples, plums, small melons, peaches, pears, and dates. [But] their taste is weak and their size small. When it comes to lotus roots or flower pods, they do not dare to pick them because, they claim, the Buddha’s feet had walked on them.



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Chapter 24: Embassy Guards Your servant has heard that in the way of the Spring and Autumn Annals, even if the king’s representative was from an insignificant [country], he was ranked ahead of all the feudal lords. This is in respect of the royal decree. However, during that period, the dynastic structure of the Zhou house was in a derelict condition because the feudal lords were very powerful and intentionally slighted the Zhou. Confucius therefore put his trust in mere words to maintain the under-heaven.566 Ministers and intellectuals of later generations have time and again modeled themselves sincerely on this. This applies even more to a time of great peace such as the present one, when the ruler personally dispatches royal representatives as envoys to distant countries. When those countries receive the envoys, how would they dare to be even slightly remiss in conducting the ceremonies of receiving them? Our esteemed Song dynasty has ruled the under-heaven for the past two hundred years. Warfare has gradually come to a halt, and the lords and leaders of the barbarians even without [being urged by] an imperial summons trust and follow us with a sincerity that is set in stone. Not since the time of Rongcheng567 has there been an era of peace like the present one. It is therefore fitting that all the feudal lords extend their respect to the royal representative and that ritual and [cultural expression] are sumptuous. I have heard that on a recent occasion when the envoys received accreditation and reached Koryŏ, Koryŏ exerted itself in preparing lavish ceremonial implements and [assigned] a multitude of guards and soldiers to receive the imperial edict. To lead the bannered escorts [of the embassy], the ritual was plentiful and the effort extreme. Yet for receiving this embassy, as it so happened that the mourning clothes for Wang U [Yejong] had not yet been taken off, the drummers and wind players all held their instruments but did not play. This can be called “knowing ritual.” First, the Divine Flag Brigade As soon as the divine ships entered the port on the Yesŏng River568 and lowered the anchor, the Koryŏ people sent an ornate boat to welcome the envoys. When the imperial edict was respectfully brought to shore, the three ranks of the military escorts followed on foot. As soon as the edict had been safely enshrined in the Azure Waves Pavilion,569 they retreated for the night to their guesthouse. The next day at the break of dawn, the

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general secretary and the assistant general secretary570 came to receive the edict and put it on an ornate palanquin. The soldiers led the way, and among all the regalia, the divine banner came first. From the Western Suburbs Pavilion they went ahead to plant [the flag] in front of the hostel, awaiting the arrival of the edict; once all the regalia had been linked up, they were led under guard into the city. Flags that were lined up on all sides were loaded onto carriages to proceed; each carriage carried more than ten people. From this point on, when receiving the edict or sending off the memorial, it all happened under the aegis of military guards. The blue-clothed Dragon-Tiger Army, in armor and carrying spears and numbering up to ten thousand, was divided into two columns that lined the street in the procession. Next, Mounted Soldiers Behind the divine flag followed the brocade-clothed Dragon-Tiger personal guard; the “head flag” rushed in front, holding a small red pennant. Next came the supreme general in command of the troops. Next came the colonels in charge of the army. They were all on horseback, each holding a bow and arrows and with a sword tied to his belt. They use tinkling bells to decorate their horse fittings and gallop along at breakneck speed in a conceited and show-offy fashion. Next, Cymbal Players and Drummers Following the mounted soldiers came a corps of reed players. Following them was a corps of cymbal players and drummers.571 Every hundred paces or so, the corps of reed players came to a halt and played facing the palanquin with the edict. When the playing stopped, the cymbals and drums were struck to signal the tempo. Next, the Thousand Bull Division Following the drumming and wind band were ceremonial regalia such as the attached leather rattle and stirrup poles572 held by the Thousand Bull Army guards,573 who march in pairs. Next, the Golden Bird Division After the Thousand Bull Division came the Golden Bird Division personal guard. They held yellow banners with leopard tails,574 ceremonial two-



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pronged halberds and flower parasols,575 and followed at some distance behind [the Thousand Bull Division]. Next, Hundred Plays After the Golden Bird Division personal guard, small children acting a hundred plays followed. Their way of dressing and adornment are somewhat similar to the Chinese style. Next, Music Division The singers and instrument players also have three grades of clothing, and among the instruments they carry there are only slight differences [with China]. They marched behind the troupe of small boys. Recently when the envoys arrived [in Korea], it so happened that the [mourning] dress code for Wang U [Yejong] had not yet been rescinded, and therefore the musicians just held their instruments without playing them. For [an event] such as the reception of the imperial decree, however, they did not dare to omit the musicians. Next, Presents The chests containing the presents were of varying sizes. On their sides were labels indicating the names and number of the goods bestowed; they were sealed with the emperor’s personal seal. The Koryŏ people thoroughly recognized this favor and placed [the chests] on waist carriers, covering the presents with yellow shrouds. To hoist one chest, four men of the Restraining Crane Army were used, [who carried the presents between them]. They wore purple robes with patterns of embroidered flowers. On top, they wore caps with bent wings. They marched behind the music division. Next, the Palanquin for the Edict The embroidered design of the ornate palanquins was lavish and intricate, with brocade inlaid in five colors. In the front palanquin was placed a big golden incense burner. The next [palanquin] carried the text of the edict together with a text offered to the spirit of Wang U [Yejong]. The next one carried imperial writings. These too were carried by members of the Restraining Crane Army. After the ceremony of offering a memorial [in gratitude for the edict was concluded] and [the envoys] had returned to the hostels, not one of the palanquins was used.576

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Next, Substitute Lower Escort Ranks According to the dynastic conventions, military personnel have always been chosen to serve as the lower escort ranks for the embassies to Koryŏ. In recent years [however,] the accredited officials [who decide on who serves] have been allowed to a certain degree to replace them with a selection of scholars, artists, and artisans.577 As for the present embassy, in seeking to live up to the sagely sovereign’s intention of comforting the Koreans, everyone was keen to “grab the whip” and set off to observe the customs of foreign regions. Moreover, on the day we left, the emperor personally bid farewell from the palace steps with sagely words of encouragement. Everybody was moved to tears, and nobody was worried any more whether or not he would survive the journey across the sea. Thus [among the lower escort ranks] there were people like Gentleman of Complete Loyalty578 Zhou Tong,579 Gentleman of Trust580 Zhao Kai, and Court Gentlemen for Promoted Service581 Xiong Chunian582 and Yin Jing; the literati Jiang Daheng, Li Xun, and Tang Jun; the Hanlin physician Yang Yin. There were the following presented scholars: Chao Zhengzhi, Xu Heng, Huang Daben, Ye Yanzi, Shi Yi,583 Chen Xingzu, Tao Ting, Meng Hui, Gao Boyi, Li Rui, Cui Shimei, Gu Dafan, Jin Anzhi, Wang Juren, and Liu Jixi. There were the following vice-lieutenants:584 Li Hui, Wang Ze, Lü Jian, Xu Hong, Xu Kexin, Shi Youzhong, and Yu Gong. Among the functionaries of various bureaus and offices, were Dong Qi, Niu Minnian, Tan Gong, Chen Zuo, Yang Datong, Yang Huan, Liu Zongwu, Sun Xun, Wang You, Yin Gongli, Sun Wan, Cao Yu, Wang Boquan, Chen Weigai, Wang Daoshen, Yang Ge, Zhang Yu, Gui Lin,585 Fan Minqiu, Shu Zhang, Zou Zongzhi, Zhang Ruopu, Fan Ningzhi, Zhu Yankang, Liu Jie, Hu Yunsheng, Zhou Yu, and Tan Bocheng. They wore tight-sleeved vests of purple gauze, black gauze caps, and gilded double-deer belts. They were divided in two lines and marched behind the palanquin carrying the edict. Next, the Xuanwu Lower Escort Ranks The Xuanwu586 lower army consisted of local soldiers from Mingzhou,587 fifty men altogether. Their attire is no different from that of the substitute [lower escort ranks], but they open their coats when walking. This allows the brocade embroidery to shine forth. When the envoys first left the gates [of the palace], [the emperor] bestowed gilded utensils for them to take along [to the foreign country]. When the escort ranks then left the capital, these utensils were effectively handed over to them; each man carried be-



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fore him [a utensil], which was resplendent and caught the eye and was intended as a lavish display in a foreign country. Next, the Chief Envoy and Deputy Envoy The chief envoy and deputy envoy for the state-letter [mission] followed the edict when it entered the city [Kaesŏng]. When going to official meetings, they rode on horseback next to each other. They wore purple clothes with a “golden lychee flower” belt588 as well as the golden fish [tally attached] to their girdle. The Koryŏ escort commissioner rode his horse several paces to the right of the envoys. Thus aligned with each other, they proceeded. The envoy attendant followed them. Next, the Upper Escort Ranks The general secretary of the upper escort ranks was the governor of Zhongzhou,589 Grand Master of Military Assistance,590 Audience Attendant at the Office for Audience Ceremonies591 Wu Dexiu. He wore purple clothes with a golden belt. He rode behind the main envoy. The assistant general secretary, Grand Master for Court Service592 Xu Jing, wore red clothes with a fish [tally] attached to his girdle. He rode behind the deputy envoy. The Taoist official of the dharma charter, Master of the Great Void Rank, Collator of Records in the Stamen Pearl Hall593 Huang Dazhong, and Azure Void Knight, Collator of Records in the Congealed Spirits Hall Chen Yingchang wore purple clothes with a blue hem and a square golden tally [attached] to the girdle. The documentation officials, the Court Gentlemen for Instruction594 Teng Maoshi595 and Cui Sidao, wore the same clothes as the assistant general secretary. [The following] all wore a purple robe with a gilded lychee flower belt: the on-board general patroller Wu Chang, guides to the envoys and patrollers Lu Yunsheng, Lu Kui, Bo Shucheng, and Xu Xingwen; ship overseers Wang Jiaomin, Huang Churen, Ge Chengzhong, Shu Shaobi, and Jia Tan; recorders and guides to the envoys Liu Zhaoqing, Wu Wan, and Yang Ming; medical officials Li Anren and Hao Zhu; documentation envoys Ma Junming and Li Gongliang. The ushers596 Hyŏng Sun and Son Sahŭng wore green clothing, and each rode a horse with one of the lines of officials, following the edict into the city. As for their attending to the main or deputy envoy, when they rode, [these ushers] carried his seat and hat, and holding the whip, they concentrated on getting to the destination. When [the envoys] performed rituals, they held up a blue parasol. Although [Koryŏ has] escort commissioners [to take care of such duties], they often let the presentation officials597 attend to these tasks [instead].

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Finally, the Middle Escort Ranks As for the middle escort ranks, the officials in charge of the presents were Gentleman for Fostering Uprightness598 Zhu Mingfa, Gentlemen of Trust Lou Ze and Fan Min, Gentlemen for Meritorious Achievement599 Cui Siren and Liu Shou, and Court Gentleman for Ceremonial Service600 Wu Gou.601 The people who arranged practical affairs were Gentleman for Meritorious Achievement Wang Chen and the presented scholar Wang Churen. The diviners of wind and clouds602 were Gentlemen of Trust Dong Zhishao and Wang Yuan. The [master of Taoist] talismans and spells was Zhang Xunren; the technicians were Guo Fan and Sima Guan. Among the personal retinue of the main and deputy envoy, there were Xu Hong, Zhang Hao, Li Ji, and Xu Xinggu. Among the relatives of accompanying officials were Wang Jin and Lu Zun; among the substitutes for ten Xuanwu officers were Zhao You, Zheng Ming, and Cheng Zheng.603 Among the general secretary’s relatives were the functionaries Wang Jia­ bin and Wang Zi. The clothing [of the middle escort rank] consisted of a simple cap, purple narrow-sleeved robe, and a gilded belt decorated with a precious vase. They rode behind the upper escort ranks.



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Chapter 25: Receiving the Edict Your servant has heard that the Zhou king sent Chancelor Kong to bestow sacrificial meat on the Duke of Qi, and that the duke wanted to pay his respects as an inferior person. Chancellor Kong said, “There is still a decree to follow; the Son of Heaven, because you, his uncle, are already over seventy, for your service and loyalty has promoted you one rank, making the respect of a lower person no longer necessary.” [The duke of Qi] replied, “Under the authority of heaven, one does not go against form even if it is a matter of inches. How would I, Xiaobai, dare to be covetous of the decree of the Son of Heaven? I fear I would commit a grave error and fall to a lower [rank] by causing the Son of Heaven to feel ashamed [about my behavior]. How would I dare not to offer the respects of a lower person?” He then got down, paid his respects, and rose to receive [the decree].604 The decay of the house of Zhou was due to the fact that “ritual” disappeared from its rightful place. Among those who preserved it was the Duke of Qi—even though a hegemon,605 he did not dare to discard ritual. The authority of the Son of Heaven reaches even the eastern mountains across the expanse of the sea. Due to the emperor’s will of embracing and comforting, expressed through generous and elaborate words, the Koryŏ people naturally respectfully received this luminous edict, to which they looked up to as the expression of heaven[’s will]; they did not dare to be the slightest bit indolent for fear of committing an offence. I have here drawn their diligence in administering the task [of receiving the edict] and sincerity in upholding ritual so that it can be contemplated and examined. Welcoming the Edict The chief and deputy envoys respectfully took the edict into the Sunch’ŏn Hostel. Within ten days an auspicious [day] was divined for the king to receive the edict. One day before the appointed date, [the palace] first sent an explanation of the ceremony via an official who met with the main and deputy envoys. The next day, one envoy attendant606 was sent to the hostel. The general secretary and the assistant general secretary between them carried the edict and placed it inside the ornate palanquin. The ceremonial guards in their armor led the way. The chief and deputy envoy, the hostel escort commissioner, and the envoy attendant together rode horses. The lower escort ranks marched in front of them. The upper and middle escort ranks, riding horses, followed behind. Koryŏ’s officials had arrived

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at the hostel gates beforehand and stood waiting till the edict came out of the hostel. After greeting [the edict] twice right there on the road, they mounted their horses and rode in front. Reaching the royal palace, they entered through the Kwanghwa Gate, then went through the left Tongdŏk Gate, and finally stopped outside the Sŭngp’yŏng Gate.607 The upper and lower escort ranks dismounted here. The ushers and the guiding commissioners marched in front of the horses [of the envoys] behind the upper escort ranks. They followed them through the Sinbong Gate and stopped outside the Ch’anghap Gate. Here the chief and deputy envoy dismounted, and the king and his officials, one after the other, greeted the edict. When the double greeting was finished, the ornate palanquin entered and came to a rest outside the gates of the Hoegyŏng Hall. Inducting the Edict Once the ornate palanquin had entered [the palace] and rested outside the gates of the Hoegyŏng Hall, the general secretary and assistant general secretary respectfully took the edict out of the palanquin and placed it in a curtained box. The two envoys rested awhile, and then the king returned to his place right in front of the gate, facing west.608 The two envoys and the king walked side by side, inducting [the edict] through the middle gate [of the Hoegyŏng Hall]. The upper escort ranks [and those carrying] the presents divided into two columns and entered [through the side gates] to just in front of the Hoegyŏng Hall to wait till the king received the edict. Greeting the Edict The king led the edict into the Hoegyŏng Hall compound; in the courtyard an incense table was set up, and the king took his place facing west. The main and deputy envoys took the higher northern place and faced south. The officials of the upper escort ranks lined up in order of their position and took their places behind the envoys. The country’s officials lined up behind their king according to rank. The king bowed twice and personally enquired after the holy [emperor’s] health. He then resumed his place. The “dancing and bowing”609 completed, the officials followed the king’s example and likewise bowed twice. The state-letter envoy then announced that there was an imperial edict; the king bowed twice and got up. He listened to the oral proclamation, then put his tablet in his girdle and kneeled. The deputy envoy handed the decree to the chief envoy, who in turn passed it to the king. The decree said,610



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Koryŏ king Wang Hae [Injong], from afar I heard that you inherited the country. Having just started to control the territory, I trust that you have made a good start to the succession and that you may be able to exert yourself and live up to expectations. Because of your sudden bereavement, you must be greatly distressed. Therefore, we have made haste in ordering a resplendent embassy to express our great affection to the inheritor of the throne. It carries numerous [presents] to be gifted to you to convey both our condolences [for the bereavement] and congratulations [for the accession]. It behooves you to respectfully obey the spirit of the [deceased] king and apply it to eternally fulfill your role as vassal. Now we send Lu Yundi, executive at the Ministry of Rites (4A) and merit subject of Yuancheng county with a fief of three hundred households, and Fu Moqing, drafting advisor of the Royal Secretariat (4B) and merit subject of Qinghe county with a fief of nine hundred households, [who as] main envoy and deputy envoy carry state letters. I bestow on you, sir, the state letters and presents, as recorded separately. All that is to be received is shown in this edict; we deem it proper that this should all be known. May you and those near to you enjoy peace and well-being like the warmth of spring; without further ado I shall end the letter here.

The king received the edict and then passed it on to an official. He took out his tablet and performed the double bow as at the beginning, and the country’s officials followed suit. Exchanging Courtesies After the envoys guided the edict into the courtyard and the king had finished bowing, he then rose from his seat and personally enquired after the emperor’s health. The chief envoy also rose from his seat and personally answered, “Recently when I left the palace, the emperor’s august self was prosperous.” Everybody returned to their seats and bowed as in the ceremony to receive the edict. Before this, from Chŏnju to Kwangju, in all three provinces and circuits [we passed through], [local officials] had asked about the imperial health and performed the same ceremony as the king. It was the same [i.e., the same courtesies were performed] even when meeting with the hostel escort commissioner or the welcoming escort commissioner. Offering Libations In the second month, spring, of im’in [1122], the chief and deputy envoys received imperial instructions to organize a state-letter embassy. In the fourth month, during summer, we heard of Wang U’s [Yejong] demise.

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[Thus the mission] was given the additional purpose of offering libations611 and extending condolences, in accordance with the Yuanfeng system. On the thirteenth day, kabo, of the sixth month of kyemyo [1123], the chief and deputy envoy arrived at the hostel. After the king had received the decree, two days passed. Then the king sent people to announce to General Secretary Wu Dexiu that due preparations had been made for a Buddhist offering. The next day, the assistant general secretary, Xu Jing, took custody of the ceremonial goods for the libations that had been bestowed and arranged them in front [of the hostel?]. When the day had grown bright, the chief and deputy envoys and the officials of the three escort ranks took the edict palanquin and went to Changgyŏng Palace. The three escort ranks waited in their appropriate place. The envoys changed their belts to ones of black rhinoceros [horn], as per the old custom, waited till the appointed time, and then entered the sacrificial room. Wang Hae [Injong] stood at the eastern pillar in plain clothing. The envoys prostrated twice and rose; kneeling, the chief envoy then proclaimed the imperially drafted sacrificial text, which read, In the fifth year of Xuanhe [1123], in the cyclical year kuimiao, on the fourteenth day dingmiao of the third jiayan month,612 we, the emperor, dispatch as envoys Lu Yundi, executive at the Ministry of Rites, senior fourth rank and merit subject of Yuancheng county with a fief of three hundred households, and Fu Moqing, drafting advisor of the Royal Secretariat, junior fourth rank and merit subject of Qinghe county with a fief of nine hundred households, in order to offer sacrifice to the spirit of the [deceased] king of Koryŏ. Oh king, you have united virtue in your person and thereby succeeded to this eastern territory. Treating people reverentially with filial piety or respectfully with friendship [as appropriate], your grace reaches the ordinary people. You follow in the footsteps of cultured men of former times, and all neighboring countries [imitate] this model. Swiftly establishing loyalty and sincerity, with utmost righteousness you diligently serve the sovereign. With your relatives serving as hostages at court,613 you are completely sincere in complying with the [celestial] command. Therefore I think that, though the king resides in a faraway place in a corner of the ocean, because he knows how to discipline his mind for making ancestral offerings, his mind is always focused on the royal dynasty.614 Praise to the great achievement! Fond devotion will not be forgotten. Therefore, we made preparations to instruct envoys again to transmit our imperial will and display our support and comfort to your country. Has it not been said that heaven cannot bear to leave one [great] person



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behind?615 Suddenly being apprised of the important news, over which your country was in great distress, I was full of grief. I now grant you these tokens of my sympathy—which you can embrace to make manifest your virtue—and assist in the pacification of your country. As they have now arrived, [please] offer them to our beloved spirit [i.e., the deceased King Yejong]. May they be eternally of assistance to those who come after. Here I stop, though there can be no end [to the expression of grief]. Though insignificant, please use these gifts for the ancestral offering.

Extending Condolences That day, after the ritual of offering libations was completed, [everybody] retreated for a while, then began the ritual of offering condolences. First, incense tables were placed in the courtyard, and people faced west toward the celestial palace. Wang Hae [Injong] wore simple clothing and stood facing west. The chief envoy stood south [of the king], looking up toward the west. The deputy envoy stood behind him. The deputy envoy handed the decree to the chief envoy; the chief envoy handed the decree to the king. The king bent [forward] like a piece of a stone chime set,616 and after bowing again, knelt down to receive it. The decree read, [To] Koryŏ King Wang Hae [Injong]: All the kings who have preceded you were very careful617 in manifesting virtue and therefore merited succeeding to the throne. This was of great assistance to the “solitary man” [i.e., the emperor]. The Heavenly Mandate is difficult indeed! With the sudden obituary notice, we remember fondly [the deceased] with eternal longing and mourn this tragedy in agony. Having just acceded to the throne, you took steps to perform your duty [as ruler] and suppressed your feelings of grief; in thus dedicating yourself, you are embraced by your kin. Now I dispatch as state-letter main envoy Lu Yundi, executive at the Ministry of Rites, senior fourth rank, and merit subject of Yuancheng county with a fief of three hundred households, and as deputy envoy Fu Moqing, drafting advisor of the Royal Secretariat, junior fourth rank, and merit subject of Qinghe county with a fief of nine hundred households. At the same time, they are entrusted with the libation offerings and the letter of condolence. As for the presents for the libation and condolences, please see the attached inventory and receive them when they arrive. As the decree has mentioned everything, I think you are fully apprised. May you and those near to you enjoy peace and well-being like the warmth of spring. Without further ado, I end this letter here.

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Chapter 26: Banquets Your servant has heard that when the former kings observed the ritual of hosting a banquet, its lavishness depended on the aristocratic rank [of the invited]. In the pouring and offering of drinks by the host, and in the return drinks offered by the guests, the numbers [of pourings] are prescribed together with ceremonial rules. Our dynasty has prescribed this in detail, modeling itself on the old while making it convenient for the present, [yet] without going against the intentions of the former kings. In the Koryŏ system, the host takes the goblet and proceeds on his knees to offer it to the guest; this is the custom bequeathed by ancient people. I surmise that they are so generous in lavishing [such courtesies on] the embassy in order to honor the king’s representatives. It is probably not always like this for [banquets] that proceed within the country. Everything has been included in the drawings in order to record their feelings of admiration for China. Private Audience After the king had received the edict, he and the chief envoy and deputy envoy took a short rest in their respective places, the king to the east and the envoys to the west. An assistant then reported [to the king] the envoys’ intent of exchanging courtesies with him, and the king dispatched a messenger with his reply and ordered the usher to divide [everybody into two lines], left and right. The usher led the king and the envoys outside to take [their] places in the courtyard of the Hoegyŏng [Hall]. They bowed to each other with clasped hands and then ascended to the hall. The king takes his place near the eastern pillar, and the envoy and his deputy near the western pillar; a cushion had been prepared for each. The king and the [chief] envoy faced each other and prostrated twice; they moved forward a bit to exchange greetings, then again prostrated twice, after which the [chief] envoy moved back a bit. The deputy envoy then took the place of the [chief] envoy and exchanged prostrations with the king as just described. Both [envoys] then returned to their places and stood separately near their assigned seats. Then an official of the upper escort ranks, who had been standing next to them, handed over a roster [with their names] and started to participate. Those below the general secretary and assistant general secretary did not prostrate but merely bowed with clasped hands in front of the



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king. The king returned their greetings with a bow, and they then retreated and stood in the eastern gallery. Next, the middle escort ranks were led in, and below in the courtyard they performed four prostrations. The king slightly bowed in return, and they then retreated and stood in the western gallery. The king and the envoys then sat down on their seats, and the middle and upper escort did so as well. Next, the lower escort ranks and the boat crew were led in; they too stood in the courtyard below and made six prostrations. They then sat down to the east and west of the gate, divided into two lines facing north, with the eastern seats being the most important. After that, wine was served, but the offering and returning of drinks will be seen in a separate section. Banquet Ceremony618 The various tents that were used in the ritual of drinking at the banquet were all bright and decorated. In the hall, silk cushions had been provided, and in the two galleries, green seats619 had been spread out. Their wine tastes sweet and has a dark color but is not strong enough to make you drunk. There was a rich variety of plump fruits and vegetables, most of which had been pealed and pitted. Although there was mutton and pork as side dishes, there was a much greater abundance of seafood. The table tops were covered with paper to make everything cleaner. Much of the crockery was plated with gold or sometimes silver, but it was the celadon crockery that is considered most precious. Even if the host and guests exchange drinks a hundred times, they do not dare discard propriety. Top officials from the Chancellery and Secretariat, from the chief councilors and the vice ministers [of the Six Ministries] on up, stood under the eastern eaves of the hall, while the other officials were divided into civil and military officials, who were lined up separately in the courtyard. In the middle of the courtyard was placed a board to indicate the time. Next to it were lined up green-garbed [officials], with their official tablets tucked into their girdles and holding red lanterns;620 they stood facing all the other officials. Also, they made the guarding soldiers, who were holding all their ceremonial paraphernalia, line up behind them. The Koryŏ people treat the king621 with great reverence, and whenever a banquet or music performance is held, the officials, clerks, soldiers, and guards remain standing, even under the burning sun or pouring rain, immovable like mountains and without changing their facial expressions. Their respect and seriousness is commendable.

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Offering and Returning Drinks The king and the chief envoy and deputy envoy having taken their seats, the king sent a messenger to announce to the envoys that he would like to personally offer them a drink. The chief envoy firmly refused up to three times and then accepted. All rose from their seats and bowed to each other with clasped hands. Then a servant brought the goblet of the [chief] envoy to the king. The king knelt down and took a wine jar,622 [the contents of which he] poured into the [chief] envoy’s [goblet]. He then proceeded on his knees, and the envoy also knelt down. Having received the [emptied] goblet [back from the envoy], [the king] returned the goblet to the servant. All took their places again and sat down. With the scheduled [first] drink finished, [the king and the chief envoy] stood up to bow slightly to each other with clasped hands, and [the chief envoy] then briefly expressed his gratitude. The king himself then also poured wine for the deputy envoy, just as in the ceremony for the chief envoy. After the chief and deputy envoys had received the drink offered by the king, they personally poured wine as a return pledge to the king; it was done [in the same manner] as the ritual just described. After wine had been poured three times [in this fashion], they [all] reverted to the usual custom.623 After fifteen rounds of drinks had been poured, everybody took a short rest and after a while returned to their seats. From the chief envoy and deputy envoy [on down] to all the other officials, jackets and gold and silver belts were given according to their rank. Another ten rounds of drinks followed, and the banquet only ended in the middle of the night. The king saw off the chief and deputy envoys outside the gates of the hall. The three escort ranks in order of their importance mounted their horses and returned to the hostel. Seats of the Upper Escort Ranks The seats of the upper escort ranks faced west, with the most senior positions in the north. They used gold-plated crockery, and the [drinking] ritual was like that of the envoys, though somewhat simpler; the king did not personally pour the drinks but instead dispatched office chiefs from the Department of Ministries624 or directors and commissioners [to do the pouring]. First these officials reported to the king that they will perform the ritual, and when the king gave permission, they prostrated twice and retired. Then they reported to the embassy people that “the king has dispatched official so-and-so to offer drinks to the upper escort ranks.” The general secretary and assistant general secretary and all the other officials



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below them then replied with a bow. First, drinks were offered twice while seated, and toward the end of the banquet [the officials] returned to the seats [of the escort ranks] and offered a third time, now changing to big horn cups; when the wine was finished, they retired. The officers dispatched [for the ritual] prostrated twice to the king in the courtyard and retired. Seats of the Middle Escort Ranks The seats of the middle escort ranks faced east, with the most senior positions in the north. They sat facing the upper escort ranks; their fruits, side dishes, and crockery were one grade below those of the upper escort ranks. For them, too, an official was dispatched to offer wine, more or less in the same way as was done for the upper escort ranks. Seats of the Lower Escort Ranks The lower escort ranks were seated inside the gate [building] of the hall, facing north and with the most senior positions to the east. No couches or tables were provided for them; only small portable tables were placed on the ground where they sat. They [eat from] silver vessels, and the fruits and side dishes were very simple. The number of drinks offered to them was smaller, a few times less than what was offered to the middle escort ranks. Hostel Gatherings As soon as the envoys entered the hostel, the king sent an official to organize a banquet, which is called a “dusting-off dinner.”625 From that time on, every five days a banquet was organized. If they happened to coincide with one of the fortnightly solar terms,626 the banquets became slightly more lavish. The chief envoy and deputy envoy were seated in the middle, with the others placed to their left and right; the country’s [high] officials together with the hostel attendant shared the seats closest to them. Moreover, the guest seats were divided into east and west, and [the seats of] the general secretary and assistant general secretary and lower officials were distributed into east and west according to rank while the middle and lower escort ranks were seated according to rank in the two [outer] galleries. Wine627 was served in fifteen rounds, and the banquet ended deep into the night. In the courtyard no lanterns were placed, only bright torches. Then there is also the courtesy call at the [hostel escort commission-

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er’s] residence.628 The hostel escort commissioner wrote to invite the envoys to his quarters; this was like the banqueting ritual.629 The three escort ranks did not accompany [the envoys]; only the likes of ushers and guiding attendants accompanied them to carry out the envoys’ orders. A few days later, the envoys invited the hostel escort commissioner to the Nakpin (entertaining guests) Pavilion within the precinct of their hostel; they employed cooks, and the fruits, side dishes, plates, and bowls were all provided by the imperial [Song] court. All around the seats they lined up precious objects and antique vessels, works of calligraphy and books, famous paintings, exquisite incense, and rare teas—a myriad of precious goods spread out, their refined spirit and splendor catching the eye. The Koryŏ people could not help but marvel at this. When all the wine was finished, [each of the Koreans attending] could select what he liked and wanted to have, and it was given to him. Offering of the Memorandum After the ritual of proclaiming the imperial edict was finished, the envoy declared in a letter his intention of leaving, expressing the wish to return in time for the emperor’s birthday.630 The king then sent a messenger with a reply letter urging them to stay, but the envoys steadfastly refused. The king then divined a day and delivered a letter [to the envoys] declaring his intention to entreat them to take with them a memorandum631 for the emperor. When the day arrived, the envoys led the three escort ranks to the royal palace, and the king came out to greet them. They then proceeded to the Hoegyŏng Hall, where in the courtyard tables as well as cushioned seats were laid out, just as for the ceremony to receive the edict. The king looked in the direction of the [Song] palace and prostrated twice; then he put his tablet in his girdle and knelt down. A servant handed the memorandum to the king; the king took it with both hands, proceeded on his knees, and offered it to the chief envoy, who knelt down to receive it. After the handover was finished, the chief envoy gave the memorandum to the deputy envoy, who then placed it [in a box and entrusted it] to the usher. After that, all returned to their seats. When the meeting was finished, the box containing the memorandum was placed on the ornate palanquin, and with the armed guards leading the way, it was sent ahead to the hostel. Farewell Banquet After the banquet of offering the memorandum was finished, a tent was constructed at the Sinbong Gate and seats arranged for the host and



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guests. The king offered a farewell drink to the two envoys, after which they rose and stood next to their seats. First, the upper escort ranks were introduced and took their place in the front. The king personally poured them a farewell drink in a giant horn; they bade farewell and retired. Next, the middle escort ranks were introduced. They took their place on the eastern steps [of the hall], with the lower escort ranks standing below the steps. They were offered drinks just as in the ritual for the upper escort ranks. They then retired and went outside the [Sinbong] gate. The chief envoy and deputy envoy were helped onto their horses, and the three escort ranks followed them in order of rank back to the hostel. Farewell in the Western Suburbs On the day the envoys set out on their return journey, they left early from the Sunch’ŏn Hostel and soon reached the Western Suburbs Pavilion. The king dispatched the chief councilors to provide wine and food at the pavilion. The upper and middle escort ranks took their places in the eastern and western galleries and the lower escort ranks [assembled] outside the gates. Fifteen rounds of drinks were served. The chief envoy and deputy envoy and the hostel escort commissioner then left their horses outside the gate and gave their parting greetings, upon which the hostel escort commissioner mounted on his horse personally offered them a drink. Once the chief envoy had finished the drink, they parted ways. Although before that they had taken leave of the welcoming and parting escort commissioners at the hostel and commenced the return journey, they met up again [at the western suburb], and the officials [they met there] accompanied them until they set sail to the open seas from Kunsan Island.

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Chapter 27: The Embassy Hostel Your servant has heard that Zichan, serving as prime minister for the Duke of Zheng, went to Jin.632 The Jin [court], on account of the mourning for the [lord of] Lu, refused to see Zichan. Zichan then had the wall of his hostel completely destroyed, putting his carriage on the spot [where the wall used to be]. The people of Jin castigated him, but he replied, “When Lord Wen [of Jin] acted as chief of the alliance, the palace rooms were shabby and low, and there was no terrace or pavilion from which you had a view. But out of reverence to all the feudal lords, the hostel was [treated] like the private quarters of the lord; the storage rooms and stables were well maintained with carriages and horses to choose from, and there were servants to attend the guests. When the guests arrived, they felt as if they had returned home.” The Jin [ministers] were ashamed and apologized for their lack of tact. The way that all the countries of the various feudal lords attend to guests from the four quarters is first and foremost by providing a hostel. Is this not even more necessary when the eastern barbarians and the outermost feudal lords receive the royal envoys?633 Only Koryŏ is fully respectful and compliant in this. When the imperial court shows its support, Koryŏ, because it takes pride in appearances, has made sure that the layout of the hostel for the envoys is more luxurious than the residence of their king. Your servant praises this by making a drawing of the hostel. Sunch’ŏn Hostel The chief envoy and deputy envoy, taking with them the edict, entered the city’s Sŏnŭi Gate and then went straight north634 for about three leagues until they arrived at the Bureau for Capital Markets, whereupon they turned north again for about five more leagues until they arrive at the Kwanghwa Gate. Again they turned west for about two leagues, passing a high and steep ridge, after which they turned north for about one league and then reached the Sunch’ŏn Hostel. On the outer gate was a board [with the hostel’s name], and the middle gate was guarded by the Dragon-Tiger Army wearing green embroidered robes; this is also the place where the upper and middle escort ranks mount and dismount their horses. The main hall has nine pillars; its scale is imposing and its workmanship surpasses that of the royal residence. The outer galleries measure thirty bays but do not contain any objects.



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Only during banquets at the hostel are drinking seats for the middle and lower escort ranks arranged here. In the courtyard there are two small pavilions, and between them there was a tent measuring three bays. Formerly music was performed here, but one could not see this during our visit because the [mourning] clothes for Wang U [Yejong] had not yet been removed. Behind the hall there is a passageway, and in the middle of it is built the Nakpin Pavilion. The two wings635 on each side of the building were used as living quarters for the chief envoy and deputy envoy. The inner galleries each have twelve rooms, which were divided among the upper escort ranks. To the south of the quarters in the western [gallery] was the lodgings for the hostel attendant, while to the north was the building for the imperial decree. The eastern and western wings636 [of the imperial decree building] are where the Taoist officials stay. Among the eastern quarters is a hall with rooms for the general secretary and the assistant general secretary. Also to the east were the quarters for the documentation officials. There are also very spacious gallery buildings637 where the middle and lower escort ranks, and below them the boat crew, stayed. The most senior persons stayed in the northern rooms. For the chief and deputy envoy and lower ranks, servants were assigned who awaited their orders. To the south of the eastern quarters is the Ch’ŏngp’ung (clear breeze) Pavilion, and north of the western quarters, standing on a hill, is the Hyang­nim (fragrant forest) Pavilion; both have open verandas facing the mountains. Clear streams are all around, as well as high pine trees and famous plants, the red [yang] and blue [yin] plants complementing each other perfectly. Among the provisions, there is not a single bowl or plate that is not provided. Formerly, Wang Hwi [Munjong] built this place as a detached palace; but after the tribute sent in the Yuanfeng era, there was nowhere to attend to the Chinese envoys so it was transformed into a hostel and given the name Sunch’ŏn (obeying heaven) Hostel. Main Hall of the Hostel The main hall is five bays [in area] with two porches,638 each two bays in size. There are no windows or doors, and in total there are nine pillars.639 The board reads “Sunch’ŏn Hostel,” and the eastern and western steps both have balustrades. Above is hung an embroidered curtain patterned with a lot of mythical birds640 and round florals. On all four sides were placed screens decorated with embroidered flowers; to the left and right

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were placed eight-sided ice vases. Only when meeting with important officials [of Koryŏ] and when holding banquets in the hostel did they ascend to the hall. The chief envoy and deputy envoy, because they resided in this compound, acted as hosts, and the state officials were divided into east and west and were attended while they remain seated.

Map 7: Layout of the Sunch’ŏn Hostel. The creation of this map was greatly assisted by Kim Ch’anghyŏn’s reconstruction (Koryŏ Kaegyŏng ŭi p’yŏnje, 322).



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Building for the Edict The building for the edict is west of the Nakpin [Pavilion] and north of the hostel attendants’ room. It consists of a small hall of five bays, bright and colorful with painted decorations. Its two wings641 had previously lodged the seating officials642 and medical officials but now served as the quarters for the Taoist officials, each housed in accordance with his rank. When the chief envoy and deputy envoy entered the hostel they first placed the edict in this hall and waited till the king divined a day for receiving the edict. On that day, they led the three escort ranks in making a prostration [to the edict] in the courtyard, the general secretary and assistant general secretary took the edict between them, and the upper escort ranks led the way out of the hostel. They placed [the edict] in the ornate palanquin, and the chief envoy and deputy envoy and the rest followed them. Ch’ŏngp’ung Pavilion The Ch’ŏngp’ung Pavilion is located to the east of the main hall and south of the quarters for the general secretary and assistant general secretary. It measures five bays; the lower part does not have any pillars but merely uses the bracket clusters that are piled one on top of the other. No curtains are hung, but it is decorated with carvings and paintings. The colors are so luxurious as to trump all other places. It is used just to store the ritual goods that are to be bestowed. In the Chong[ning] [1102–1106] and [Da] guan [1107–1110] eras, the name Yangp’ung (cool breeze) was attached to it, but now it has been changed to [the present] name. Hyangnim Pavilion The Hyangnim Pavilion is located to the north of the edict hall. From behind the Nakpin Pavilion there is a path643 that leads up the mountain. It is constructed644 about a hundred paces from the hostel, halfway up the mountain on a ridge. It has a four-cornered roof with a fiery pearl as its pinnacle; on the eight sides are balustrades on which you can sit. Leaning pine trees, strange-shaped stones, pine tree moss, and wisteria vines are all intertwined; even the slightest breeze suffices to make one forget the summer heat. Every time the chief envoy and deputy envoy had some free time, they came here with officials of the upper escort ranks and brewed some tea or played chess, chatting and laughing all day long so as to make their minds lighter and dispel the heat.

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Quarters for the [Chief] Envoy and Deputy Envoy The quarters for the chief envoy and deputy envoy were behind the main hall. In the middle there is a big pavilion, which has a four-cornered roof with a flaming pearl as its pinnacle. Its board says “Nakpin.” The chief envoy’s rooms were to the east and the deputy envoy’s to the west, each occupying three bays. In the middle [of the rooms] were placed gold-plated bowls and plates; [the rooms] were hung with embroidered brocade drapes that were very luxurious. The courtyard was full of flowers and plants. Through a gate due north there is a path up the mountain that leads to the Hyangnim Pavilion. Quarters for the General Secretary and Assistant General Secretary The general secretary and assistant general secretary shared one building three bays in size and [divided into] two facing rooms that are allotted according to rank. In the middle [of the building] there is a place for dining and entertaining guests. In front hung a green curtain that looked somewhat like that of a wine tent. The rooms were provided with red patterned gauze drapes, and while formerly no full curtains were used,645 now they were there. Brocade cushions were placed on the couch, and large seating mats with brocade hemlines were also added. The rooms were [outfitted with] utensils such as incense burners, wine jars, spittoons, and food containers, all made of silver. For water containers, they use copper. Every possible kind of object was provided. Behind the building is a pond constructed with tiles. A brook streams down from the mountain into the pond, and the overflow drains toward the building for the documentation officials; the water makes a gushing sound. The people provided [as attendants] were one level below those for the envoys, and the same held for all other things provided to [the secretaries]. Quarters for the Documentation Officials The quarters for the documentation officials were located east of those for the secretaries. Their building [also] measures three bays, but its overall size is somewhat smaller [than the building for the secretaries]. Here, too, the rooms were divided according to rank. Behind [the building] there is pond that is connected to the western [pond behind the secretaries’ building]; [water from] it then flows further and exits the hostel from the east before conjoining with [another] brook.



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As for things such as blinds and curtains, they were more or less similar to what you find in the secretaries’ quarters. What is different in particular is that instead of silver, copper [was used for utensils]. Western Suburbs Pavilion The Western Suburbs Pavilion is approximately five leagues outside the Sŏnŭi Gate. Although its eaves are high, its construction is crudely executed, and there are no sleeping quarters, only facilities for serving meals. There are also places for each [member of the embassy] to rest. When the envoys first arrived, and when they were departing for their return journey, [this is where] they were welcomed or sent off with drinks and food. There was not enough space for the lower escort ranks and boat crew, so opposite the gate a tent had been erected and seats provided for them to drink there. Azure Waves Pavilion The Azure Waves Pavilion is located on the shores of the Yesŏng Harbor and is about thirty leagues from the royal city. When the divine ships reached the shore, the armed guards with their cymbals and drums welcomed [them] and led the edict into the pavilion. The pavilion consists of two structures: the western one is called Right Azure Waves Pavilion and is used to receive the edict; the eastern one, called Left Azure Waves Pavilion, is used to accommodate the chief and deputy envoy. Behind the two dividing walls are rooms for the two escort [ranks]. Both on the way to [the Koryŏ capital] and on the way back, they stayed here for one night. There is a road leading to the capital that runs straight west to east. On both sides of the road there live ordinary people, more than ten families. When the envoys and escort ranks entered the city, all the boats remained moored in the harbor, and the ships’ crews took turns guarding the ships. Guest Hostels More than one hostel for guests has been established. Behind the Sunch’ŏn Hostel, there is a small hostel of more than ten bays to accommodate dispatched envoys and people who report on letters of state.646 To the south of Hŭngguk Temple near the grand avenue is Yŏng’ŭn (welcoming grace) Hostel. Inŭn (humanity and grace) Hostel stands next to it; formerly it was known as Sŏnbin (immortal guests) Hostel, but now it has changed to this name. All were formerly used to accommodate Khitan envoys.647 The

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Yŏngsŏn (welcoming immortals) Hostel is located north of Sunch’ŏn Temple, and the Yŏngŭn (numinous hermit) Hostel,648 west of the Changgyŏng Palace, is [intended] to receive northern barbarians such as the Jurchen.649 The Hŭngwi (flourishing authority) Hostel, located north of the Storehouse for Offerings to Deceased Ancestors, was formerly used to house the medical officials. Between the outside of the south gate and the two galleries650 there are four hostels, called Ch’ŏngju, Ch’ungju, Sajŏm, and Ibin.651 Intended to accommodate Chinese traders, they are all vulgar and roughly constructed and cannot be compared with Sunch’ŏn Hostel.



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Chapter 28: Tents and Other Accessories, 1 Your servant has heard that the “tent manager” mentioned in the Rites of Zhou is in charge of the layout of the king’s encampment, overseeing the setting up of tents.652 When the feudal lords had a court audience or when ministers gathered for an assembly at court, the large and small encampments were set up [respectively].653 When the army was out in the field [for a campaign or for hunting], the [tent manager] set up the tents and prepared the tables. One might suspect a simplified ritual for [occasions] when a king received feudal lords, but for a court audience, a ministers’ assembly, or for military campaigns, the provision of tents and dwellings was as diligent as for the [large encampment]; all the more should it be for a small fief across the sea that wishes to entertain the royal envoys. How could they be careless in setting up the tents and preparing facilities! Koryŏ, since it was ruled by the Wang family for generations, has served as a defensive screen for our dynasty. Also, because our emperor has protected and looked after them with profound grace and virtue, whenever our embassies visit there, [the Koryŏ] use for their tents and other accessories material that is extremely bright and rich. Therefore, the poem “How Long Grows the Southernwood” from the Book of Odes, which deals with munificence reaching the four seas, says “with the ends of their reins hanging down, with the bells tinkling on their cross-boards and bits.”654 In other words, their ceremonial provisions accord with ritual, and one can perceive here how keen they are to please their suzerain. I will next respectfully describe the splendor with which the Koryŏ people treat the envoys and will draw pictures of their tents and other accessories. Curtains of Colored Silk Curtains655 of colored silk are not something from antiquity. According to previous scholars, the name for this [kind of] curtain refers to repeatedly putting silk in dye to create a pattern.656 The Koryŏ custom nowadays is for the manufacture of colored silk to be very refined. Its foundation is patterned silk gauze flowers; for its colors, yellow and white are intertwined, and the effect is brilliant, something to behold. Above the [design of patterned silk gauze] flowers there are flaming pearls and on the four sides a jeweled net; at the bottom there is a lotus flower dais, as in what Buddhists call a Buddha image. However, these are not the kind of things used by worthy people.657 They are only used in the rooms for subordinate officials in guest hostels or at river pavilions.

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Embroidered Curtains The decoration of embroidered curtains consists of five colors woven into the fabric, but without weft-wise threads, using only woofs from top to bottom. There are also mandarin ducks, mythical birds, florals, and other patterns. Red and yellow are the dominant colors, and the foundation fabric is patterned red silk gauze. [Such curtains] are used only in the edict hall, the main hall, and the envoys’ quarters at the Sunch’ŏn Hostel and at official gatherings at the Hoegyŏng and Kŏndŏk Halls. Embroidered Paintings Embroidered paintings have a red background and green borders, with mountain flowers and prancing animals inserted using five colors; the artisanship surpasses that of the embroidered curtains. There are also flowers and bamboo, birds and beasts, fruits, and the like, all drawn in very lifelike fashion. It is their custom when they install drapes or curtains to insert one [embroidered] painting after every ten or so drapes, though it cannot be hung in the place of honor in the hall. Chairs Chairs have four corners and no decoration. On the [seat] they put a big cushion with a blue-gray lining. They are placed in the hostel where people pass by so that officials or clerks can use them to take a rest. Banquet Tables The appearance of banquet tables is similar to the Chinese large, long tables. On the four corners, the sharp ends have been removed and white vine and flower patterns have been inlaid; the top is divided into four sections decorated with red lacquer that is further inlaid with goldplated nails. Furthermore, [the table] is covered with a red silk gauze embroidered cloth; from its four sides are suspended straps that [together] resemble a row of feathers. However, since Wang Hae [Injong] had not yet finished the [mourning] operations for Wang U [Yejong], the red color [of the table cloth] was replaced with purple. The chairs and tables are similar to those of China but about one-third higher and bigger.



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Light Stands The light stand is an implement on which lamps or candles are placed. Below, it has three legs, and in the middle there is a stick that looks like bamboo, consisting of several regular segments. On top there is a plate with a bowl placed in its middle. In the bowl there are cavities in which lighted candles can be placed. When one wants to light a lamp [instead of candles], [the bowl] is replaced with another copper bowl filled with oil and in which a wick is placed; [once lighted, the bowl] is held down with small white stones and covered with a red gauze lampshade. [The light stand] is four feet five inches high, and the diameter of the plate is one foot five inches. The lamp cover is six inches high and five inches in diameter. Red Lacquered Side Tables Red lacquered portable side tables are what the king and officials use on normal days. Bowls and plates are put on the side tables and the side tables are placed before them on the couch where they sit. Thus when drinking and eating, one can tell whether the person is respected or lowly, depending on the number of side tables. In the hostel, the envoys are provided meals three times a day. They eat with five side tables and all their bowls and plates are plated with gold. Their side tables are three feet long, two feet wide, and two feet five inches high. Black Lacquered Side Tables The side tables used at meals are all the same in size, but they differ in color, some being red and others black.658 In the hostel, the secretaries and the upper escort ranks are offered three meals a day, served on three side tables; the middle escort ranks get two side tables. For the lower escort ranks, several tables are joined together and five people share one seat659 for their meals. Reclining Couches In front of the reclining couches, they place lower couches. There is a railing on three sides, and on each couch is placed a flat brocade-patterned cushion. Moreover [on top of the cushions] they also spread a big seating mat; the comfort of the rushes660 makes one forget [that they are a] barbarian custom. These [furnishings] are especially used for showing deference to the king and important ministers and also for receiving the Chinese

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embassy. Ordinary people use a couch made of earth; inside is a cavity that can serve as a fireplace661 and on top of which they can lie down. The winters in their country are very cold and padded clothing is scarce. Patterned Seating Mats Patterned seating mats are divided into refined and rough classes. The refined and well-crafted ones are placed on beds and couches; the rough ones are spread on the ground. The reed used for weaving them is soft, so even when the mats are folded or bent, they do not break. They use black and white colors interwoven to make a pattern, with blue-gray or purple used for the borders. Originally, though, there was no fixed system [regulating the decoration]. Door Screens To make door screens, they use three strips of blue-gray silk; above, there is a hook through which they insert horizontally a piece of wood. They look like the flags [hanging outside] taverns. In the palace, women use these to screen out the sunlight.



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Chapter 29: Tents and Other Accessories, 2 Embroidered Pillows For their embroidered pillows, they make a sack of white ramie and put fragrant herbs inside; on both ends they stitch a circular side piece with golden thread and decorate [the whole] with an exquisite floral pattern. It is further decorated with red gauze in the shape of lotus flowers. The same kind of pillow is provided for all three escort ranks. Sleeping Clothes Their sleeping clothes are made of a red or yellow outside [cloth] and white ramie inside for the lining. The inside is bigger than the outside so that at the four extremities one foot [of the lining] sticks out. Ramie Robes Both the outside and inside of ramie robes are made of six strips. No horizontal silk sash is used; instead, two belts go around the waist to tie [the garment] up. In all the rooms, ramie robes are provided equally to the three escort ranks to be worn before taking a bath. Ramie Clothes Ramie cloth is used for clothes that are worn on the inside, which, according to barbarian custom, have no lining or collar. From the king down to ordinary people, men and women alike, all wear ramie clothes. Painted Folding Fans Painted folding fans are decorated with gold and silver foil. Furthermore, local scenery, people and horses, and women are painted on them. But the Koryŏ people cannot [make them]. It is said that they are made in Japan, and looking at the clothing embroidered on them, I believe this is the case. Japanese Cedar Fans Their cedar fans are not very refined. They just use Japanese cedar wood cut and sliced to resemble paper [strips], which are then strung together

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with colored cords so that [the wooden strips] are joined together like feathers. One can also stir the air with them. White Folding Fans White folding fans are made by rigging bamboo strips as a skeleton that is then covered over with cut rice paper. Here and there silver and copper nails are applied for decoration. Those with more bamboo are considered precious. [People,] when they run errands or are in a hurry, put them inside their breast or sleeves; they are very convenient to use. Pine Fans Pine fans are made of soft pine boughs that are pared down until they are like threads; these are then beaten and pressed to make fibers, which are then woven. On top there is a floral pattern, which is not inferior to the craft of inlaid vine patterns.662 The ones given by the royal palace to the envoys show the best craftsmanship. Straw Sandals Straw sandals are low at the tips and high at the heels, so their appearance is quite strange. Everyone in their country, whether male or female, young or old, wears them.



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Chapter 30: Vessels, 1 Your servant has heard that previous histories say that the eastern barbarians use a side table [to put their] vessels on. This is still the Koryŏ custom. I observed the way they are made. Those modeled on antique forms are simple and yet quite lovely. As for other drinking and eating vessels, many are in the shape of the zun or yi wine vessels or the pu or kui food vessels.663 When they prepare a banquet, they use many [furnishings] that resemble the rush mats and armrests [of China]. These are the traces of Kija’s beautiful transformation, apparently the remnant customs of the three dynasties [of Xia, Shang, and Zhou]. I have gathered their appearances and drawn them roughly [here]. Animal-Shaped Incense Burners The incense burner [in the shape] of a mother animal and her son is made of silver, and the workmanship of the carving is exquisite. The big [mother animal] is squatting, and the small [child] animal is grasping [his mother], looking backward with an open mouth664 through which the incense smoke emerges. [Such incense burners] are only used for official meetings in the Hoegyŏng and Kŏndŏk Halls, where they are placed between two pillars. When receiving the edict, musk incense is burnt; for official meetings, they burn other types of incense such as dunou,665 camphor, qindan,666 and aloeswood.667 All of these have been bestowed by the imperial court. To make one [incense burner], thirty pounds of silver are needed. The animal figure, including the stand, is four feet high and two feet two inches wide. Water Bottles The shape of water bottles is somewhat like Chinese wine pitchers. To make them, they use three pounds of silver. They are provided in the rooms for the chief and deputy envoy and for the general secretary and assistant general secretary. They are one foot two inches high, and at their broadest, the diameter is seven inches. They can contain six pecks668 of water. Stem Cup with Saucer The Koryŏ stem cup with saucer669 is similar to Chinese ones, but the cup is deeper and the rim is more drawn in; the saucer is smaller and the stem higher. They are made of silver but sometimes are also plated with gold.

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Figure 5: Stem cup with saucer, silver gilt (12th c.). Source: Reproduced by permission of the National Museum of Korea.

The engraved flowers are well executed. Every time a drink is offered, new cups are used; they can contain a fairly large amount [of wine]. Mountain of the Immortals Incense Burner The “mountain of the immortals” incense burner is originally a Han Chinese artifact. In the middle of the sea there is a mountain called “mountain of the immortals,”670 which is shaped like a lotus flower; the incense burner is modeled on this. Below, there is a basin with a decoration of waves in the sea around the mountain and fish and dragons jumping in and out of the water. [The incense burner] is used to hold a hot broth that can fumigate clothes.671 The intention is to make the humid vapors interact and not let the fumes disperse. In the case of what the Koryŏ people have made, although the top part resembles the [mountain] shape, the lower part consists of three legs. Although it thus departs from the original model, it is very well crafted and worth emulating.



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Wine Crocks The wine crock is a vessel used for transporting wine. On top there is an upside-down lotus, and the two ears are formed of rope chains made of interlocking loops. [These crocks] are decorated with golden inlay.672 They are used only for offering wine, the flavor and color of which is excellent. They are one foot high and eight inches wide. The chains to lift them are one foot two inches long. They contain seven pecks. Basins673 with Black Flower Decoration The silver flower [decoration] is rarely used, [and then] only for the private audience of the chief and deputy envoys. The glaze is punctured and carved in the shape of a flower, and the decorative patterns are black against a white background. They are of varying weight. Their girth measures one foot two inches, and they can contain one pint and two pecks.674 Facial Ointment Flasks As for the facial ointment flasks, only those in the rooms of the chief and deputy envoys and the general secretary and assistant general secretary are made of silver; those in the other rooms are made of copper. They have a round body and long neck, and the shape of the cover is somewhat sharp. They are five inches high, the diameter of the belly is three and a half inches, and they can contain one peck. Blooming Lotus Ewer As for the shape of this wine ewer, on top there is a lid that looks like a lotus flower675 in full bloom. It has a decoration of inlaid gold leaf, a long neck, and a broad body. It is two feet high and can contain one pint and two pecks. Portable Bottles676 The portable bottle has a long neck tapering at the top, a big body, and a flat bottom. It has eight sides and is inlaid with gold. Inside is stored thin rice gruel or hot water. The country’s officials and aristocrats always have an attendant carry one wherever they go. Their size is not uniform; the big ones can contain two pecks.

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Chapter 31: Vessels, 2 Oil Bottles The shape of the oil bottle is like that of a wine vessel, but it is made of brass. It has no lid, and to prevent it from tilting and toppling, there is a wedge of wood to serve as a stop. Eight inches high and three inches in diameter at the belly, it can contain one peck and five spoons. Kuṇḍikās The Kuṇḍikā677 has a long neck and a stout body; on the side there is a spout. The spout is divided into two sections that are connected with a hinge.678 In the middle of the neck there is a rim, and above the rim there is another small neck that looks [as thin as] a hairpin or brush. They are used by aristocrats and state officials and in Buddhist and Taoist temples and people’s homes. They can only store water. They are one foot two inches high and four inches in diameter at the belly and can contain three pecks. Flower Vases The flower vases are narrow and pointed above and round below, like a suspended gall-bladder,679 with a square support [below]. They are at all times filled with water and contain flowers. In former times they were not very well made, but recently [the Koreans] have become quite proficient in making them. They are eight inches high with a belly of three inches in diameter; they contain one peck. Water Cauldrons The water cauldron looks like the three-legged cauldron and is made of cast bronze. It has two rings in the shape of animals, and by inserting a piece of wood through them, it can be carried around. In the Koryŏ dialect, there is no [distinction between] large or small [cauldrons], all are called yaopushe.680 They are provided in all the rooms of the hostel. They are one foot five inches high and three feet wide and can contain one bushel and two pints. Water Pitchers The water pitcher has the same shape as the water cauldron but is somewhat smaller.681 Also, it has a copper lid and is used to draw water from a



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well; in this respect it resembles the Chinese water pail. Above, it has two ears, making it easier to draw it up [from the well]. It is the Koryŏ custom that [water] is transported on the head, and therefore this vessel is the most numerous. It is one foot high and one foot two inches across at the belly. It can contain one pint and two pecks. Hot Water Bottles The hot water bottle looks similar to the flower vase but is flatter. On top it has a lid and below a support. It does not leak any air and thus belongs to the class of thermal vessels of old. When the Koryŏ people brew tea, they often have this bottle ready. It is one foot eight inches high, one foot in diameter, and can contain two pints. Brass Basins Brass basins682 are shaped like the black and silver [flower basins]683 but are special insofar as they do not use patterns or colors. The Koryŏ people call them ice basins. There is also a kind of red copper684 [basin], but it is of inferior make. Tripod Incense Burners The tripod incense burner looks somewhat like the island of the immortals incense burner. It has no flower-shaped lid; below, there are three legs. It is used only in Buddhist and Taoist temples and in other spirit shrines. It is one foot tall, and the top is six inches wide. Below, there is a supporting dish that is eight inches wide. Warming Braziers The warming brazier is shaped like a tripod but has a rim that is bent outward. Under its belly are three legs in the shape of animals holding something in their mouths. It is used to store water685 and is placed on the table. It is a vessel to warm the hands during the winter months. Its face is one foot two inches wide and it is eight inches high. Giant Bell The big bell of Poje Temple is very large in size but its sound is not very loud. Above, there is a dragon-shaped buckle, and in the middle there is

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a pair of flying immortals.686 An engraved inscription says, “Cast in the kapsul year687 with fifteen thousand catties of white copper.” The Koryŏ people say that previously it was placed in a two-story tower and that its sound could be heard by the Khitan. The chieftain688 hated this, [they say,] and so now it has been moved to [its present] location. Clearly this is an exaggeration; it cannot be so.



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Chapter 32: Vessels, 3 Tea Trays The locally produced tea tastes bitter and astringent and cannot enter one’s mouth. Therefore, the [Koryŏ people] only esteem China’s Lamian tea,689 [as is the case] with the “dragon” and “phoenix” bricks690 bestowed by the court. Apart from those bestowed by the imperial court, there are also [the teas] sold by merchants, and thus recently [the Koreans] have become fond of drinking tea. They are also adept at making tea utensils, such as the black cups decorated with golden flowers, the kingfisher-colored small cup,691 and the silver water-heating tripod brazier. All are inspired by Chinese tea utensils. For each banquet, they brew [tea] in the courtyard; then, covering it with a silver lotus [lid], they deliver it with a slow step. Only after the attendants have shouted “tea has been served all around” can people drink. By then, more often than not, the tea has become cold. In the hostel, they use red trays for presenting all the tea utensils, which are covered by a red gauze cloth. Tea is served three times daily, each time followed by hot water. The Koryŏ people attribute medicinal properties to hot water. When they watch the envoys finish their drinks, [the Korean hosts] are pleased; but when [the envoys] occasionally cannot finish everything, [their hosts] feel offended. Therefore, [the tea] has to be finished quickly,692 and often [the envoys] have to force themselves to sip [the water as well]. Earthenware Wine Jars Their country does not have glutinous rice, so they mix normal rice with yeast to make [wine]. Their wine has a dark color and a burnt taste. It is easy to get drunk on it, but also one quickly sobers up. What the king drinks is called “good liquor,” which is a clear grain wine stored in the Storehouse of the Left.693 There are two grades [of this liquor], and they are stored in earthenware jars and sealed with yellow silk. In general, Koryŏ people love alcohol, but it is difficult to obtain a good brew. What is drunk in ordinary homes tastes poor and has a dark color. Yet they drink it as a matter of course, and all say it tastes great. Wicker Wine Jars Wicker jars are what [wine] is offered in in the island prefectures and counties. Inside, there is of course an earthenware jar, but on the outside

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it is wrapped all around with wicker. [During transport] the boats sway wildly, but even when [the jars] hit each other they don’t break. On top, there is a seal bearing the stamp that records the prefecture or district [where the wine originates]. Ceramic Wine Jars Among ceramic wares694 those that have a blue-green color are called “kingfisher-colored”695 [wares] by the Koryŏ people. In recent years, their manufacture has become quite refined; the lushness of the color in particular is excellent. The wine jar is shaped like a gourd. At the top is a small cover, and [the jar’s] surface is decorated with lotus flowers and prostrate ducks. [The Koreans] also can make bowls, plates, wine cups, small cups, vases, vessels for hot liquids, and refined cups. Because all are modeled on the established system of vessels [from China],696 I have omitted to draw them. However, since the wine jar is different from other vessels, I have recorded it. Ceramic Incense Burners The lion697 emits incense [smoke] and is also [made in] kingfisher-colored [ware]. The top consists of the crouching animal, which is supported from below by raised lotus [leaves].698 Of all the pieces, this one is the most sublime. The rest are very similar to the old “secret color” [ware] of Yuezhou699 or the new ceramic wares from Ruzhou.700 Food-Covering Baskets When food is served during official meetings, the food is laid out on plates, and over [the food] they place a blue-gray covering basket. Only for the king and chief and deputy envoys do they add red and yellow decorations to distinguish the refined from the coarse. Wicker Baskets The ancients used trunks and baskets [to contain] the dowry. Even now, according to Koryŏ custom, they have not discarded the baskets. They are made of white wicker,701 upon which is interwoven a pattern of flowers, trees, birds, and animals. The inside is lined with a padding of red- or yellow-patterned damask. Small ones and big ones are matched [so that one fits inside the other] and come in a set. Their price is set at one catty



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Figure 6: Lion-shaped incense burner, celadon. Source: National Treasure no. 60. Reproduced by permission of the ­National Museum of Korea

of silver. Only those of the most excellent [quality] are used at the royal palace, and they are tribute [items] offered by local prefectures and towns. Those used by officials and ordinary people are very coarsely made and just suffice to provide the necessary ritual courtesy. Rice Gruel Cauldrons The rice gruel cauldron is a vessel to cook foods thoroughly. It is made of iron and has a lid on top; below its belly there are three legs. It has a swirling pattern that is as fine as hair. It is eight inches high and one foot two inches wide and can contain two and a half pecks. Water Jars The water jar is made of ceramic;702 it has a wide belly and compact neck, and its mouth is somewhat large. It is six feet tall and four feet five inches wide and can contain three bushels and two pecks. In the hostel a copper

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jar is used [for storing water]. These [ceramic] water jars are used only to transport water between the rocky islands along the sea lane. Straw Mats Their straw mats are used for the same purpose as cloth sacks in China. They look like net bags; the straw is woven to make them.703 They are used as containers for all goods such as grain, flower, firewood, and charcoal. The mountain paths are not conducive to carts, so they use many mules and horses on which [the sacks made of straw mats] are loaded for transport. Knives and Brushes The sheaths for knives and brushes are made from wood. They are divided into three compartments: one contains a brush, one contains a knife that is well tempered and sharp, and one contains a knife that is rather short. Low-ranking military officials,704 craftsmen,705 pages, and personal servants all carry these [sheaths] attached to their girdles.



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Chapter 33: Shipping706 Your servant has heard that the phenomenon of the wind blowing over the water corresponds to the hexagram huan: the advantage of ships is that they ferry across those who cannot otherwise reach a place, and the image of the hexagram is taken from this.707 Sages and wise men of later generations made hundreds of [improvements in] construction and added decorations; thus we have dragon-patterned ships with a sea hawk708 on the bow that cleave the waves and ride the wind, covering a thousand leagues in one day. They make it possible to roam the Yellow River and the Yangtze as if one were walking on land, yet in the end [their construction] is nothing more complicated than the planing and cutting of wood. Since the Koryŏ people have grown up across the sea, to move about they need to negotiate the treacherous waves, and for that they have to rely primarily on ships. I have observed that their ships are very simple, lacking an advanced level of manufacture. Perhaps this is because they feel at ease on the water, are familiar with it? Or is it because of their humble circumstances that they just make things in a simple way, so that, no matter how clumsy, they have no intention of reforming? I have just drawn here what I saw. Patrol Ships The Koryŏ territory is adjacent to the Eastern Sea,709 but the craftsmanship of their ships is extremely rudimentary. In the middle [of the patrol ships] there is one mast but no cabin; they only have oars and a rudder.710 When the envoys entered the Kunsan Channel, there were more than ten of these patrol shops, all of them carrying a flag. The boatmen and patrolmen all wore blue clothes; they approached, blowing conch shells and beating gongs. Each boat had a small pennant at the tip of its mast; [each pennant had one of ] the following written on it: “Hongju general patrol,” “Yŏngsin general patrol,” “Kongju inspection,” “Poryŏng,” “Hoein,” “Anhŭng,” “Kich’ŏn,” “Yangsŏng,” and “Kyŏngwon,”711 respectively. All [of the pennants also] have the characters for “[naval] police department” written on them, [signifying that the boats carried] officials in charge of routing bandits. As soon as we crossed the border and again when we went back on the return voyage, they came out to welcome us and send us off at Kunsan Island. When they saw that the divine ships had sailed out into the ocean, they returned to their country.

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Official Ships Official ships are constructed with a thatched cover on top and portholes below. All around there is a railing. Wooden planks are connected across [the deck] and raised up to make a cabin. The deck is wider than the hull. The hull is made not of flat planks but rather with whole lengths of timber, some straight and some crooked; the crooked timbers are fitted together with matching timbers and connected to each other with nails. Aft there is an anchor and winch. On the deck is a big mast with a cloth sail made of twenty strips hanging down. For about one-fifth of the sail, the strips are not sewn together but are left to hang open; this is in case the force of the wind hits them from the front. When the envoys enter the border, these ships come out to meet them from the east. [The ships] are [identified] as “welcoming escort,” “guard of honor,” “supervisor [of harbor traffic?],” and “official cook,”712 [in total] more than ten ships. They are all more or less of the same size, but only the ship of the welcoming escort has a cabin, which is in the form of an awning. Pinewood Boats The pinewood boat is a boat from Kunsan Island. Its stern and bow are both straight. In the middle there is a room of five bays, the top of which is covered with thatch. In the bow and stern there are two small rooms provided with couches and curtains. In the uncovered two bays between these structures they spread brocade cushions, which are most colorful and luxurious. Only the chief envoy, the deputy envoy, and the upper escort ranks board this boat.713 Curtain Boats All three islands714 have curtain boats, which are used for the middle and lower escort ranks in the embassy. Above, a roof is constructed with blue cloth, which is supported by long poles that act as pillars; on the four corners are tied colored strings. Presenting Food Where the embassy crosses the border and at Kunsan and Chayŏn Islands—altogether at three districts715—people are dispatched to offer food. The clerk delivering the letter [from the welcoming escort commis-



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sioner] wears purple clothes and a winged cap; his inferior wears a black cap. More than ten kinds of dishes are offered: noodles are eaten first, while sea products are considered the most precious. For their bowls and plates they use a lot of gold and silver, but alternatively they also use bluish-green ceramic ware. The trays and boxes [containing the food] are made of wood covered in black lacquer. Divine ships that moor beyond the [immediate] vicinity of an island are met without fail by a messenger who gets on board to offer food to the envoys. From old, the [messengers] are sent for [up to] three [consecutive] days. Should this period be exceeded because there is no wind and the vessels cannot progress, no more food is offered. Provision of Water Seawater, being very salty and bitter, is undrinkable. All ships and boats that prepare to traverse the ocean must be equipped with water vats so there is an ample store of fresh water for [the cooking of] food and drink. For on the ocean, the worry is not about the wind, but whether or not there is water; this is a matter of life and death. Considering that the [boats] have come from the west and have crossed the ocean for a number of days, the Koryŏ people think that the Chinese must have run out of fresh water and so fill big jars with water and quickly dispatch boats to come out and meet [the Chinese vessels]. All of [the Koryŏ people who provide food and water] are recompensed716 with tea or rice.

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Chapter 34: Sea Lanes, 1 Your servant has heard that the sea is the mother of all waters, equal to heaven and earth in its infinity. Thus, like heaven and earth, its size cannot be measured. The unfailing and continuous change from high tide to ebb and back always conforms to a schedule, which shows the extreme reliability of heaven and earth. The ancients have already discussed [the causes of] this. In the Classic of Mountains and Seas,717 [the tides] are attributed to a sea monster regularly leaving and entering its hole, [whereas] in Buddhist books, they are thought to be caused by the transformations of the jewel of a divine dragon. In Dou Shumeng’s Treatise on the Sea Peaks,718 it is said that the waters follow the waxing and waning of the moon, while Lu Zhao, in his Rhapsody of the Sea Tide,719 ventures that tides are brought about by the violent impact of the sun setting in and emerging from the sea. Wang Chong, in his Doctrines Evaluated,720 regards water as the blood [in the] veins of the earth, which ebbs and flows along with the material force.721 For the most part, all of these explanations are based on personal opinion or are views drawn from preconceived notions. In evaluating the substance of the matter, they come close but do not quite get to the bottom of it. Generally, heaven embraces water, and water supports the earth, and the unitary material force waxes and wanes within the great void. The earth rides the water’s force to maintain itself and waxes and wanes along with the original material force; [earth and water] thus mutually wither and flourish. Yet men are not aware of this; they are like people who sit in a boat unaware that the boat itself is moving along. Only when the material force rises and the earth subsides do the waters of the sea swell and form the rising tide; when the material force wanes and the earth is buoyed, then the waters of the sea contract and form the ebb. When one calculates the twelve watches of the day, from the rat hour to the snake hour722 the energy is yang [positive]; but the yang energy is subject to increase and decrease, which is what makes the day progress. From the horse hour to the boar hour723 the energy is yin [negative]; but the yin energy is also subject to increase and decrease, which is what makes the night progress. In one day and one night, the yin and yang energies combine and then rise and fall once more. Thus, in the space of a single day, high tide and ebb both occur twice. The shadows of day and night are tied to the sun, whereas the factor of rising and falling corresponds to the moon. When the moon approaches the north, the yang energy starts to rise, but when the moon approaches south, the yin energy first rises.724 Therefore, at the time of nocturnal high



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tides, the moon is always close to the north, and during daytime high tides, the moon approaches south. Furthermore, the progress of the sun is slow, while the progress of the is moon fast. Since fast follows slow, every time past twenty-nine and a half degrees,725 the progress of the moon catches up [with the sun]. The meeting of sun and moon is called the “conjunction at the new moon.” Therefore, during the nocturnal high tide at the new moon, the sun is also in the north [just as] during the daytime high tide at the new moon, the sun is close to the south. When we speak of the [sun and moon] in the heavens above during daytime, the heavenly bodies726 revolve [in the direction of the] west while the sun and moon move east. From the new moon onward, the moon moves [more] rapidly eastward, gradually slowing down when it approaches the south; the high tides also correspond to this [movement] and arrive later in the day. Thus, the daytime high tide after the new moon progressively comes later, until it moves into the night. For this reason, on the first day [the high tide] comes at the horse hour [noon], on the second day at the end of the horse hour [1 p.m.], on the third day at the sheep hour [2 p.m.], on the fourth day at the end of the sheep hour [3 p.m.], on the fifth day at the monkey hour [4 p.m.], on the sixth day at the end of the monkey hour [5 p.m.], on the seventh day at the cock hour [6 p.m.], on the eighth day at the end of the cock hour [7 p.m.]. When we speak of the night [sky] from the perspective of the sea, the heavenly bodies revolve east while the sun and moon move west. From the new moon onward, the moon gathers speed, moving toward the west but gradually slowing down when it reaches the north. The high tides also correspond with this [movement] and arrive later in the night. Thus, the nighttime high tide after the new moon progressively comes later, until it moves into the day. For this reason, on the first day [the high tide] comes at the rat hour [midnight], on the second day at the end of the rat hour [1 a.m.], on the third day at the ox hour [2 a.m.], on the third day at the end of the ox hour [3 a.m.], on the fifth day at the tiger hour [4 a.m.], on the sixth day at the end of the tiger hour [5 a.m.], on the seventh day at the rabbit hour [6 a.m.], on the eighth day at the end of the rabbit hour [7 a.m.]. In addition, with the changing of the seasons, the energy also waxes and wanes, and thus the extent of the high tide can accordingly be higher or lower. During the fourth and tenth months,727 yin and yang cross paths,728 and with this interchange excess energy bursts forth, and therefore the tides are higher; these months are markedly different from other months. Just after the new moon and the full moon, heaven and earth change,729 and with the change excess energy bursts forth, and therefore the tides are higher; these days are markedly different from other days.

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In the seas there are creatures between fish and beast;730 if they are killed and their skins hung out to dry, the arrival of the high tide causes the hairs [growing from the skins] to stand on end. This is precisely the influence of the energy that produces an effect on [objects] that are alike; it is a natural result of the operation of principle.731 The swirling and eddying of the waves and currents cause the sand and earth to coagulate and mountains and rocks to soar up, giving each its own shape and form. As for land in the midst of the sea, when it supports people to live in communities, it is called a “landmass,” as in the case of the ten lands [of the immortals]. If it is smaller than a landmass but people can still live there, it is called an “island,” as in the Three Islands.732 If it is smaller than an island, it is called an “isle.” If it is smaller than an isle but still has plants and trees, it is called an “islet.”733 An isle or islet that consists only of bare rock is called a “reef.”734 To [those on] boats and ships that journey out, it appears, after they pass through the sea channel,735 that heaven and earth merge: above and below everything is shades of blue, and left and right there is no cloud or dust. When heaven and earth are equally clear, with the bright sun high in the sky and clouds floating in all four directions, it is as if one is enraptured, skimming over the surface of the “six voids”;736 words fail to describe it. But when wind and waves burst forth all around and thunderous rain obscures everything, when sea dragons surface and submerge and divine creatures appear, then the heart beats wildly and courage sinks and nobody knows what to say. Therefore, what can be recorded are the outline of mountains and the times of the tides, nothing more. As for the seaways of Koryŏ, the old [descriptions] match the new. Still, examining what has been transmitted from the past, some of [the features described] can no longer be seen, and some of what is described here is not discussed by the ancients. This is not necessarily because there is a difference [in the actual situation]. Wherever the ships pass through, the directions of wind and rain are observed and the course adapted accordingly. When the wind is dragging [the ship] west, those islands that lie to the east cannot be observed; it is likewise if the directions are north and south. Since I have discussed the outlines of the tides in some detail, all that remains is to enumerate all the various islands and islets the divine ships passed through and make drawings of them. Divine Ships Your servant was told that before Emperor Shenzong dispatched envoys to Koryŏ, he ordered his officials to make two big war vessels: one called



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Safely Crossing Divine Ship to Traverse the Void and Travel Afar and one called Numinously Flying, Smoothly Crossing Divine Ship. Their scale was massive. The [present] emperor continues the task of his ancestors;737 his filial thoughts are like the “[drinking] broth or [looking at] the wall.”738 The reason why he increased his affectionate concern for the Koryŏ people was actually to promote and expand the merit of the Xi[ning] and [Yuan] feng periods.739 Thus, from the Chongning era up to the present, numerous envoys went to comfort and soothe, and the imperial grace was munificent and the rituals generous. As before, the emperor ordered the construction of another two ships, but of even grander scale and with more impressive names: the first was called Stoutly Crossing Divine Ship, Bringing Renewal and Benefit, Embracing Those Afar; the second was called Universally Crossing Divine Ship, Following the Current Safely and at Ease. Imposing like mountains, they flowed and moved across the waves with embroidered sails and a figurehead of a sea hawk subduing the sea dragons, bringing glory to the august Chinese empire and making the barbarians tremble.740 They are a supreme, crowning achievement, not only for the present but also for the past. It is therefore fitting that on the day the Koryŏ people received the edict, the whole country came out to watch [the ships] and shouted for joy and sighed in admiration. Merchant Ships According to precedent, every time the court dispatches an embassy, before the [departure] date the circuit intendants of Fujian and the two Zhe [provinces]741 are entrusted with requisitioning merchant vessels.742 Ming­ zhou prefecture is ordered to fit them out so that they look more or less like the divine ships, despite which their bulk is tiny. They are more than a hundred feet long, thirty feet deep, and twenty-five feet wide and can carry twenty thousand pecks of grain. They are constructed of whole logs and large planks stacked one on top of the other and joined. Topside, the ship is as level as a scale, but below, the sides taper off like a knife. Thus, [these ships] are prized for their ability to break through waves when sailing. Inside, they are divided into three compartments. In the front storage, no [partition] boards are installed, but in the bottom part are stowed stoves and water barrels. This compartment is right in the middle between the masts. Underneath the masts are stored weapons and armor, and sleeping bunks are placed.743 In the next storage, four rooms have been arranged. The storage behind it, which is called the poop cabin, is more than ten feet high and has windows in all four walls, just as in the room of a house. Around the roof [of the cabin] is a railing; [the cabin] is decorated

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with bright and eye-catching colored paintings as well as curtains and drapes. The envoys and officials are quartered here, their places assigned according to rank. Above, there is a bamboo awning, which is normally rolled up but is spread out when it rains so as to shield everything from the rain. The sailors are very worried about the poop cabin’s height because it can block the wind and [they say] make it less convenient [to sail] than in olden times. In the prow of the ship, between two “jaw posts,” there is a windlass around which is tied a rattan rope. [This rope is] as thick as a beam and five hundred feet long; at its end is a stone anchor. On both sides of the stone [anchor] wooden hooks are inserted.744 When the ship is not out in the open sea, it is moored near an island.745 [When the ship is moored] the anchor is cast to the bottom of the sea, the [anchor] rope is locked, and the ship cannot move. Should the wind whip up waves into a frenzy, roving anchors746 are added. They are used like the big anchor and are placed on either side of it. When it is time [for the ship] to leave, the windlass is set to work to hoist the anchors. At the stern there are two kinds of main rudder, a large one and a smaller one; they are used alternatively depending on whether the water is deep or shallow. Right behind the poop cabin, two oars, called the third auxiliary rudders,747 are inserted above that reach down [into the water]. They are used only when out in the open sea. Furthermore, big cylinders of plaited bamboo are attached on both sides of the hull to resist the waves.748 Because, when stowing the ship, the water level cannot exceed [the height of] these cylinders, they are used to limit the loading weight. There are water ladders749 above the bamboo cylinders. Each ship has ten oars. When the ship makes ready to land, it takes advantage of the high tide to enter the port. Everyone shouts to pull the oars and go forward; the coxswain leaps around and shouts, and by exerting all their might, the ship progresses. Yet, in the end, [rowing] does not make the ship go as fast as when sailing before the wind.750 The big mast is one hundred feet high, and the foremast is eighty feet high. When the wind blows favorably, a cloth sail of fifty strips is unfurled. If [the wind] blows somewhat sideways, they use the advantageous mat sails, which spread out left and right like wings, adapting to the situation of the wind.751 On top of the big mast there is a small topsail of ten strips called the “wild fox sail” that is used when there is a lull in the wind. The wind can blow from eight directions, however, and only when it blows from straight ahead is it impossible to progress. They set up a pole with birds’ feathers attached to it and wait to see where the wind is blowing; [this contraption] is called the “five ounce.”752 In general, it is



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difficult to [encounter conditions] that allow one to sail before the wind. Therefore, the cloth [main] sail is not as useful as the advantageous mat sails, which can be unfurled according to the will of man [rather than the will of the wind]. When sailing on the sea, people do not fear depth; they fear running aground753 in shallows. Because the bottom of the ship is not flat, if the tide drops it will tilt and fall over and then cannot be salvaged. They therefore use a rope with an attached weight to sound the depth. Every ship has a crew of about sixty coxswains and boat hands. They rely only on the captain, who because he is thoroughly familiar with the sea lanes and good at assessing the weather and the people, gains everyone’s respect. Therefore, when an emergency arises, above and below, all work together as one and thus can pull through. As for the size, bulk, goods used, or crew, the divine ships in every case are three times that of the merchant vessels. Beckoning-the-Beloved Mountain In the fourth year of Xuanhe, the renyin year [1122], in the third month, spring, an imperial decree ordered the supervising secretary Lu Yundi and the drafting advisor of the Royal Secretariat Fu Moqing to fill the positions of chief state-letter envoy and deputy state-letter envoy to Koryŏ. In the autumn, in the ninth month, because Wang U [Yejong] had died, they were ordered also to take along ritual implements [for the ancestor ceremony] and a letter of condolence. All was in accord with the precedent of the Yuanfeng era. In the fifth year [of Xuanhe], the guimiao year [1123], in the spring, the second month, eighteenth day renyin, the boats were ordered to be equipped and made ready. On the twenty-fourth day, wushen, everybody was ordered to go to the Ruimo (astute plans) Hall,754 where the ceremonial gifts [for Koryŏ] were on display. On the eleventh jiazi day of the third month, they went to the Tongwen (matching culture) Hostel755 to listen to admonitions and instructions. On the thirteenth bingyin day, the emperor personally went to the Chongzheng (venerating politics) Hall756 and took his place on the throne dais, personally dispatching the decrees to be handed over [to the Koreans] and imparting instructions. On the fourteenth dingmiao day, a banquet was given in the Yongning (everlasting tranquility) Temple, and the same day, the embassy party departed Kaifeng by boat.757 On the third yimao day of the fifth month, summer, [the embassy party] reached Mingzhou.758 Earlier, they had received instruction that two

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divine ships and six merchant vessels would be accompanying them. On the thirteenth yizhou day, they received the ceremonial gifts and boarded the eight ships. On the fourteenth bingyin day, the surveillance commissioner of Xiangzhou,759 Guan Bi, [who was also] the military official of the senior sixth rank760 and steward at the Ruisi (profound thought) Hall,761 was dispatched to orally transmit imperial instructions; [that same day] a banquet was given at the magistrate’s office in Mingzhou. On the sixteenth wuchen day, the divine ships set sail from Mingzhou. On the nineteenth xinwei day, they arrived at Dinghai prefecture.762 Before this day, the court had dispatched the imperial commissioner, Military Official of the Senior Seventh Rank763 Rong Pengnian, to organize a Buddhist ritual at the Zongzhi Cloister.764 It lasted seven days and nights, [during which] imperial incense was bestowed and blessings were sought at the shrine of the Guangde King, granted the epithet “Manifesting Benevolence and Aiding Prosperity, Profoundly Sage.”765 A divine creature appeared that looked like a lizard but in reality was the dragon lord of the Eastern Sea. About ten paces in front of the shrine is the spot where the Yin River766 comes to its end [as it meets the sea]. There, a mountain rises up imposingly from the sea. On its summit there is a small pagoda. From old, it has been said that ships seeing this mountain in the distance know that this is Dinghai and therefore have called it Beckoning-the-Beloved Mountain.767 From this point on it is said that one sails forth into the sea channel. On the twenty-fourth bingzi day, the eight ships sounded gongs and drums and raised pennants and flags and thence set sail. The imperial commissioner and Guan Bi768 climbed Beckoning-the-Beloved Mountain, burnt imperial incense, and, facing the sea, prostrated twice. The weather that day was clear and cool. Around the snake hour [10 a.m.] the ships caught a southeasterly wind, unfurled the sails, and sounded the oars. There was a strong current and choppy seas, and, like a snake, the ship zigzagged over the waves. We passed Tiger Head Mountain, the Jia River harbor,769 and Seven-League Mountain.770 Tiger Head Mountain derives its name from its shape. Judging from its location, we were already twenty leagues out from Dinghai.771 The color of the water was [still] not different from that of the Yin River, but it tasted slightly saltier. This is likely because at this place the hundred streams gather, and therefore [the water] is still not clear and [the silt not yet] settled. Tiger Head Mountain When we had gone several tens of leagues beyond Tiger Head Mountain,772 we arrived at Sea Serpent Channel.773 Generally, whenever there



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is a mountain facing another high cliff and in between there is a sea lane through which ships can pass, it is called a channel.774 Sea Serpent Channel is so called because it is said to be the place where a sea serpent dwells. It is also called Three Crossings Channel.775 That day, at the monkey hour [4 p.m.], in the distance one could see the two Xie islands, Great and Small Xie.776 The ships passed through Pine-Cypress Bay and reached Rushes Harbor,777 where the anchor was cast. All eight ships moored together. Shen Family Channel On the twenty-fifth dingchou day, at the dragon hour [8 a.m.], the mist settled around the four mountains and a westerly wind made the sails billow. The ship zig-zagged along like a snake. Because the wind force [was low], progress was slow; the ship’s crew called this a “resisting wind.” At the snake hour [10 a.m.] the mist lifted, and we floated past Xitou, the white peak, the narrow forehead channel, and stone master face.778 After that, we reached the Shen Family Channel and cast anchor. The mountains along this channel are similar to those at the Sea Serpent Channel, but while the four mountains [also] encircle the place, they open on two opposing ends to create the channel. They have the appearance of a connected range; everything is under the jurisdiction of Changguo prefecture.779 On [this channel] more than ten families of fishermen and wood gatherers lived, and the place has been named after the most important surname among them.780 At the monkey hour [4 p.m.], wind and rain darkened the skies, and thunder and lightning, rain and hail assailed us, but after a while it stopped. That night we went to the island and set up tents. The ground was cleared for a sacrifice. The boat crew called it an “offering to the sand,” but it is, in fact, for the spirits governing peaks and rivers. Those who offered food were very numerous. Every ship carved a small boat out of wood, which they loaded with Buddhist sūtras and grains and the names of all the people on board; they were then thrown into the sea. This is one extreme aspect of the art of propitiating and placating [the spirits]. Plum Peak On the twenty-sixth wuyin day, there was a strong northwesterly wind. The envoys led the men of the three escort ranks ashore on small boats and entered Plum Peak.781 Of old it has been said that Mei Zizhen hid himself here, hence the name.782 The traces of his shoes and the scars from his gourd still remain on top of the stone bridge.783

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Deep in the foothills is the Potala cloister, built by [Emperor] Xiao of the Liang dynasty.784 In its halls there was a numinous figure of Avalokiteśvara. In ancient times a Silla merchant traveled to [Mount] Wutai, where he had this image carved. He wanted to transport it back to his country, but as soon as he had left the harbor [his ship] struck a reef. The ship remained stuck and would not move. Then he turned the ship around and put the statue on the reef. A monk from the cloister named Zongyue fetched it and placed the statue in the hall.785 From then on, whenever ships moored on their way out or in, they always went to [the cloister’s hall] to pray for blessings, and in each case their call was answered. The Qian family of Wu-Yue moved the statue to the Kaiyuan Temple in the city.786 The statue that is now venerated at Plum Peak was made later. The envoys of the Chongning era reported this to the court, which bestowed a new plaque on the temple. Every year monks were ordained and additional adornments for it made. Following the old custom, the envoys prayed here for protection. That night [of the twenty-sixth], the monks chanted in a very solemn manner in the fanbai style at the incense offering. Among the three escort ranks, the officials and clerks, and the soldiers, there was no one who did not pay devout reverence. By midnight, the stars shone brightly and the wind stirred the flags; everyone danced for joy, saying, “The wind has returned to due south!” On the twenty-seventh jimao day, the sailors, because the wind was not yet settled, waited for it to grow steady. At sea, a wind that does not change by the second day is called a steady wind. [Sailors wait for a steady wind because] should they go out on the ocean and the wind eventually turn, they would be at a loss and not know where to turn. Only after [the wind settles] would they set out on the ocean. Thus, they keenly observe the wind, clouds, and general weather conditions, and only then set sail. At the monkey hour [4 p.m.], the envoy, deputy envoy, and the three escort ranks all returned to the eight ships. From that time, the water became somewhat clearer and the wave crests slightly choppy. Back on board, we already felt dizzy. Sea Lion Reef On the twenty-eighth gengchen day, the sky was clear and the sun shone bright. At the rabbit hour [6 a.m.], the eight ships set sail all together. The envoy and deputy envoy donned their court robes and together with the two Taoist officials faced the imperial palace and prostrated twice. They cast into the water the “divine empyrean,” “jade clarity,” “nine suns,” and



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“concentrated sincerity” charms that had been bestowed on them in the presence of the emperor. Also, [they cast into the water] reports to the Aeolian master and the dragon king, a straight tally of the heavenly office, portraits of the five peak deities, as well as thirteen charms including one to stop the wind and rain. Once this was finished, the sails were unfurled and we departed, leaving through the Red Strait.787 Around the time of the [noon] meal, the water gradually turned an azure color, and in the four directions the islands’ mountains grew dimmer, sometimes resembling pieces of cloud and sometimes a crescent moon. Later, we passed Sea Lion Reef, which is shaped like a prostrating sea lion. During the Chongning period, some among the ship crew saw jumping in and out of the waves a sea creature that had the shape of a sea lion.788 But it could not have been a distinct creature; just because there are reef rocks in that shape does not mean there was a sea lion. Mount Penglai Mount Penglai could be perceived in the distance. Its front part was high but the back part low; it is vigorous-looking and delightful. The island is still within the boundaries of Changguo [prefecture]. Its surface is very broad and is suitable for cultivation; the island is inhabited. Penglai is one of the three mountains where immortals dwell. It can be reached after crossing thirty thousand leagues of the Weak Water.789 Because there is nothing nowadays that accords with these directions, no matter where one looks, the people of the present point at this island and give it this name.790 Past this point, there are no more islands; all one can see is the endless rising and falling, spurting and foaming of the waves. The vessels trembled and rocked, and nine out of every ten people on board were prostrate; either vomiting or dizzy, they could not contain themselves. Mid-Ocean Reef After the vessels had passed Penglai, the water became a deeper shade of azure, just like agate, and the force of the waves grew stronger. In the ocean [here] there are some rocks called Mid-Ocean Reef. If a ship hits the reef it will overturn and sink, and therefore the navigators791 are most anxious about it. In the afternoon of that day, the southerly wind grew more urgent, and the wild fox topsails were added. The purpose of these topsails is this: as the waves come toward the vessel, there is the risk that it cannot overcome their force, and therefore the small topsails are added [on top of the big sails] to help the ship rise [above the waves] and progress.

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That night, the ships could not anchor in mid-ocean and so moved forward by observing the planets and the Big Dipper. When the sky becomes overcast, a “south-pointing floating needle”792 is used to determine north and south. When night fell, a fire was lit and all eight ships responded [with their own lights]. In the middle of the night, the wind turned to the northwest and became very strong. Even though the sails were lowered, the ship was tossed around and shaken by the wind and waves so that all the bottles and plates fell down. Everyone on board was trembling with fear, their courage failing them. When it grew light, things calmed down, and people’s minds also became more at ease. As before, the sails were hoisted and the ships continued. White-Water Ocean On the twenty-ninth xinsi day, the sky was murky and the wind unsettled. At the dragon hour [8 a.m.] the wind grew weaker but from a favorable direction. Again the wild fox topsails were hoisted, but the ships barely made progress. At the monkey hour [4 p.m.] the wind shifted; at the cock hour [6 p.m.] clouds gathered and rain started to fall, stopping at nightfall. Again, there was a southerly wind, and we entered the White-Water Ocean.793 Its source springs from the Mohe [territory],794 and therefore it has a white color. That night a fire was raised and three ships were in communication.795 Yellow-Water Ocean The Yellow-Water Ocean796 is at the tail end of a sandy [outflow of river silt]. Its waters are turbid and shallow. The boat crew said that the sand comes from the southwest and traverses the ocean for more than a thousand leagues; this is nothing but the place where the Yellow River enters the sea.797 When vessels reach this place, they sacrifice to the sand with chicken and millet. Among [those passengers traveling on] all the ships that have passed across the sandy [waters] since time immemorial, many have been harmed, and so offerings are made for the souls of those who have drowned. It has been said that when going from China to Koryŏ, only through the Mingzhou route does one traverse this place; it can be avoided if one crosses from Dengzhou or Banqiao.798 Recently, when envoys passed through here on their return journey, the first vessel nearly ran aground on the shoals, and as for the second vessel, in the afternoon its three rudders were all severed. Thanks only to the numinous spirits from the ancestral shrines did [passengers and crew] manage to return alive. Therefore, the boat crew considers it a calamity



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whenever they have to cross the sandy tail end. They frequently have to use a lead weight to measure799 the depth. One cannot but be vigilant. Black-Water Ocean The Black-Water Ocean is nothing but the Northern Sea Ocean. Its color is dark because of the depth, and deep currents well up that are as black

Map 8: Sea route: Crossing the Yellow Sea from Mingzhou to Korea. This map is based on the map in Morihira Masahiko, Chūkinse no Chōsen hantō, 234.

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as ink. Suddenly we saw this and our hearts sank. Vicious waves spouted with vengeance and surged like ten thousand mountains. By nightfall there were light flashes as bright as fire between the waves. The moment the vessel was lifted on top of a wave, it was as if there was no sea below, and all we saw was the bright and crisp sun in the sky. As soon as we dove into a trough, we looked up and saw nothing but water all around, so high that it obscured the sky. Our guts and stomach also rose and fell, and gasping for air we barely managed to stay alive. We fell down and vomited and could not swallow even a grain of food. Those who had collapsed in a daze on mats had to be propped up on all four sides—so it looked as if they were lying in a trough—otherwise they would have fallen off [the mats] and rolled around injuring their limbs and mutilating their bodies. At such times, seeking to escape from a myriad deaths, it was truly perilous.



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Chapter 35: Sea Lanes, 2 Straddling-the-Border Mountain On the first renwu day of the sixth month, at daybreak darkness lingered because of fog, and we availed ourselves of a southerly wind.800 At the snake hour [10 a.m.] the fog cleared slightly, and the wind shifted to the southwest. [To deal with this], additional wild fox sails were unfurled. At the horse hour [noon] the wind picked up, and the big mast of the first vessel made a bone-splintering sound: it looked bent and about to break. Hurriedly a piece of timber was attached to it to make it whole again. After the sheep hour [2 p.m.], we perceived something hazy like a cloud on the northeastern horizon. The crew pointed at it and called it Panthaka Island,801 but it was really very indistinct. As night fell the wind diminished and the vessels progressed slowly. On the second guiwei day, in the morning the fog was dense. A southwesterly wind then blew, and soon after, the mist had dispersed and it became clear. Due east we could see a mountain shaped like a screen; this was none other than Straddling-the-Border Mountain.802 Chinese and barbarians take this to be the border between them. At first sight it was indistinct, but after the cock hour [6 p.m.] we drew closer and [could see that] in the front part there are two peaks called the “twin hair bun” mountains,803 and behind, there are several tens of small reefs that resemble galloping horses. Snow-white waves spout and foam, and when they meet the mountain they burst forth very high. At the third watch,804 the wind picked up and it started to rain. The main sails were lowered and the mat sails removed to dissipate its strength. Five Isles There are “five isles” in many places, but the one near Straddling-theBorder [Island] is the real thing. [Places called] “five isles” can be found Northeast of Dinghai in the ocean around Suzhou,805 and also at Kunsan and Horse Island. Most likely, sailors point to the smaller peaks on top of sea mountains and call them isles. That is why in various places where one can find five mountains in close proximity they are called “five isles.”806 On the third jiashen day, the night’s rain had not yet cleared when a southeasterly wind started to blow. After the horse hour [noon], we passed these isles. For a long time the wind whipped the waves into a violent frenzy, [making them] soar as high as cliffs, which was a splendid sight.

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Aligned Islands On that same day, at the snake hour [10 a.m.], the clouds parted and the rain stopped, and all around it was bright. In the distance we saw three islands in a line, the middle one looking like a wall. The sailors pointed them out as the Aligned Islands,807 also called Aligned Targets Islands because they had the shape of archery targets. White Mountain [Island] That day, after the horse hour [noon], we perceived to the northeast a very big mountain that stretched out far and even like a wall. The places where the sunlight reflected appeared as white as jade.808 After the sheep hour [2 p.m.], the wind picked up and the vessels advanced rapidly. Hŭksan [Island] Hŭksan [Island]809 is to the southeast of White Mountain [Island], which appears very near. At first sight, it seemed very high and imposing. Drawing nearer, we saw that there were several layers of mountains. A small peak in front has a cave-like opening in the middle. Between [the small peak and the mountain behind] there is an inlet in which a boat can be hidden. On former sea routes, this was a place where the embassy ships briefly stayed the night. The hostel is still there. On the present routes however, this is no longer a port of call.810 On top [of the island] there are settlements where people live. Those in the country who have committed grave crimes but received a pardon from the death sentence are often exiled to this place. When a Chinese vessel approaching from the sea reaches this island at nightfall, [the island’s inhabitants] light a fire on the beacon tower, and all islands respond in sequence, reaching all the way to the royal capital. It all starts here at this mountain. The vessels passed this island after the monkey hour [4 p.m.]. Moon Isles There are two Moon Isles, which are very far from Hŭksan[do]. The one in front is called Big Moon Isle, because it is fully embracing like the moon; according to old accounts there was a temple on top of this island called Yangwŏn (nurturing the source) Temple. The one behind is called Small Moon Isle.811 They face each other like the two posts of a gate, and small ships can pass between them.



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Door Screen Mountain Island Door Screen Mountain Island812 is also called Island of the Heavenly Immortals.813 Its mountain is high and imposing, and when seen from afar it stands straight like a wall. In front, there are two small reefs shaped like turtles. White Clothes Island White Clothes Island814 consists of three interconnected islands. In front, there is a small reef attached to it. It is covered with juniper trees and brambles, and its lush verdure is splendid. It is also called White Armor Islet.815 Crouching Islet Crouching Islet816 is northeast of White Clothes Island. Its mountain is markedly bigger than those of surrounding islets, [although it is actually] several interconnected mountains. All around the islets there are countless broken reefs. At night the tides crash against them violently, and snow-white waves roll over them. Even when the moon sets and the night is dark, the splashing foam is as bright as torchlight.

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Chapter 36: Sea Lanes, 3 Spring Grass Islet Spring Grass Islet817 lies beyond Crouching Islet. The sailors call it the “outer isle.”818 Its top is full of pine trees and junipers, which look very dense. At midnight the wind fell and the ships progressed slowly. Betel Nut Reef Betel Nut Reef819 owes its name to its shape. In general, most ocean reefs look like this from afar, but it is only the one near Spring Grass Islet that the sailors call Betel Nut Reef. Deep in the night the tide fell, and the vessels followed the retreating water, almost returning to the ocean. Everyone in the ships was terrified and shouted at the oarsmen to give them more strength. At daybreak we were still near Spring Grass Islet.820 On the fourth yiyou day, the heavens cleared, the wind quieted down, and the waves were smooth. We looked down at the color of the sea, which was clear azure like a mirror; we could see the bottom. Also we could see several hundred fish, the largest measuring several tens of feet and following the ships along, leisurely beating their fins.821 The whole ocean was theirs, and they barely noticed the ships passing by. Bodhisattva Islet That day, after noon, we passed Bodhisattva Islet.822 The Koryŏ people gave it this name because once there had been a supernatural manifestation on the island. After the monkey hour [4 p.m.], the wind fell and we inched forward with the tide. Bamboo Island That day after the cock hour [6 p.m.], the vessels reached Bamboo Island,823 where they dropped anchor. There are several layers of islands, and although they are covered in dense green woods, people live there and even have a leader. In front of the mountain there is a reef consisting of hundreds of white boulders of varying sizes that look as if someone had piled up jade. When the envoys passed here on their return voyage, it happened to be the time of the mid-autumn full moon. The night was peaceful and the water calm. The bright purple-hued shafts of moonlight cast their light



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across ten thousand feet. The mountain on the island, the trees in the valleys, and every single thing on the boats were drenched in golden hues. Everyone rose and danced, playing with their shadow. We poured drinks and played the flute, and everyone was pleased within and without and forgot that the massive expanse of water in front separated us [from our homeland]. Hedgehog Islet824 On the fifth bingxu day, the weather was clear. We passed Hedgehog Islet, which is not far from Bamboo Island, whose mountains it resembles. It too is inhabited. In the Koryŏ vernacular the prickly hedgehog quills are called kosŏmsŏm. The trees on its mountains are dense but not big, just like the fur of a hedgehog, hence its name.825 On that day we anchored near this island. Koryŏ people paddled boats loaded with water to offer to us, and we thanked them with rice. A strong east wind was blowing and we could not progress; we therefore stayed the night there. Kunsan Island On the sixth dinghai day, we took advantage of the morning tide and set sail. At the dragon hour [8 p.m.] we reached Kunsan Island826 and dropped anchor. Its islands consist of twelve peaks that are connected and form a circle just like a wall. Six ships came out to meet us; they carried armored [men] who sounded hand bells and blew horns and acted as escort. There was also another, smaller boat that carried clerks in green gowns, who bowed, holding up their tablets. Without informing us of their names, they withdrew. It was said that these are the administrative aides827 of Kunsan. After them came the interpreting official, secretarial receptionist at the Office of Audience Ceremonies, Sim Ki,828 who joined us on board. The acting welcoming escort commissioner, Kim Pusik, and the governor of Chŏnju, O Chunhwa, dispatched messengers, who delivered welcoming messages from afar. The chief envoy and deputy envoy received them with due protocol and bowed toward [the messages] with clasped hands but without prostrating. The official in charge of ceremony was dispatched to receive them, and that was that. After that, a reply letter [to the welcoming escort commissioner and the governor of Chŏnju] was sent. By now the vessels had reached [their mooring place] at the island. On shore, more than a hundred people stood holding banners. The welcoming escort commissioner had sent a letter to the chief envoy and deputy envoy as well as the three escort ranks together with a morning

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meal. The chief envoy and deputy envoy instructed the welcoming escort commissioner to send a first notice [of the embassy’s arrival] to the king. The welcoming escort commissioner then dispatched ornate boats829 and invited the chief envoy and deputy envoy to land on Kunsan [Island] and meet them at the pavilion.830 This pavilion is by the sea, and at the back it leans against two peaks that stand close together and are especially tall, like a wall that is precipitously high.831 Outside the gate is the official’s residence, which measures more than ten bays. Nearby to the west, on top of a small mountain, there is Five Dragon Shrine and Chabok Temple.832 Further west is the Sungsan temporary palace.833 Scattered around are more than ten houses of local families. In the afternoon, the chief envoy and deputy envoy reached the shore on a pinewood boat, and the three escort ranks led everyone into the hostel. The welcoming escort commissioner and the district magistrate hurried [out] to receive us.834 In the courtyard [of the hostel] they had placed incense tables. Looking in the direction of the [Song] palace, they prostrated and with due decorum respectfully asked after the emperor’s health. After that was finished, we divided into two files and entered the hall. The chief envoy and deputy envoy took the senior places835 and, facing [Koreans] of matching rank, they prostrated twice. They then moved slightly forward, exchanged greetings, again prostrated twice, and took their seats. The upper and middle escorts stood in the hall according to rank and bowed to the protocol officer with clasped hands. In keeping with Koryŏ custom they always used the “elegant [form of] greeting.”836 The general secretary stepped forward and exchanged greetings [with the welcoming escort commissioner], and they [the escort commissioner and general secretary] then prostrated twice. Next, [the general secretary] greeted the district magistrate in the manner described above, after which they withdrew and regained their seats. As for the seating arrangement, the chief envoy and deputy envoy both faced south and the welcoming escort commissioner and district magistrate sat facing each other to the east and west. The lower escort ranks and crew were chattering loudly in the courtyard. The upper escort ranks were assigned seats in the hall, while the middle escort ranks were assigned to the two galleries and the lower escort ranks were seated in the two side rooms of the gate. The crews of [the Chinese] boats sat outside the gate. The tents and other accessories837 were uniformly exquisite. The food and drink were rich and tasty, and everything was presented courteously and diligently. Seating mats were spread on the ground for everyone. For thus is their custom, which approaches that of the ancients. Ten rounds

Key: Smaller Islands and Place Names a. Straddling-the-Border Mountain [Island] b. White Mountain Island c. Moon Isles d. Crouching Islet

e. Spring Grass Islet f. Betel Nut Reef g. Bodhisattva Islet h. Purple Cloud Islet i. Plentiful Supply Mountain j. Eastern Source Mountain k. Raven Islet

l. Nine-Headed Mountain m. Chinaman Island n. Big Bluish Isle o. Duke Nie Isle p. Rapid Water Straits q. Clam Cave

Map 9: Sea route along the west coast of Korea. The geographic names given are the translations of the terms found in the Illustrated Account; place names that are clearly attested as Korean geographic names have been romanized, while modern place names are put in square brackets. This map was is based on the map in Morihira Masahiko, “Kōrai Gunzan [Kunsan] tei,” 2, and with further reference to Morihira Masahiko, Chūkinse no Chōsen hantō, 116, 152, 178, 205, 213 (maps).

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of drinks were offered, but [the number] got progressively lower for the middle and lower escort ranks. Once [the company] had taken their seats, the welcoming escort commissioner personally poured and offered the drinks. The envoys then returned the toast. Halfway through [the pouring of] wine, people were sent around to urge everybody on [to drink more], and the three escort ranks all changed to a big horn cup. When the ceremony was finished, the upper and middle escort ranks hurried to bow with clasped hands as at the beginning of the ceremony. The chief envoy and deputy envoy then boarded the pinewood boat and returned to the big vessel. Crosswise Isle Crosswise Isle838 is south of Kunsan. One of its mountains is especially large, and for this the island is also called Table Isle. Before and behind the isle there are several tens of reefs. One cave at the foot of its cliffs is perhaps several tens of feet deep and its height and width are similar. When the tide comes in, the water hitting it makes a sound like rolling thunder.



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Chapter 37: Sea Lanes, 4 Purple Cloud Islet On the seventh wuzi day, the sun shone brightly in the sky. Early in the morning, the Chŏnju magistrate had sent a letter together with wine and gifts in order to extend the envoys’ stay. The envoys firmly declined in a letter, thus settling the matter; but they did accept the vegetables, fish, and clams that were offered and consequently repaid them with local [Chinese] products. At noon we weighed anchor and passed the night at Crosswise Isle. On the eighth jichou day, we set out very early. In the south we perceived a mountain called Purple Cloud Islet.839 Peaks rose horizontally, layer after layer, and particularly the two mountains at the back, being very distant, looked as if a pair of eyebrows had been painted there. Plentiful Supply Mountain That day in the afternoon we passed Plentiful Supply Granary Mountain, or Lotus Mountain as the sailors called it.840 This mountain is within the jurisdiction of Hongju. There is on the mountain a public granary in which a great amount of grain is stored. It is said that [the stockpiling of grain] is done in case of an emergency at the border. This is why [the mountain] is called “plentiful supply.” Hongju Mountain Hongju Mountain is several hundred leagues southeast of Purple Cloud Islet. The prefectural [seat] is established at its foot. The mountain to its east produces gold and is in a squatting shape like a tiger. It is called Eastern Source [Mountain].841 Several tens of small hills encircle it like a wall. On top of the mountain there is a pool that is as clear as a mirror and [of a depth that] cannot be fathomed. On that day at the monkey hour [4 p.m.] the vessels passed [this mountain].842 Raven Islet Raven Islet843 is also called Yazi Islet, which is the name that the Koryŏ people have for a rain hat,844 which is what the mountain is shaped like, hence its name. The vessels passed it at the cock hour [6 p.m.].

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Horse Island That day after the cock hour [6 p.m.], the wind started to blow strongly and the vessels speeded forth as if they were flying. From Rain Hat [i.e., Yazi] Islet, in the wink of an eye we came to moor at Horse Island,845 which is within the borders of Ch’ŏngju.846 It has sweet springs and lush grass, and so, if there is no emergency, the official horses in the country are gathered and put out to pasture here. It is for this reason that it obtained the name Horse Island. Its main peak is vast, and its left arm stretches out as if to encircle; its frontmost rock juts into the sea, where it collides with the water forming whirlpools, beating it into a frenzied riffle. There are no names for all of these strange and beguiling shapes. Thus when the boats pass underneath [this rock], many do not dare to approach for fear of hitting a submerged reef.847 There is a hostel called the Anhŭng (peaceful and exuberant) Pavilion.848 The Ch’ŏngju prefect, Hong Yag’i, dispatched an intermediary and the interpreting official, Chin Ŭi, who arrived together. The ceremony was the same as that carried out under the auspices of Chŏnju; on the shore the welcoming troops held flags and banners, no different from what had been done at Kunsan Island. When night fell they lit big torches, which burned brightly and lit up the sky. At that time the wind took a turn for the worse, and everyone on the vessels was tossed around to the point that they could not even sit down. The envoys received assistance in boarding small boats to go ashore for a meeting, as in the ceremony at the Kunsan Pavilion, with the exception that no wine was served. At midnight they returned to the envoys’ ships. Nine-Headed Mountain On the ninth gengyin day, the weather was bright and clear. There was a strong southerly wind, and at the dragon hour [8 a.m.], we departed Horse Island. At the snake hour [10 a.m.], we passed Nine-Headed Mountain.849 It is said to have nine peaks, but peering at it from afar, [these] were not immediately clear. However that may be, [the mountain] was covered in dense forest, which was fresh and lush and looked delightful.



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Chapter 38: Sea Lanes, 5 Chinaman Island It is not clear how Chinaman Island got its name.850 Its mountain is near to Nine-Headed Mountain. That day on the noon hour, the ships passed below this island. Twin Women Reef The mountains of Twin Women Reef are very large, no different from [separate] islands or isles. The front mountain, although it has plants and trees, is not very densely grown. The mountain at the back is rather small and is split in the middle to make a strait; underneath there are hidden reefs, so ships cannot pass through. That day on the snake hour [10 a.m.], as the ships passed this reef851 on their way from Chinaman Island, the wind increased in strength and the vessels moved faster and faster. Big Bluish Isle The Koryŏ people have given this island the name Big Bluish Isle852 because from a distance [its foliage] appears very dense, like dark eyeliner paste. That day at the noon hour the vessels passed here. Monk’s Island The mountains of Monk’s Island consist of several layers, and its forests and gullies are deep and dense. In the mountains there are many tigers and wolves. There was once someone who studied Buddhism and came to live here. The animals did not dare to approach him. [A temple called] Leafy Old Temple853 remains as a vestige of this. [This story] is why the Koryŏ people call it Monk’s Island.854 That day at the sheep hour [2 p.m.], the vessels passed below this island. Ox Heart Isle Ox Heart Isle is located [apart] in a small sea. One of its peaks stands out prominently. It looks like an overturned bowl but has a sharp protrusion in the middle. The Koryŏ people call it Ox Heart [Mountain].855 Mountains like this can also be seen at other locations. One that resembles this mountain but is smaller is also called Chicken Heart Isle. That day at the sheep

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hour the vessels passed this isle. The wind came from the south and there was a slight drizzle. Duke Nie Isle Duke Nie Isle got its name from a surname.856 Seen from afar it is very sharp, but after approaching it, it looks like a wall, which must be because its shape is flattened. Depending on whether one sees it sideways or frontally, it looks very different. That day at the end of the sheep hour [before 3 p.m.], the vessels passed below it.



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Chapter 39: Sea Lanes, 6 Small Bluish Isle Small Bluish Isle857 has the same shape as Big Bluish Isle, but it is somewhat smaller and completely surrounded by reefs and rocks. At the beginning of the monkey hour [after 3 p.m.], the vessels passed this place. It was by then raining rather hard. Chayŏn Island That day at the monkey hour [4 p.m.], the vessels reached Chayŏn Island, which is [within the jurisdiction of] Kwangju.858 Against the [foot of the] mountain there is a hostel with a name placard that says it is called Blessed Source Pavilion.859 Next to the hostel there are tent-houses measuring several tens of bays in surface area; there are also many grass huts [inhabited by] local people. On an isle east of this mountain there are many swallows, which have given [the island] its name. The welcoming escort commissioner, Yun Ŏnsik,860 and the magistrate of Kwangju, Chin Suk, dispatched an intermediary as well as the translating official, T’ak An;861 they came to welcome us carrying letters. The ceremony of the guards and their accoutrements were all quite lavish. After the monkey hour [4 p.m.] the rain stopped. The chief envoy and the deputy envoy together with the three escort ranks landed on the shore and went to the hostel. Their wining and dining and meeting [with Koryŏ officials] were as in the ceremony at Chŏnju. When the night had already progressed beyond the second watch [10 p.m.], they returned to the ships. On the tenth xinmao day at the dragon hour [8 p.m.] there was a northwesterly wind, and the eight ships did not move. The general secretary Wu Dexiu and the assistant general secretary Xu Jing, together with the upper escort ranks again took the ornate boats to go to the hostel. We passed Chemul Temple and offered food to the monks on behalf of the deceased palace corrector of the left corps Song Mi, who was an envoy for the Yuanfeng mission.862 After that we returned to the ships. At the snake hour [10 a.m.], we proceeded by taking advantage of the tide. Rapid Water Strait The same day at the sheep hour [2 p.m.], we reached Rapid Water Strait.863 However, it resembled not a strait between sea islands but the “shaman’s gorge” of the river waterway.864 The surrounding mountains are crooked

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and winding and mutually interlocking; between them is the waterway. The force of the water [current] is determined by the mountain gorge. Frightful billows pound the shore, overturning rocks and penetrating cliffs and making a thunderous noise. Even a crossbow weighing thirty thousand catties865 or a wind-chasing stallion do not suffice as comparisons for the swiftness of this current. When we reached this strait we could not unfurl the sails but progressed by using the oars simply to follow the tide. Clam Cave After the monkey hour [4 p.m.] we reached Clam Cave866 and dropped anchor. Its mountains are neither high nor big, and many people live there. On the mountain ridge there is a dragon shrine, and seafarers passing by without fail come here to sacrifice to it. Seawater reaches here, but compared to the Rapid Water Strait, it has changed to a yellow-white color. Watershed Pass Watershed Pass, where two mountains face each other, is the place where the small sea separates into two streams.867 The color of the water is muddy again, as in Plum Peak. It was now the eleventh renzhen day. In the morning it rained; at the noon hour the tide receded and it started to rain harder. The king dispatched Yu Munji with a preliminary letter, and the envoys received it with proper ritual. At the cock hour [6 p.m.], we progressed as far as Dragon Bone868 and cast anchor. Yesŏng Harbor On the morning of the twelfth guisi day, the rain stopped. Following the tide we reached Yesŏng Harbor,869 [whereupon] the chief envoy and deputy envoy transferred to the divine ships. At the noon hour, the chief envoy and deputy envoy led the general secretary and the assistant general secretary along in escorting the imperial decree and placing it in the ornate boat. The Koryŏ people, with soldiers, insignia, mailed horses, flags and pennons, ceremonial objects, and a myriad other devices, lined the shores in sequence of rank. The spectators [were so numerous] they looked like a wall. When the ornate boat reached shore, the general secretary and the assistant general secretary took the imperial decree and placed it in the ornate palanquin.870 The lower escort ranks led the way, and the chief envoy and deputy envoy followed behind. The upper and middle escort ranks



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followed further behind in order of rank. They entered the Azure Waves Pavilion and, after the edict had been safely stored, broke ranks and rested briefly.871 The next day, traveling by road they entered the royal city. Your servant would like to venture that the difficulty of the sea lanes is extreme. Drifting among the various perils of the sea in a vessel that is no more than a leaf, it is only thanks to the blessings of the imperial ancestors and the earth gods that the gods of the waves could be pacified and a crossing achieved. Otherwise, how could it be achieved by mere human power! When he is on the open ocean, man is at the mercy of the winds. If a storm blows him off course toward another country, life and death are separated only by a hair’s breadth. Furthermore, one can be afflicted by the three kinds of dangers: the crazy wind, the black wind, and the tsunami. When a crazy wind872 blows, for days on end the angry howling [of the wind] does not cease, and all around one cannot distinguish anything. The black wind873 blows in angry bursts that come and go; the heavens become pitch black, and it is no longer possible to distinguish day and night. In a tsunami874 it is as if the bottom of the sea spouts up, like the broth in a boiling cauldron. When one encounters any of these at sea, few are those who escape. One wave can carry a boat several tens of leagues in an instant, and when a boat several tens of feet long floats between the waves it is like the tip of a hair on a horse’s body. Therefore, those who venture onto the oceans are not worried about the size of their ship, but only about controlling the mind and regulating their actions. When one encounters danger, then one offers devout prayers and wailing supplication with utmost sincerity, and there is none who will not receive a numinous response. Recently during the embassy mission, all three rudders of the second ship broke when it reached the Yellow-Water Ocean. Your servant happened to be on that ship, and together with the other people on that vessel, I cut my hair and wailed in supplication. Then an auspicious light manifested itself. However, [it now becomes clear that] the Yan Isle spirit in Fuzhou had also been a prior manifestation of something extraordinary.875 Therefore on that day, although the ship was in peril, we still managed to exchange [the broken rudders] with other rudders, and after those repairs, the vessel could be maneuvered as before. After five days and nights we finally reached Dinghai in Mingzhou, and when we finally climbed on shore, all on board were emaciated and sick and hardly looked like human beings. From this, one can imagine our fear and worry. Anyone who imagines that the sea lanes are not difficult should not [expect to] receive an important reward upon returning to court and reporting on the mission. But should one imagine that [going on a sea voy-

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age] is a sure way to die and [becomes aware that], in fact, from the time of the founding ancestors of the dynasty, many embassies have been dispatched and yet not a single one was cast adrift or wrecked and did not return, [then he will realize that] by relying solely on the powerful numen of the state and on one’s own loyalty and trustworthiness, there is surely nothing to worry about. I have written this down as an encouragement to those who will come later. As for the recent journey of the envoys, we left with a southerly wind and returned with a northerly wind. We first left Mingzhou on the ­twenty-eighth day of the fifth month of that year.876 Upon reaching the ocean, we obtained a favorable wind and by the sixth day of the sixth month reached Kunsan Island. When the time came for the return journey, on the thirteenth jiazi day of the seventh month, we left the Sunch’ŏn Hostel. On the fifteenth bingyin day, we again boarded the big ships. On the sixteenth dingmao day, we reached Clam Cave; on the seventeenth wuchen day, we got as far as Chayŏn Island. On the twenty-second guiyou day,877 we passed Small Bluish Isle, Monk’s Island, Big Bluish Isle, Twin Women Reef, Chinaman Island, and Nine-Headed Mountain. That day we moored at Horse Island. On the twenty-third jiaxu day, we left Horse Island, passed Rain Hat Islet, and sighted Hongju Mountain. On the ­twenty-fourth yihai day, we passed Crosswise Isle and entered the strait at Kunsan Islands, where we dropped anchor just beneath the island. Until the eighth wuzi day of the eighth month, altogether fourteen days, we could not move because there was no wind. After the monkey hour [4 p.m.] a northeasterly wind started blowing and we rode the tide into the ocean and passed Hedgehog Islet, not stopping for the night. On the ninth jichou day, we passed Bamboo Island in the morning and between the dragon and snake hours [8–10 p.m.] had Hŭksan Islands in our sights. Suddenly there arose a southeasterly storm and we again encountered a tsunami.878 The ships listed and threatened to capsize. Everybody was scared witless. Immediately [the captain] hurled [orders] to sound the drums and call all the ships back. On the tenth gengyin day, the force of the wind grew even stronger. By the noon hour we had regained Kunsan Island. It was not until the sixteenth bingshen day, another six days, before the wind was true. We immediately set sail for the open ocean and at nightfall anchored at Bamboo Island. For the next two days there was again no wind and thus no progress until the nineteenth jihai day. In the afternoon of that day, we set out from Bamboo Island and at night passed the Moon Isles. On the twentieth gengzi day, we passed Hŭksan and then White Mountain. Next we passed Five Isles and Straddling-the-Border-Mountain. Now a strong northerly wind was blowing and we had to lower the bat sails to kill its



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force. On the twenty-first xinchou day, we passed the sandy tail end [of the Yellow River], and around noon the three auxiliary rudders of the second ship snapped. After the night had passed to the fourth watch [1 p.m.], the main rudder also snapped; however, neither the envoys’ ship nor the other ships encountered any dangers. On the twenty-third renyin day,879 we could see in the distance the Chinese Xiuzhou Mountain.880 On the twenty-fourth guimao day, we passed Eastern and Western Xu Mountains.881 On the twenty-fifth shenchen day, we entered [the waters near] Wavy Harbor Mountain882 and passed Tantou.883 On the twenty-sixth yisi day, we passed through the Suzhou Ocean and at night anchored at Chestnut Harbor.884 On the twenty-seventh bingwu day, we passed Sea Serpent Channel and beheld Beckoning-theBeloved Mountain. At the noon hour, we arrived in Dinghai county. From the time we left Koryŏ up until we entered Mingzhou territory, we had been at sea for forty-two days.

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Chapter 40: Matching Culture Your servant has heard that the correct calendar885 is that through which the government of the world is controlled, that Confucianism is that through which the transformation of the world is beautified, that music and notes are that through which the world is led to harmony, and that weights and measures are that through which the common interest of the world is displayed. Although these four are all different, if they all act in concert with the Son of Heaven’s virtue, the advent of an [era of] great peace will be assured. The emergence of a sage depends on establishing the [correct] beginning of the year and establishing [Confucianism] as the state orthodoxy, renewing the music for a whole generation, and harmonizing notes, weights, and measures. To establish unity and correct the actions of the masses, its principle lies in this. One looks up to the great unification of the state and how it faces up to the myriad countries: among Chinese and barbarians, there is no other way but [the former] leading [the latter] to become closer to China. The territory of Koguryŏ886 is on a sea island, separated by the waves [from China] and not within the nine vassal states [of Zhou], yet they received the correct calendar, honored Confucianism, and harmonized their music and notes. Although Shun’s [demarcation] of the seasons and days pacified the east and Yu’s teaching of civilization reached the south, this is not worth bringing up. What the ancients called “for writing, standardize the letters, for transport, standardize the tracks”887 can now be witnessed [in Korea].888 The act of drawing and recording is done to organize the different system of another country.889 If there are similarities in its system, however, then “the act of adding decorative colors”890 just becomes an exercise in futility. So [in this chapter] I have merely itemized those things that are identical with China—among them the correct calendar, Confucianism, music and pitches, and measures—and made a “record of similarities of culture” and left out drawings. The Correct Calendar When Liu Rengui of the Tang served as imperial censor of the local prefectures,891 he requested the officially promulgated calendar and the [list of] imperial temple names and taboos and said, “While pacifying the Liao Sea [territories], we should promulgate the correct calendar of our dynasty. When we have achieved military victory with our troops and annihilated



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Koryŏ, we should take their leaders and have them ascend for an enfeoffment meeting.”892 It was done as he said, though the historian has embellished this. However, [Liu] Rengui made a point of subjugating [their country] through force but not necessarily their true mind. Why do I say this? Your servant, when observing how the Koryŏ people serve China, how they requested investiture titles and the officially promulgated calendar, [saw that] their words are full of diligent sincerity. Compelled by the bullying caitiffs, on the face of it they follow them, but their hearts are with our dynasty, like the sunflower turns toward the sun and like ants respect order—this they have never released from their breasts. How then can using military force compare with using virtue? Naturally everything has its right order! Even though this is the case, when near it is easy to subdue, but from afar it is difficult to cherish. If one looks out from the [Ko]ryŏ border toward the imperial domain, it is far away across the sea. When we came back, floating across the huge waterway, riding a favorable wind, going day and night for more than ten days, we reached Mingzhou.893 When the wind increased somewhat in force, frightening waves rose like mountains. All the pots spilled their soup so that not even a drop remained; moreover it was impossible to cook [a new broth], so everyone on board skipped meals. Worse, the rudders broke and the mast snapped, and the calamity of capsizing or overturning could have happened in the blink of an eye. Thus it is truly dangerous. However, between the Jianlong [960–963] and Kaibao [968–976] periods, [Koryŏ] wanted to become a vassal and, without daring the slightest remiss, continued so till the present. Since they are separated from the northern caitiffs by only a small stretch of water, if the caitiffs set out in the morning, by evening already their horses can drink from the Amnok River. Once [Koryŏ] suffered a big defeat and for the first time began to serve them [as vassals] and to use their era names, from the Tonghe [983–1011] to Kaihe [1011–1021] eras it was altogether twenty-one years. Then under Wang Sun [Hyŏnjong], they inflicted a heavy defeat on the northern caitiffs and again started to establish relations with China. In the seventh year of Dazhong xiangfu of Emperor Zhenzong [1014] they dispatched envoys and asked to be granted the correct calendar. The imperial court gave its permission, and henceforth they used the Dazhong xiangfu era name and discarded the Kaitai name of the northern caitiffs. During the Tianxi period [1017–1021], the northern caitiffs again defeated Koryŏ, slaughtering its people until they were almost exterminated. Wang Sun [King Hyŏnjong] gave up on his country and fled to Clam Cave.894 The caitiffs remained in the capital for eight months.895 It so happened that the

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ten thousand pine trees on the mountain northwest [of Kaesŏng] emitted human sounds,896 which initially so frightened [the caitiffs] that they started to withdraw. But still they forced [Wang] Sun to accept their calendar. [Wang] Sun surrendered to their force and had no choice but to adopt it. For seventeen years from the second year of the Taiping era [1022] till its end,897 for twenty-two years till the end of the Zhongxi era [1032–1055], for ten years till the end of the Qingning era [1055–1064], for ten years till the end of the Xianyong era [1065–1074], for ten years till the end of the Taikang era [1075–1084], for ten years till the end of the Da’an era [1085–1094], for six years till the end of the Shouchang era [1095–1101], for ten years till the end of the Qiantong era [1101–1110], and for eight years under the Tianqing era [1111–1120]: altogether one hundred years [they used the Liao calendar]. Then the Yelü898 succumbed to the Jin dynasty, and Koryŏ discarded the era names of the northern caitiffs. But since they had not yet sent a request for an edict [promulgating the calendar] to the imperial dynasty, they did not dare suddenly switch to the correct calendar. Therefore, they merely used the stems-and-branches sexagenary method to record the years and are preparing a request to us [for the calendar]. From the vantage point of our dynasty, we are so far removed from Koryŏ and the northern caitiffs are so near to them. But those who are subordinated to the northern caitiffs are always restrained by military power, and as soon as they perceive [that power] slackening, they immediately resist. When it comes to serving the holy dynasty, then from beginning to end they are as one, steadfast in their loyalty. Even though at times there are restraints that prevent them from obtaining their wish, even then, in their sincere inclination they are as unbending as metal or stone. Through this we can see that the succeeding sage [rulers] have soothed them with benevolence and embraced them with virtue, thus obtaining their inner mind. This is radically different from the coercive violence employed by the northern caitiffs, who control those outside only through force.899 According to the Book of Documents, “establish the day in accordance with the season and month.”900 The northern caitiffs have already perished,901 and we are anticipating the Koryŏ envoys to come and request the correct calendar so that the seasons, months, and days of all the various countries will be coordinated and correct. Confucianism The eastern barbarians are benevolent by nature, and in their country there is an unbroken tradition of “gentlemen” (junzi). Moreover, the ter-



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ritory of Chosŏn that was enfeoffed to Kija observed in its customs the teachings of the “eight articles” and applied it in daily life.902 Their sons act on the basis of ritual propriety and righteousness; their daughters proceed from correctness and trust. They eat and drink with wooden and bamboo vessels,903 and those who meet on the road yield each to the other. It is vastly different from the assorted customs of the other barbarians. As for pressing the head and callused [bare] feet,904 braiding the hair and crosswise dress,905 the sleeping together of father and son, and the burial of relatives in the same tomb, these are vulgar and weird.906 From the time of Emperor Wu of Han, four commanderies were set up, and [the Koreans] became trusted servants within the empire. Thus the sinification of the political system became deeply engrained. Even though the mandate changed to Wei and then Jin, and good times alternated with bad times, periods of close interaction with periods when relations were more distant, the roots of faithful loyalty were firmly implanted and never decayed. At the beginning of the Zhengguan907 era of Tang, Emperor Taizong followed the advice of Duke Zheng of Wei908 and ruled through benevolence and righteousness. Schools were rebuilt or expanded and the teachers of Confucianism revered. At that time, among many of the policy-making ministers, there were those who doubted this policy and did not perceive its benefits. That country [Korea, however,] dispatched its most talented students and requested instruction from teachers in the capital. Later, during the Changqing era [821–824], Bai Juyi excelled at composing songs, and the people of Kyerim craned their necks and sighed in admiration, going so far as909 to trade one piece of gold for one of his songs, which then served as a model. From this we can know their dedicated mind. If we observe the Japanese or Chen910 or other countries, some write horizontally, others write from the left, and some knot ties for their letters, while others carve wood to make records. Each has its own different system, but the Koryŏ people admired the clerical script and adopted China as their model. Even for the letters on currency and the carving of seals, they would not dare to carelessly add or delete from the character styles. Therefore, in the beauty of their culture and its products, they are on a par with the suzerain country! Then the Song dynasty emerged and flourished, and culture spread far and wide. With heads bowed [Koryŏ] came knocking on our gates, requesting to become a vassal. Whenever their envoys came on a tribute mission to our court, they gazed at the splendor of the country, and full of envy and admiration, when they returned to their country they talked

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about it [with their fellow countrymen]; thereafter they doubled their efforts [at adopting Chinese culture]. In the second year of Shunhua [991], there was a palace examination for all scholars under heaven, and they also presented their people for the guest examination to offer their literary prowess. Emperor Taizong praised them and selected them to be among the roster of [successful candidates]. Wang Pin and Ch’oe Han were listed as presented scholars and granted a prestige title of rank 9B and the office of custodial revisorcollationer (8B) at the Imperial Archives [respectively].911 When they were dispatched across the sea to their home country, the king, Ch’i [Sŏngjong], presented a memorial to express his gratitude, the words of which were very moving. Emperor Shenzong was worried about the state of elementary learning and ordered the instruction and explanation of the Three Classics to enlighten the dull people under heaven. He especially decreed that an edition [of each of the three] be bestowed so as to enable them to see the great Way in its pureness and completeness. Our present sovereign [Huizong] continued the work of his predecessors, promoting and expanding the rules of hospitality. Thus, he bestowed on the students who came to study [in China], Kim Tan and others,912 the examination rank and had them return. Just as [ships] meekly follow the wind,913 just as [sprouts] burst forth after rain, dancing in harmony, [naturally] they embraced Confucianism. Even the rustics living in Yan or Han now enjoyed the same temperament as Lu. Recently, when the envoys arrived at their country [Koryŏ], they learned that the Imch’ŏn Pavilion stores several tens of thousands of fascicles of books. There is also the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion, which is filled with the four collections of classics, histories, philosophers, and miscellanea.914 [The Koryŏ] founded a national academy and selected Confucian officials. To prepare even further, they newly built schools and dormitories and faithfully followed the university system of monthly written tests and seasonal examinations, so as to rank the students. At the higher levels [of the society], officials fill positions at court and are at ease with ceremonial affairs and have sufficiently mastered rhetorical skills. At the grassroots level, in the villages and alleyways, there are always two or three “classics halls” or “book societies” in sight. Among the ordinary people, boys who have not yet married live communally and receive instruction in the classics from a master. When they are somewhat bigger, they choose a friend, and each according to his type takes instruction in a Buddhist or Taoist temple. Below [them in social status], even soldiers and urchins learn from a village teacher. Ah, how wonderful!



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As for the vassals attaining merit, this is in fact achieved by relying on the authority of the Son of Heaven. That all the feudal lords perform virtuously goes back to the civilizing influence of the Son of Heaven. The position of Koryŏ vis-à-vis China is that of a local liege domain in a [far-off] corner [across] the sea. Now, however, the wealth of their cultural products has been achieved through their gradual polishing. Isn’t it great? It is like the three heavenly bodies of sun, moon, [and stars], who find their order thanks to the primeval force, but their light is there for all to see and is that which makes the heavens bright. Plants and trees and the hundred precious [things] rely on the primeval transformation to come into bloom, but their luscious growth is that through which the earth is adorned. Thus, in choosing the way of scholars, [Koryŏ] patterned itself on this [Northern Song] dynasty; but at the same time I have also heard that this tradition goes back to antiquity. That being so, it is impossible that there would not be some minor differences. The students in the [academy] are tested every year in the shrine [honoring] Confucius, and those who pass are regarded as qualifying candidates.915 To select [candidates for the degree of] presented scholar, every two years a test is held within the [administration] they belong to. All those who pass are also regarded as qualifying candidates; altogether these candidates number more than 350. [In a next stage,] to select [people worthy of the presented scholar degree], scholars are ordered to hold an examination in the Yŏng’ŭn Hostel, and they choose thirty or forty people [out of the group of 350],916 who are then divided into five categories. The granting of ranks is roughly similar to the palace [examination] system of our dynasty. Now it goes up to the king, who personally tests them and [assigns them an] office. They use the three tests of poetry, prose-poem, and essay but do not set an essay question on politics. This is how ridiculous they can be. Apart from this, they also have the varied composition examination917 and the erudite composition examination,918 but although [these examinations] exist in name, they are not frequently held. Likely, they esteem the rhymes and meter [of poetry] but are not greatly adept at classical learning. Looking at their compositions is like looking at the remaining dregs of the Tang [way of composition].919 Music920 Great music standardizes and harmonizes in conjunction with heaven and earth. The manifesting of the five sounds921 originates with the five agents;922 the modulation of the eight tones923 arises with the eight winds.924 Bright or dark, high or low, everything derives from the single material force. The movement of the hands and feet in dance is unplanned

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yet naturally as it should be. Even a rotten drumstick and a drum made of earth suffice to be entrusted with creating its sound and expressing its harmony. Therefore, from the time of Getian,925 we have the songs of ox tails,926 which can already be seen in The Books of Dai.927 Sages of later ages made music to worship virtue. With the materials of metal, stone, earth, leather, calabas, wood, string, and bamboo,928 they made instruments— the bells, chimes, hand drum, clay ocarina, mouth organ, wooden mortar and tiger, zither, and the reed instruments. With overtures and codas, with laudes and interludes, they brought together the harmony of heaven and earth and established a standard [fit for] spirits and ancestors. The sounds of the barbarians of the four directions are also used to perform music. There is thus the Mal[gal] master, whose task it is to direct the music; the bannerman, whose task it is to order the dances; and the conductor of barbarian music, whose task it is to coordinate the singing and playing.929 All this is done to enjoy the music together with the people and to bring joy to the under-heaven. Originally there was nothing to set apart the barbarians from the Chinese; they universally received and widely took, showing the broad communication of our virtue. According to the Odes, “When the courtly Ya music is spread to the south, when the flute is played, there is no disorder.”930 It is explained that “Ya” refers to Xia [China] and “South” to barbarian music. When the two are in concert, harmony is achieved and the sounds of heaven and earth are in conjunction. Only then is music accomplished. However, of the strange territories in the four directions, food and drink differ in taste, and clothes are cut differently; instruments also use different standards, and so inevitably music is also not standardized. Therefore, the east is called Mal[gal], the south is called Ren, the west is called Zhuli, and the north, Jin. Each has its own logic, and they cannot be mixed up. As a country belonging to the eastern barbarians, the roots of Koryŏ music lie with the Mal[gal]. Regarding the [musical] system of the Three Dynasties [of Xia, Shang, and Zhou], that of Shang was called Dahuo, that of Zhou, Dawu.931 Since Kija was a scion of Shang but was enfeoffed by Zhou with Chosŏn, he reformed the baseness of their Mal[gal] music and the bequeathed sounds of [Da]huo and [Da]wu were thenceforth also prevalent in their country; [hence] the system and practice [of these two traditions] was continuously handed down. Now, a thousand years on, their tuning of sounds and matching of meters still has something taken [from the old system]. During the Xining era [1068–1077], Wang Hwi [Munjong] petitioned for musicians, and a decree sent some to his country; after several years they returned [to China]. Henceforth, whenever envoys came, they brought with them [tribute] gifts and [Song] presented



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them with craftsmen as teachers. Every time [Koreans visited, craftsmen] were dispatched to the [Koryŏ] hostel to instruct them. Recently when they presented tribute, they also requested to be granted the Dasheng and Yayue [scores] and at the same time requested banqueting music.932 A decree granted all these requests. Therefore, as can be witnessed, their music and dances flourish more than ever. Today their music is divided into two bureaus: the one of the left is called Tang’ak, which is Chinese music, and the one of the right is called Hyangak, that is, barbarian music. Their Chinese music and instruments all follow the Chinese system, but as to their Hyangak, although it has drums, gongs, mouth organs, oboes, lutes, five-stringed zithers, pipas, zheng zithers, and flutes, their shapes and construction are different [from China’s]. The bridge of their zithers is fixed and does not move. They also have a flute of more than two feet in length that is called a “barbarian zither.”933 The musician, bending his body, first blows [this flute], with the sounds of the other instruments then joining in. As for [the music of] their female entertainers, it is referred to as “lower music.” There are three [administrative] levels: the Office of Music934 has 260 musicians, which are usually employed by the king; next, the Reeds and Strings Ward935 has 170 musicians; next, the Bureau for Capital Markets936 has more than 300 musicians. There are also hundreds of people who play at performances of “The Wild Mulberry Branch,”937 [on the occasion of] polo games,938 and for their numerous plays. I have heard that they are all very nimble and skilled, but since, at the time, the mourning for Wang U [Yejong] had not yet finished, the artists held their instruments but did not play. Therefore I could not investigate their system of music. Weights and Measures According to the Records of [Ritual] of the [Junior] Dai, “when the rites and music are organized and the units of measures promulgated, the empire will submit [to the ruler].”939 According to the Analects, “Pay careful attention to the [standardization of] weights and measures, and inspect the system of rites and music . . . and government regulations will be executed all around the country.”940 For even though the sovereign’s method of ruling over the feudal lords is based on virtuous transformation and the threat of punishment, that through which he unifies his government is by specifically giving precedence to weights and measures. When the Three Dynasties were flourishing, without fail good measurements and other instruments were promulgated from the royal palace across the whole country. They were periodically further harmonized on

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the occasion of royal tours of inspection, when, through consultation, all differences in the system [were eliminated] whether between the center and the periphery or between close acquaintances and strangers; only then was the government by the Son of Heaven realized. If among the feudal lords from across the country there was one who was only slightly remiss in [conforming to] any of these three [i.e., length, volume, weight], he would be removed from office and executed without any legal right to clemency. Who would then dare to be negligent in the details of applying these instruments? The system of the five units of distance lies in discerning the line, gauging the inch, calculating the foot, measuring the yard, and extending the furlong,941 so that the length of all objects can be measured. The system of the five units of capacity lies in pouring a fluid ounce, cupping a cup, piling up a peck, gathering a pint, and scooping a bushel,942 so that the quantity of things can be measured. The system of the five weights lies in starting with the scruple, multiplying it with the ounce, exposing the catties, balancing the piculs, and topping off with the stone,943 so that the weight of all things can be calculated. However, for everything, bronze [instruments] serve as the model to decide what is identical or not [with the standard], and thereby can the empire be standardized and customs unified. Alas! As the [Western] Zhou [ca. 1100–771 BCE] changed into Eastern Zhou [771–221 BCE], central government lost its grip [on the various states]. Those who harmonized the tones for the Jin court used a long foot to cast the bells and lost the middle tone in the music. The ministers of Qi used a large pint measure to give [grain loans] to the people and thus bought themselves the goodwill of the people. Those who designed the calendar for the Tang lost the method of making an armillary sphere and so had no way of tracking the movement of the three heavenly bodies. Thus, even the things that were easily ascertained through the senses could not be assessed against any objective standard. How much more difficult is it then for a remote country beyond the sea, separated by billowing waves and treacherous reefs. If they aspire to standardize according to a single [unit], isn’t it like pushing a boat across land? The country of Koryŏ is more than three thousand leagues removed from China. From the apex of government among emperors and kings, it is merely a territory where [government is simply about] restraining and controlling. I never heard that anyone [in that country] promulgated units of length, volume, and weight, and harmonized them into a standard system. Since our Song dynasty majestically arose, it has been munificent in its virtue; everywhere one looks, as long as the sky covers it and the



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earth carries it, one cannot find anyone who does not want to serve and be friendly. Therefore, the Koryŏ people bow down facing China and want to act as a palisade. They have adopted the correct Chinese units of weight and measure and use them as the standard. This can be called the wide diffusion of benevolence and grace that manages to embrace those whom the emperors [of old] could not embrace, the distant progression of martial valor that can govern those the kings [of old] could not govern. We, the members of the embassy, charged with the imperial edict, went yonder, and while [we] received their lavish treatment at the banquet, the ship’s crew went to the market to trade their products. Silently they took note of [the Koreans’] way of calculating length, their measuring of capacity, and the scales for weighing, and secretly compared them with the Chinese system. Discovering that there was not even the slightest difference, we highly praised their extreme sincerity. [As a matter of course] one is diligent regarding matters that reach the eyes and ears and indolent when not receiving any stimuli; one is fearful of the application of punitive measures and authority and scornful of punitive measures and authority that are not applied. In the case of Koryŏ, the roads are steep and winding and the capital is far removed; their eyes and ears are out of reach [of the imperial messages]. Yet the king of their country is broad minded and enlightened and treats the eastern and northern barbarians944 magnanimously; without being sticklers for it, they still respect punishment and authority in ruling them. Their ability to observe the system of weights and measures shows their respectfulness. With a joyful heart they sincerely submit; it is not something that is done against their will. Doesn’t the Book of Documents say, “The standard stone and equalized picul, this is what the palace holds”?945 Thus if the standard stone and equalized picul are stored only in the palace, private people will not dare to change them, and everything will be standardized according to our measures. This is as it should be.

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Account of Conduct of the Deceased Assistant Off ice Chief of the Department of Punishment of Song, Duke Xu946 Great-grandfather [Xu] Shuang, imperially appointed corrector at the Imperial Archives, granted947 [the prestige title of] grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbon [2A or 3A] Great-grandmother Mrs. Ye, granted [title of] lady of Jian’an prefecture Grandfather [Xu] Shihui, imperially appointed [the prestige title of] grand master for court discussion [6A], granted [the prestige title of] grand master for splendid happiness [2B] Grandmother Mrs. Lin, granted [title of] lady of Xianning prefecture Father [Xu] Hongzhong, imperially appointed grand master for court audiences [5B], auxiliary at the Imperial Archives, granted the post of junior guardian [1B] Mother Mrs. Ge, granted [title] of Lady of Wei The duke’s name was Jing, style name Mingshu, and surname Xu. His ancestors were from Ouning county in Jianzhou,948 but from his grandfather949 onward they lived in Liyang in Hezhou.950 When his father was serving in the Law Section of Ezhou,951 one night he dreamed that he was roaming a vast wetland with the yellow-capped master,952 who took a small slice [of wood] from his breast [pocket], handed it to his father, and disappeared. When he read it, it was the last words left by Ding Lingwei at the tomb pillars.953 Five days later, a flood threatened the city walls, and all the offices were evacuated. His father stayed with his family at the Yellow Crane Pavilion.954 That night, effectively the duke was born. A few months after he was born, when he saw calligraphy or paintings, his expression brightened and he bounced with joy. When he was ten years and some, his intelligence was out of the ordinary. He prepared for the state examinations, and a steady stream of writing flowed from his brush; those with knowledge saw his great potential. When he turned eighteen, he entered the Great Academy, and in tests he frequently got the highest marks; however, when trying for the great test [the state examination] he always failed. In the jiawu year of the Zhenghe era [1114], because of his father’s service, he was appointed to the junior ninth grade and was put in charge of the administration of punishment in Tongzhou.955 The secretary at the Department of Ministries, Xu Yin,956 received orders to take control of the



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mining and casting of currency in the southeastern nine circuits, and he summoned the duke to take charge of practical affairs. In Jingjiang,957 there was someone called Huang Lin who induced the country of Dali958 to bring tribute to court. The court, however, had suspicions and ordered [Xu] Yin to uncover the truth. [Huang] Lin was in cahoots with some aristocrats at the center and lorded it over the five passes.959 The military governor of Jingjiang, Zhou Tong, was deeply concerned but had no means to act. [Xu] Yin entrusted this matter to the duke, who said, “This is definitely easy to handle.” He summoned the group [mustered by Huang Lin] and interrogated them on various things such as the date of their country’s founding, the geography, customs, and so on. They were all dumbstruck and could not answer. The deceit was thus uncovered.960 The court ordered him to take charge of the vacant position of magistrate in Yongqiu.961 In the county there were two brothers who were suing each other. The case had been dragging on for a long time without resolution. The duke then instructed a guardian to prepare a room and made them sit or lie there together; when eating they had to use the same vessels. After ten days had passed, they realized their feelings and supported each other while weeping, saying, “Your honor, you have taught us a valuable lesson. We would like to start afresh. How would we dare to scheme about making the crooked straight?” Afterward they addressed each other with love and respect. Those in hamlets and alleyways were transformed by this, and court cases were reduced or dropped. The managing official962 of the Capital-West circuit,963 by toadying up to his superiors, managed to dispatch a group of two hundred escaped conscripts and [made them] construct a house in the middle of the city.964 Wantonly they committed violent acts of robbery, throwing the city into turmoil. Xu Jing apprehended them and brought them to justice. The official in charge pleaded with those higher up to obtain an imperial rescript; when it reached the city, he gave free reign to his followers. With a great clamor they entered the prison and released all those who were shackled there. Xu said, “Regardless of one’s station, the penal law code should be observed. In serving the Son of Heaven I have to [apply the law] evenly, otherwise I would be cheating my lord. Cheating one’s lord and indulging people, this is something I cannot tolerate.” Thereupon he had their house completely surrounded and again had the gang of evildoers in his hands. He interrogated them on their affiliations and not one of them could escape the application of the law. Now everybody had heard his reputation as a [good] administrator. He was then transferred to Zhengzhou, where he took charge of Yuan­wu county.965 With a single cart he went to take up his office. At

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the time, he was confronted with the case of a charcoal dealer who took advantage of his younger brother’s eminence and power to seek his own glory. He indulged in cruelty and criminal rackets; along the stream he constructed boats and held the district seat in his grip. Those enfettered [by his actions] filled the roads. Then an official missive was sent to Xu asking him to deal with those who arrived late966 and those who were lax in [observing] the regulations. Xu sighed and said, “If the regulations are not wisely made, they cannot protect the people, who have to endure this extreme evil.” Then he made a report on this evil and was called to court. He wished to redeem his own body for the innocent, and because of this the exploitation was halted. The old rules were full of covetousness and cruelty and oppressed the people. Xu Jing mitigated and optimized them. The townspeople went to the palace and expressed their hope that he would become the real [magistrate].967 They scrambled for horses and carts and went to meet him at the family residence, but his father resisted; only once he had earnestly alerted the prime minister did the [commotion] stop. Lord Zheng of Yan968 said to his peers, “If the county regulations were all as Xu Jing [made them], would there be anything remiss in governing?” He was then transferred to Jizhou,969 where he was put in charge of public works. But before he could take up his post, his mother died. After removing the [mourning] clothes, he was made manager of the Yuanfeng Granary. In the sixth year of Xuanhe [1124],970 Koryŏ sent a tribute mission, and in their letter of request to the emperor they expressed the wish to obtain someone proficient in calligraphy to come to their country.971 Subsequently the supervising secretary Lu Yundi was dispatched for the return mission, and he chose Xu Jing as assistant general secretary to the state-letter envoy and ritual-objects official on board. Thus he composed the Illustrated Account of Koryŏ in forty fascicles, and it was ordered to be presented to the throne. According to his own statement [regarding this book]: When Zhang Qian of the Han set out for his mission to the Yuezhi and returned after thirteen years, he could only relate the topography and local products of the countries he had traversed. Your servant . . . was in Koryŏ for barely more than a month, and . . . the hostel was protected by guards. In all, he could venture outside only five or six times. What reaches the ear and eye while hurrying about in carts or on horseback, or while wining and dining, is not like having thirteen years of time. Still, I obtained the essence of the founding of their country and establishment of their government, as well as the forms of customs and everyday



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things. Without leaving one behind, [these things] have been drawn or arranged and properly recorded. I have not dared to boast or aggrandize, nor sneaked in embellishments, lest I defile the emperor’s ears. Now I have gathered all the facts [about Koryŏ] so that I may redeem even the slightest bit [the honor] of serving the embassy.972

Emperor Huizong was greatly pleased when he read this work, and summoned [the author] for a personal audience in the palace. He bestowed on him a title equivalent to that of presented scholar and appointed him as assistant minister at the Court of the Imperial Clan973 and conjointly as supervisor of the calligraphy school. [At the same time] he was transferred to the Ministry of Punishment, where he became assistant office chief. When the minister was dismissed from his office, [Xu Jing] was implicated on account of his familiarity [with the minister]974 and was demoted to the office of director at the Yongfeng Directorate in Chizhou.975 Then he mourned his father, and when he removed the mourning clothes, he was granted the position of counselor to the military commissioner in Yanjiang.976 [Instead], he begged for the position of shrine caretaker and was put in charge of the Hongqing Taoist shrine in Nanjing. After that, for three [terms] he led the Chongdao Taoist temple in Taizhou.977 Xu Jing had a bright and sharp disposition, and he immediately grasped whatever [situation] he was confronted with. Whatever kind of complicated situation he had to deal with, he pulled it off with a smile on his face. [Always careful as if] “drawing a bow and locking gates,”978 nobody could quite figure out his intentions. His feelings of parental and brotherly duty arose from his natural character. After the caitiffs encroached on the territory [above] the Huai River,979 he moved the family to Yiyang in Xinzhou.980 Now that he was cut off from his ancestors’ graves,981 he could not suppress sad thoughts. However, his grandfather had once served in Rao,982 and his father had [overseen] water transport in Jiangdong,983 and there was a shrine [dedicated to them] in the Qingyun Buddhist Temple in Dexing county.984 At the appointed times, Xu went to visit the shrine to perform the winter or autumn sacrifices; he was not the slightest bit remiss. His own elder brother,985 the auxiliary erudite at the Hall for the Diffusion of Literature, [Xu] Lin,986 had run afoul of the prime minister of the time and [was forced to] transfer south to Puyang.987 Xu did not consider the distance too far at all and traveled a thousand leagues to meet him. He stayed there for a long time and could not bear leaving, saying, “When the hands and feet are wounded, what time is there to look after spouse and children?”988 Xu Jing was unrestrained and liked to give. He regarded material as-

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sets as manure or dirt and was more anxious about the difficulties of those around him than about his own self. Once the vice-governor of Henan,989 Xu Pang, joined Xu Jing while crossing Pengli Lake.990 Xu Pang’s boat overturned, and Xu Jing saved him and his whole family of twenty. Moreover, he treated them generously and provided their meals. Later [Xu] Pang sent [gifts] to thank Xu Jing, but he would not accept anything. His old friend Song Pu, because of some events, had to go to jail,991 and bail was set at 460,000 cash. He begged for the money on the market. Xu Jing happened to have in his pocket some tea vouchers,992 which corresponded in value to the amount. To help him he gave them to [Song] Pu, who then managed to avoid [going to jail]. Acquaintances or relatives, near or distant—anyone who was lonely or in dire straits— Xu Jing relieved them of their worries, aiding in marriages or funerals; these cases cannot be simply calculated [because he assisted so often]. He was disdainful of exegetical studies, preferring to roam through classic and modern [works], and scoured for the best parts, which he compiled into “essentials” collections. He even stooped to books on Buddhism and Taoism, Sun[zi] and Wu [Qi’s Art of War], and [medical works such as that of] Bian [Que] of Lu.993 Classics on astronomy and geographical treatises, dialects and vulgar stories—there was no genre that he was not conversant with. In the company of elite people, when clapping hands994 in debating affairs, always his corner dominated the conversation. His prose or poem compositions were outstanding and made instantly; as soon as he lowered the brush [to the paper], it moved around swiftly and could not come to rest of itself. He was especially good at composing songs and poems; when passing the shrine to the hegemon king of Western Chu,995 he left behind [a poem] in twenty-eight characters. The drafting advisor, Han Ju,996 saw it and remarked, “Now those who come after will hardly be able to pick up their brushes.” His paintings are in the league of “divine products,” and he excelled both in landscapes and figures. Once he painted in jest a “flat distance”997 [scroll] and added a long-versed title poem in the margin and bequeathed it to [Han] Ju. [Han] Ju, whenever he took it out to show to people, said, “Did [Xu] Mingshu998 make the poem for the painting or the painting for the poem?” Although dipping the brush and spreading the ink is done in an instant, after spreading the silk scroll [for a painting], sometimes a year passed without him looking at it. Of [his paintings] that his contemporaries possessed, many were from the hand of others, although some say they were done under the guidance of Xu Jing. In dealing with matters, regardless of how big or how small, all were executed with meticulous forethought. Other people, no matter how



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much they exerted their knowledge and reasoning, could not match it. He was completely versed in tones and meters but equally good at whistling. Sometimes he ordered someone to play the flute and harmonized with it; his [whistling] sound surpassed it. With the dust flying and the curtains flapping, it was as if a group of phoenixes had gathered. He could drink two pecks of wine and still be collected. When exchanging drinks with guests, it was always with full cups; only after he had drunk half of it would his banter and discussion pour forth like the wind. Sometimes he would dabble with brush and ink, blow the reed flute, or pluck the zither in such an excellent way that everyone wondered whether he was an immortal who had turned up among people. Among the scholars of the under-heaven, whoever heard his reputation wanted to exchange courtesies with him. But if he happened to meet a humble fellow near his door, he also extended the utmost courtesy to him. If someone made a request, whether trifling or big, he would agree to it. If something good befell others, he rejoiced as if it was for himself. Therefore, wherever he went, everybody always loved him, even when he went to barbarian countries.999 He had a few tens of acres of land for cultivation, which he called “Washing the Ink Stone Pond.”1000 Its seclusion and beauty were famed south of the Yangtze River. He gave himself the penname “Layman SelfBelief.”1001 He served in the shrine for twenty years and was contented in his retreat there. If there was one imperfection that troubled his mind, it was that his devotion to the graves [of his forefathers] could not be settled. In the xinwei year of Shaoxing [1151], Liyang was returned [to Song by the Jin], and he [went to] burn yellow [paper] to announce his return [at the grave of his ancestors]. But when he reached Wumen, he was struck down by illness. Alas! However great his ambition was, in his prime years he was removed from the court and retreated to the countryside, where he was not given [any appointments]. Although he dealt with this gracefully, the fact that a scholar of purpose was spurned by the times suffices to make one weep. He was born on the eighth day of the fifth month of the sixth year of Yuanyou [1091] and died on the twentieth day1002 of the fifth month of the twenty-third year of Shaoxing [1153]. His age was sixty-three. He gained successive posts and ended as a grand master for Closing Court [7A] and was granted [posthumously] the robes for the third rank. He married Lady Chen, granted the title of “becoming spouse,”1003 who died five years after him. They had three sons. [The first], called Ji, died young. [The second one] was called Zhen;1004 he was right gentlemen for fostering uprightness1005 and manager in charge of the Fiscal Commission1006

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in the Jiangnan west circuit. He succeeded his paternal first cousin, the gentleman for court service,1007 [Xu] Zhe.1008 He died thirteen years after his father [i.e., in 1166]. [The third son] was called Cheng.1009 He was right gentleman for meritorious achievement,1010 director at the Office of the Overseer-General for Revenue and the Military Storehouse1011 for Huaixi and Jiangdong Industrial prefecture.1012 He had two daughters. The eldest was married to the right court gentleman consultant,1013 magistrate of Xin’gan county in the Linjiang military [circuit], Feng Shiwen. The youngest was married to the right court gentleman for instruction,1014 the magistrate of Huaian county in Fuzhou, Li Kan. There were six grandsons. [The first] was called Yuanlao, and he was right court gentleman for improved functioning.1015 [The second] was called Tonglao, [the third] was called Minglao, [the fourth] was called Yanglao, [the fifth], called Ji, was court gentleman for ceremonial service.1016 One of them does not yet have a name. He had eight granddaughters. The eldest married the left gentleman for meritorious achievement, professor at the prefectural school in Ezhou, Liu Bi. The second was married to the presented scholar Zhu Jinqing. The third was married to the gentleman for ceremonial service Yu [. . .].1017 The others are not yet married. All the sons and grandsons carried his coffin and on the first yiyou day of the twelfth month of that year buried him in an auspicious spot on Mount Guifeng in Yuting locality, Yiyang. In his family, there were of old many relics from Qisheng.1018 His paternal uncle, the grand master of splendid happiness, [Xu] Shizhong, had a treasured ink stone with on its side written the characters “Dingchen.”1019 He used to say to all the [family’s] children, “I will give this to the one who can continue our tradition [of calligraphy].” At the time Xu Jing had just put up his hair and could understand anger and excitement, his mind was set on calligraphy and books. His uncle then took up [the ink stone] and gave it to him. As for his birth, there were the signs of an “imminent return after a thousand years.” Therefore people called him an incarnation of Qisheng. In his youth, his father ordered him to write the title of the funerary stele for his grandmother,1020 but he could not succeed. He prayed to the Buddha and took up the Heart Sūtra to practice his calligraphy. When he reached the character for “real” (shi 實), he happened to see a feather carried by the wind, and through that, he grasped the composition of the strokes. From then on, he acquired a strong reputation in the under-heaven. Emperor Huizong particularly liked and praised his calligraphy.



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Once he summoned him to the palace. [Xu Jing] wrote the four characters “progressing virtue, improving the [dynastic] project.”1021 The characters were about ten feet wide. When he reached the character for “project,” he pulled off an amazing trick. In the midst of writing, the brush lingered on the middle strokes, but finally dropped in a very forceful yet straight manner, like a round rock falling eight thousand feet. The emperor was amazed and praised him, while all others fell silent. He was so proficient in his mastery of the brush that even at night with lights and candles shielded, all the different strokes showed not the slightest difference [compared to when he wrote during the day]. His formal and cursive writing were impeccably beautiful and completely effortless. He mastered the styles of Zhe [Suiliang] [596–658], Xue [Ji] [649–713], Yan [Zhenqing] [709–785], and Liu [Gongquan] [778–865]. In his later years he also liked to write grass script, achieving a great likeness to the work of [the monk] Huaisu [725–785]. All those who talk about calligraphy in the under-heaven consider him to be their patriarch. According to treatises by scholars of language and characters,1022 from Li Si [280–208 BCE] onward [the writing style] changed to small seal, but after the Qin and Han periods, nobody could pass on this style. Some samples have been transmitted on stele, but it is impossible to obtain the brush method from them. Moreover, there are mistakes in the composition of characters.1023 From the Wei and Jin to the Tang, only Li Yangbing was called Solitary Step.1024 How could the learning [of seal script] be interrupted in the middle like this! It is for this reason that [Li] Yangbing could claim this name for himself! The nephew of Yuan Cishan,1025 Kangshu Li Jing,1026 wrote the “Wuxi” and “Wutai” inscriptions, managing to come close to the Qin style. Compared with [Li] Yangbing, the difference is like heaven and earth; however, his reputation did not manifest widely. It is a case of misfortune within good fortune! The Qisheng brothers1027 took Li Si1028 as their forefather in writing; the erudition of their character and language studies put them on a par with Shuzhong.1029 And Xu Jing followed in their footsteps; the origins go truly far! [Li] Si’s monument was burnt on Yishan1030 and no longer existed anymore even in the Tang. Lord Wenchong Ouyang1031 gathered all the epigraphs in the under-heaven; although his work is very thorough, of the Taishan decree he only has several tens of characters. During the Daguan era, Liu Ji of Hejian [in Henan] climbed to the peak of the mountain and looked all around for inscriptions; he was the first to obtain a complete [rubbing]. But it was only ten and some years from the Jingkang disaster,1032 and there were only a few ink copies in circulation. Scholars often erroneously said that they had copied from [Li] Si, but would people

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effectively have seen many copies? Xu Jing obtained [a rubbing of] this carving and stored it as a treasure and contemplated it deeply, completely mastering [Li] Si’s style. Furthermore, he investigated the different vessels of the three feudal dynasties [Xia, Shang, and Zhou], and transcribed and explained all their inscriptions. Everything was thus based on evidence. As for the great seal script, the force of the brush is quaint and old, and his best works are indistinguishable from what is carved and engraved; it looks like something that cannot be achieved with paper and brush. With more dedicated application and transformation, he changed to the small seal script and analyzed the composition of its characters, reconstructing everything to the original intention of making the characters. Like a galloping horse running this way and that, his application was limitless. Alas! All the old master calligraphers number less than the fingers of one’s hands. As the dead will not revive, later will there still be those who take up their task? Xu Jing passed away already fifteen years ago, yet there is still no inscription for his grave. [I, Zhang] Xiaobo come from a Liyang family and have moreover formed a bond with Xu’s family through matrimony and thus venture to record Xu Jing’s life account in rough outline; awaiting a true composer, I have gathered and recorded.1033 To be carved on stone and placed at the grave. Respectfully recorded. Third year of Qiandao [1167], tenth day of the fourth month. Left gentleman for meritorious achievement, recorder and superintendent of education in Xuancheng county of Ningguo prefecture, Zhang Xiaobo, record­ed this.

[Postscript] My uncle thus presented his book to the emperor but kept a second copy at home. In the spring of the dingmei year of the Jingkang era [1127], Xu Zhoubin from our village borrowed it, but before he could return it the bandits came and we lost track of the book. Ten years later the family patriarch traveled by water to Jiangxi, where he spent some time in Hong[zhou].1034 When my uncle came to the province, someone said, “In the district there is a northern doctor. When he produced a good result with the emperor, he obtained this book.” He promptly went to visit him but only two chapters of the “Sea Roads” were without defects. My uncle once told Chan, “The world has transmitted my book, and although all the pictures are lost, all the rest remains. Restoring the pictures is not difficult.” But in the end nothing came of it, alas. Now he is already in the coffin. I happened to have the chance to



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carve [the text on printing blocks] while residing in the prefectural seat of Jingjiang.1035 May those who come after consult and improve on it. Written at the summer solstice of the third year of Qiandao [1167] by Xu Chan, left gentleman for court service, temporarily dispatched to the Jiangyin military commander to take charge of educational matters.

Appendix: Dynastic Lineages

   Name

Reign Dates

Koguryŏ kings Tongmyŏng Yuri Taemusin Minjung Mobon T’aejo Ch’adae Sindae Kogukch’ŏn Sansang Tongch’ŏn Chungch’ŏn Sŏch’ŏn Pongsang Mich’ŏn Kogugwŏn Sosurim Kogugyang Kwanggaet’o Changsu Munja Anjang Anwŏn Yangwŏn P’yŏngwŏn Yŏngyang Yŏngnyu Pojang

37–19 BCE 19 BCE–18 CE 18–44 44–48 48–53 53–146 146–165 165–179 179–196 196–227 227–248 248–270 270–292 292–300 300–331 331–371 371–384 384–391 391–413 413–491 491–519 519–531 531–545 545–559 559–590 590–618 618–642 642–668

Early Koryŏ kings T’aejo (Wang Kŏn) Hyejong

918–943 943–945 257

258

Appendix    Name

Chŏngjong Kwangjong Kyŏngjong Sŏngjong Mokchong Hyŏnjong Tŏkchong Chŏngjong Munjong Sunjong Sŏnjong Hŏnjong Sukchong Yejong Injong Ŭijong Northern Song emperors Taizu Taizong Zhenzong Renzong Yingzong Shenzong Zhezong Huizong Qinzong

Reign Dates

945–949 949–975 975–981 981–997 997–1009 1009–1031 1031–1034 1034–1046 1046–1083 1083 1083–1094 1094–1095 1095–1105 1105–1122 1122–1146 1146–1170 960–976 976–997 997–1022 1022–1063 1063–1067 1067–1085 1085–1100 1100–1125 1125–1127

Notes

Translator’s Introduction 1. See Gompertz, Korean Celadon, 33–48. 2. See Shultz, “Song Chinese Excursion into Korea”; Yun Ihŭm, “Koryŏ togyŏng e nat’anan chonggyo sasang.” 3. See Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 4, for the identification of Qisheng with Xu Xuan. See Franke, Sung Biographies, 1:424–427, for Xu Xuan’s biography. According to Hellmut Wilhelm’s biography of Xu Xuan in Sung Biographies (p. 426), however, he “left no sons,” raising of course the question of how Xu Jing could be his descendent. Wilhelm also writes that Xu Xuan was very close to his younger brother Xu Kai (920–974), so perhaps he had adopted a cousin as his heir. For a refutation of the claim that Xu Jing was a descendant of Xu Xuan, see Yu Jiaxi, Siku tiyao bianzheng, juan 8, bk. 1, 459, cited in He Yongqiang, “Xu Jing ‘Xuanhe fengshi yanjiu,” 370. Sun Xiguo, in his “ ‘Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing’ zuozhe Xu Jing,” also provides evidence that Xu Jing was not a descendant of Xu Xuan and explains how passages in the “account of conduct” that seem to suggest he is have been misinterpreted. While it may indeed be true that Xu Jing was not a descendant of Xu Xuan, one does get the impression that Xu Jing’s family was either convinced he was or tried to pass themselves off as descendants or at least relatives of this illustrious calligrapher. 4. See Wright, From War to Diplomatic Parity, 110, 127. 5. According to the Illustrated Account (see chapter 24), he was then of the senior fifth rank, but with a prestige title, meaning the title did not come with a commensurate office. In fact, as the biography makes clear, at the time of his appointment he was the manager of a local granary, a very humble position not commensurate with such a rank. It is likely that he was promoted at the time of his appointment as an official member of the embassy by being granted a prestige title. 6. See Ki Kyŏngbu, “Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 5–6, for references to ­sources. Cho Tongwŏn in his translation, Yŏkchu Koryŏ togyŏng, 17, includes a reproduction of a piece of calligraphy attributed to Xu Jing but does not discuss the provenance or attribution of this work. 7. The Youhuan jiwen by Zhang Shinan (fl. early 13th c.) also confirms that there was a request by Koryŏ for “someone able in writing.” However, according to Zhang, this request was relayed through the mission by Yi Chadŏk and Kim Puch’ŏl in 1124, after Xu Jing had already returned. Most likely the information about this request was inferred by Zhang from the Gaoli tujing rather than from

259

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Notes to pages 4–8

an independent source. Quoted in Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 490. Gompertz (“Hsü Ching’s Visit to Korea,” 2) maintains that the Koreans late in 1121 sent a mission carrying a petition from Yejong asking for an expert calligrapher. 8. See Wright, From War to Diplomatic Parity, 108. See also Franke, “Sung Embassies,” 123–124. 9.  A good biographical sketch for Lu Yundi can be found in an annotated edition of Zhou Hui’s Qingbo zazhi (p. 324). His style was Gongbi, and he hailed from Songcheng. After his return from the mission to Koryŏ he continued his official career, serving as a censor. In 1140, while prefect of Nanjing, he surrendered to the Jin, and according to some reports starved himself to death in Bianjing (Kaifeng). Lu Yundi was also immortalized in legends about the deity Mazu, according to which Lu’s ship was saved after he had a vision of Mazu. Xu Jing, however, does not mention this, instead attributing the saving of the ships to the dynastic spirits. See chapter 39. 10. Yang Weisheng, Song-li guanxishi, 157, quoting Li Tao, Xu zizhi tongjian changbian, 288:7049–7050. 11. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 5. Cai Jing had also received Koryŏ envoys during an 1116 mission to Kaifeng. See Toyoshima Yuka, “1116-nen nyū-Sō Kōrai shisetsu no taiken.” 12. Perhaps he was married to a daughter of Xu Lin, Xu Jing’s elder brother. 13. See Ebrey and Beckford, “Introduction,” in Emperor Huizong, 3. 14. Chŏng Inji et al., Koryŏsa 98.19a-b (KRS hereafter) (Biography of Kim Pusik). 15. Zhou Hui, Qingbo zazhi 7: 323–324; Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 10. Qi Qingfu infers that the xianren 先人 refers to Zhou Hui’s father, but Zhou Hui seems to be simply summarizing Xu Chan’s postscript, so it may refer to Xu Jing (“elder” to Xu Chan). In this case Liyang is a mistake for Jingjiang, while the reign title would also have to be corrected. 16. Qi Qingfu [Ki Kyŏngbu] also quotes another source, Congshu jicheng chubian (wenxue lei), that claims it was frequently copied, but I was unable to verify this. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 9n.11. 17. Jiangjing is another name for Jiangyin prefecture in Jiangsu, located on the southern banks of the Yangtze about a hundred km before it flows into the sea. Some identify Jingjiang 徵江 with Jingjiang 澄江 in Yunnan, but this is a mistake. See Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 10–11. Qi writes the place-name as Jingjiang 澂江, which is perhaps historically correct, but the original edition clearly has Jingjiang 徵江. 18. Since it was published in the Qiandao era (1165–1173), it is also known as the Qiandao edition. It was first published in a modern edition in 1932 in a collection known as the Tianlu linlang congshu, published by the National Palace Museum (Gugong bowuguan, Beijing). Being very rare, a reprint was made in 1973, this time by the National Palace Museum in Taiwan, where the collection had moved. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 18. 19. Ibid., 11.



Notes to pages 8–11

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20. Haiyan, now a county of Jiaxing, Zhejiang province. 21. Bao Tingbo, Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing, 125. This colophon is dated 1793. 22. Bao Tingbo, Zhibuzu zhai congshu, 10 vols. 23. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 14. 24. Qi Qingfu maintains that the Zheng edition was never published but remained only in manuscript form. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 13. However, both Bao Tingbo and Hu Xiake clearly state it was published. 25. Some of his comments on mistakes or omissions of the Zheng edition have been worked into the notes of my translation. According to Bao’s colophon, “thousands of characters are missing” in the Zheng edition. Bao Tingbo, Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing, 125 26. An important exception is chapter 40, which has 253 missing characters. He Yongqiang, “Xu Jing ‘Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing’ yanjiu,” 390; Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 13. 27. Thus, for example, we find that in chapter 3 Jingjiang inserts the note “taboo for the sovereign’s name” in lieu of a character. Bao has added that his name was Gou 構; hence we know that the character gou, “construction,” has to be inserted here. 28. See “Tianlu linlang shumu” in www.chinaknowledge.de on the 1775 catalogue of this collection. Accessed Nov. 20, 2013. 29. Comparing the dates of birth, it is hard to believe Zeng was the greatgrandson, but this is what all authors state. See, e.g., Qi Qingfu, “Guanyu Song Qiandao ben,” 21. 30. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 14. 31. Ibid. 32. Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 14–15, 17–18. 33. Bao Tingbo, Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing, 125. 34. According to Bao Tingbo’s colophon this is Renhe, part of modern Hangzhou. 35. Wu Shouyang, Baijinglou cangshu di baji 2, cited in Ki Kyŏngbu, “Sŏnhwa pongsa Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi p’anbon,” 19. “Our prefecture” probably refers to Hangzhou. 36. KRS 98.19a; the following short description from chapter 8 of the Illustrated Account is quoted: “Pusik has a full complexion and a tall frame; his face is darkly tanned and his eyes look alert.” 37. In the biography of Kim Injon; for more on him, see the section “More Ritual Obeisance . . . or Not?” 38. Bruneton, “Gaoli tujing en Corée,” 66–68. 39. Yi Tŏngmu, Ch’ŏngjanggwan chŏnsŏ 58; cited in Chang Namwŏn, “P’ilsabon Koryŏ togyŏng ŭi yup’o wa ŭiŭi,” 210–211. 40. One problem here is that Bao dated the colophon 1793, the year Yi died. Perhaps he had received a manuscript copy before publication. Ajŏng is Yi’s penname.

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Notes to pages 12–16

41. The origins of the tribute system are disputed. See Wright, From War to Diplomatic Parity, 15n.26; Yü Ying-shih, “Han Foreign Relations.” For a good description of conventional and revisionist analyses, See Yun, “Rethinking the Tribute System,” 1–11. 42. See Rossabi, China among Equals, especially the chapter by Wang Gungwu, “The Rhetoric of a Lesser Empire.” 43. Kwŏn Tŏgyŏng, “Silla kunjaguk imiji ŭi hyŏngsŏng.” 44. See Yun, “Rethinking the Tribute System,” 40. 45. Pak Hansŏl, “Koryŏ ŭi kŏn’guk,” 49–50. 46. For a good analysis of the contradictions and complexities of Koryŏ’s position in the international order of the time, see Breuker, “Koryŏ as an Independent Realm.” 47. KRS 2.28b–29a. Kwangjong gave up independent reign titles in 963, after the first Song mission arrived; however, that Song mission suffered a huge loss of life, and it is not recorded whether investiture took place; perhaps the edict was lost. The first investiture is recorded for 973. KRS 2.30b. 48. Official interaction with the Southern Song (1127–1276) was minimal; the last mission appears to have occurred in 1174. Na Chong’u, “Odae mit Song kwa ŭi kwan’gye,” Han’guksa 15:285. According to Yang Weisheng (Song-li guanxishi, 163), the last Southern Song mission to Koryŏ took place in 1173. 49. See Yang Weisheng, Song-li guanxishi, 150. 50.  See Breuker, Establishing a Pluralist Society, 237–238. While the record only emphasizes the center as the sole moving agent behind foreign missions, in fact in many cases local areas (such as the Ningbo area), which depended on sea trade, were the prime moving force; the center simply following suit. 51. KRS 3.38a–b. Breuker, Establishing a Pluralist Society, 242. 52. Thus by the Han dynasty Korea had been designated “outer minister,” whose role it was to “defend the passes.” See Wang, “Rhetoric of a Lesser Empire,” 57. 53. KRS 2.14a–b. See also the fourth injunction, which condemns the Khitan as a “country of wild beasts.” However, these extremely negative feelings may have been interpolated after the injunctions were redacted in 1010. See Breuker, Forging the Truth, 34. 54. Sŏ Hŭi is chiefly remembered in Korean historiography for convincing the Khitan that Koryŏ was the rightful heir to the Koguryŏ state, but it seems that the main reason he succeeded in his negotiations with Khitan is that he promised that Koryŏ would become a loyal vassal and break off relations with Song. 55. Yang, Song-li guanxishi, 151–152, 56. See, for example, the articles by Michael Rogers: “The Chinese World Order in its Transmural Extension” and “National Consciousness in Medieval Korea.” 57. See Kim Yŏngmi, “Koryŏ-Yo oegyo kwan’gye wa Pulgyŏng kyoryu.” 58. Breuker, “Forging the Truth,” esp. 27–36. 59. For this background, see Vermeersch, “Royal Ancestor Worship.” 60. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 325. For the detailed evidence to



Notes to pages 16–20

263

back up this hypothesis, see Rogers, “Kings of Koryŏ,” 418–420, and “Studies in Korean History I, 33n.2. Rogers is of course strongly influenced by the view that Koryŏ was genuinely sinophile and hated dealing with the Khitan. This may well have been the case; on the other hand, since we cannot know the king’s personal feelings, we may also see this simply as a problem of legitimacy. Given that the Liao regarded him as a usurper, replacing him with his son as the figurehead of the dynasty would have likely made official exchanges proceed more smoothly. Indeed, we may even imagine that the Khitan were in on this charade and connived in its creation. 61. See Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 323. 62. Ibid., 324, 326. Rogers uncovers more cunning wordplay: “Yung” 隆 (Ch. Lung) was actually the violation of a Liao taboo, for it was part of Liao emperor Shengzong’s personal name. The posthumous title contains the character chŏng 正, as if to “correct” the historical record. 63. Hwang Kwanjung, “Songdae muyŏk ŭi munmul kyoryu”; Na Minsu, “Koryŏ ŭi taeoe kyoyŏk,” 28. 64. Vermeersch, Power of the Buddhas, 120. 65. KRS 8.11a–b. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 315. 66. KRS 8.32a–b; Songshi 487, liezhuan 246, s.v. “Gaoli,” 14,046. Although the Korean source gives his name as Huang Shen 黃愼, the Chinese source gives his name as Huang Zhen 黃眞; I have followed the latter. 67. KRS 8.36a–b. 68. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 316. 69. Rogers, “Factionalism and Koryŏ Policy.” 70. For example, the 1073 embassy led by Kim Yanggam. KRS 9.10b–11a. 71.  See Franke, “Sung Embassies,” 119; Wright, From War to Diplomatic Parity, 103–107. 72. Chŏn Yŏngjun, “11–12 segi chŏnhu Yŏ-Song yangguk ŭi munhwa insik,” 274, citing Pak Yong’un, “Koryŏ-Song kyobing.” 73. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 323. 74. Pratt, “Music in Sung-Koryŏ Relations,” 201–205. 75. Ibid., 208–209. 76. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 318. Xu Jing also emphasizes the very same point (see chapter 40, “The Correct Calendar”). 77. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 319. The Koryŏsa also notes that when the emperor selected people to draft edicts to the Koreans, he chose only the best writers and calligraphers because he knew that Koryŏ esteemed culture. KRS 9.4b. This is a comment appended to the edict and gifts brought back by Kim Che in 1072. The historian also adds that those in charge of writing (sŏjanggwan) among the embassy personnel were called to the Royal Secretariat and tested on their knowledge of writing (wen). At that time no official embassy had yet been sent from Song, so perhaps this was added retrospectively. 78. KRS 9.18a. See KRS 9.18b–22b for the description of how the embassy was received; it includes the edict that was bestowed on King Munjong. The officials in

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charge of receiving the Chinese and looking after them in the hostel had all previously been on missions to China, so presumably they were used to dealing with the Chinese and perhaps knew some of the officials. 79. KRS 9.22a–b. Of course, we have to question how reliable this assessment is. Might it not have been caused by a misunderstanding or inflated expectations? In 1101, as military affairs director, An Tao would severely criticize the military campaigns in the western regions, castigating the military leaders for their “greed for merit.” Smith, “Irredentism as Political Capital,” 108–109. His biography also relates how he dismissed the attempts by Koreans to please him by saying that they much preferred the Chinese envoys over the Khitan envoys. Committed to the Shanyuan system in which Khitan and Song were equals, An Tao rejected any attempt at stoking belligerence to upset the peace. Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 320. 80. See Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 318. 81. See ibid. While there is truth in the claim that embassies used their visits to “spy,” there is no evidence that the Koreans passed on any intelligence to Liao. Indeed, given the fact that Liao missions had been frequenting Kaifeng long before contacts with Koryŏ were resumed, they did not need to rely on the Koreans for information. The economic motivation is of course also suspect, since Su Shi is only looking at the costs, not the benefits of trade. Profit in itself naturally was regarded with suspicion by traditionalist scholars such as Su Shi. 82. See KRS 10.3b. The Song condolence embassy arrived in the eighth month; it consisted of Yang Jinglüe as the sacrificial envoy and Wang Shunfeng as the condolence envoy. The Liao condolence embassy had arrived in the fourth month of 1084. KRS 10.2b. It must have taken some skill to ensure that the arrival of the respective embassies did not coincide. In the eighth month of 1085 Koryŏ sent a mission of condolence on the occasion of Emperor Shenzong’s death and at the same time dispatched an envoy to congratulate Emperor Zhezong on his accession. KRS 10.6a–b. 83. It is impossible to capture the nuances of the political debates of the time in a few sentences; for one, when Zhezong came of age and started to rule independently, he had in fact restored a number of reforms. Chaffee, “The Politics of Reform,” 32. 84. This may have suited the Koreans; Michael Rogers argues that due to the messy accession of King Sukchong, they preferred not to send a mission announcing Sukchong’s accession or the demise of Sŏnjong (r. 1083–1094), not to mention the abdication of Hŏnjong (r. 1094–1095). Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations” 329–332. 85. For a detailed study of this mission, see Toyoshima Yuka, “1116-nen nyūSō Kōrai shisetsu no taiken.” 86. Rogers, “Regularization of Koryŏ-Chin Relations,” 57n.28. 87. Ibid., 57–58n.29. 88. For the works by various authors containing evidence for what Rogers terms the “behind-the-scenes” negotiations, see ibid.



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89. KRS 15.5a. The various messages of condolence and concern are copied in abbreviated form in the Koryŏsa; Gaoli tujing cites the same messages in more extensive form in chapter 25 but makes no mention of Lu Yundi’s oral message. Chapter 26 describes the protocol of “private audiences” with individual members of the Chinese embassy, and it was likely then that Lu Yundi conveyed this invitation. Xu Jing must have been aware of this but chose not to report it, as it would entail admitting that the mission had failed. 90. On the reasons for this, see Chŏn Haejong, “Kodae Chunggug’in ŭi Han’gukkwan,” 64. 91. Hargett, “Some Preliminary Remarks,” 71. 92. Fu Lehuan, “Songren shi Liao,” 1. 93. Ibid., 3–4. 94. See Wright, “From War to Diplomatic Parity,” 183–190, for short summaries of these works. The other remaining accounts are the one by Chen Xiang, discussed in the section “Context: Travel Records and Embassy Accounts,” and Zhang Shunmin, of which only fragments remain. See Fu Lehuan, “Songren shi Liao,” 7. 95. Fu Lehuan, “Songren shi Liao,” 11–15. 96. Chavannes, “Voyageurs chinois,” pt. 1, 392–411. 97. Most Western authors seem to accept uncritically that “each Sung envoy dispatched . . . was required . . . to submit an [sic] yülu or embassy report.” Wright, From War to Diplomatic Parity, 175; see also Hargett, “Some Preliminary Remarks,” 78; Franke, “Sung Embassy Diary,” 172. 98. Fu, “Songren shi Liao,” 4. 99. Wright, “From War to Diplomatic Parity,” 196; Fu, “Songren shi Liao,” 4. 100. See, for example, the 1125 report by Xu Kangzong translated by Chavannes; the majority of the work consists of the thirty-nine stages of the journey to the Jin capital, and only a few pages are dedicated to the actual meeting with the new Jin emperor. Chavannes, “Voyageurs chinois,” pt. 2. 101.  Wright, “From War to Diplomatic Parity,” 191, 192. For the original text, see Chen Xiang, Shiliao yulu. 102. Wright, “From War to Diplomatic Parity,” 209. 103. Ibid., 196. 104. The translation of tujing as “maps/illustrations and treatises” was proposed by James Hargett in “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers,” 409. The only other embassy account with that title I have found so far is Zhang Di’s Jin tujing, compiled in the Chunxi period (1174–1189). See Chavannes “Voyagers chinois,” pt. 2, 362. For the sake of convenience, though, I prefer to translate it simply as “illustrated account.” Ruth Mostern also points to an 1169 preface by Huang Ding, on the basis of which she translates tujing as “map guides:” Huang Ding interprets jing as “guides to mountains,” while tu refers to maps, which are guides to (flat) territory. Mostern, “Dividing the Realm,” 75, 291n.109. 105. Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers,” 414. 106. Ibid., 419.

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Notes to pages 29–32

107. Chŏn Haejong, “Kodae Chunggug’in ŭi Han’gukkwan,” 64. 108. See Franke, “Sung Embassay Diary,” 172, for a list of the six remaining accounts, and 173 for evidence of other accounts that are no longer extant. 109. In her article “Diary of a Journey to the North” (p. 2) Linda Walton makes a detailed summary of this work, including large chunks of translation. 110. See Zhang Di, Jinguo tujing. Although it is already mentioned by Chavannes (“Voyageurs chinois,” pt. 2, 362–363), no other author seems to have taken note of it. Chavannes gives the title as Jin tujing 金圖經, but according to the text itself it is Jinlu tujing 金虜圖經; an editorial note in small characters says, however, that the derogative “caitiff” (lu) should be corrected to “country” (guo), so this would seem to be the correct title. Zhang Di, Jinguo tujing, 1750b. The text is found in a collection of documents related to diplomacy between Southern Song and Jin across three reigns of Southern Song emperors, from 1101 to 1161, compiled by Xu Mengxin (1126–1207). However, the latter chapters may have been added later, since some editions contain only 240 chapters while the Jinguo tujing is found in chapter 244. Also, it is not certain whether Xu Mengxin published the whole text or only parts of it. According to Chavannes, the text was compiled in the Chunxi period, but I have not been able to find more information about either the text or the author. 111. There is one other work with the expression tujing in the title that deals with foreign affairs, and that is the Jumi tujing 聚米圖經 (Illustrated account [describing geography as if] piling up heaps of rice) compiled in five fascicles by Zhao Xun 趙珣 during the reign of Renzong (1022–1063). It was highly praised by the emperor in 1041 and seems to have been a description of the western regions then occupied by the state of Xi Xia (1038–1227). It does not appear to have survived. See Li Tao, Xu zizhi tongjian changbian, 132; He Yongqiang, “Xu Jing ‘Xuanhe fengshi Gaoli tujing’ yanjiu,” 364. 112. See Hargett, On the Road, 152–154, 113. Ibid., 153. I have rendered these categories as “ceremonial attributes” and “flags and pennons,” respectively. 114. KRS 2.27b. As can be seen from table 2, however, even in the Silla period there may have been Chinese descriptions of Korea. 115. Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 78. 116. Kim Taesik, “Koryŏ ch’ogi sahaeng kirok ŭi kŏmt’o,” 193 ff. 117. Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 84. 118. This is Lu You’s (1125–1209) Lu shi Nantang shu. See ibid., 75–76. 119. KRS 10.25a. Otherwise nothing is known about these works; it is possible that these were records by previous Song or even earlier envoys that had found their way to Korea. A work entitled Gaoli fengsu 高麗風俗 and attributed to Pei Ju is mentioned in the Jiu Tangshu, juan 64 and Xin Tangshu, juan 58. See Yao Dayong, “Lun Xuanhe Gaoli tujing,” 339n.1. 120. Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 466–467. The text fragments were incorporated in the Shuofu 說郛 by Tao Zongyi (b. 1316). A work with the same title has been attributed to Wu Shi, the envoy of the 1103 mission. Ibid., 468n.170. However, since Xu Jing attributes the Jilin zhi to Wang Yun, we can take him to



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be the real author. The attribution to Wu Shi is simply because he was the main envoy; the same thing occurred for the Illustrated Account, which is sometimes attributed to Lu Yundi. 121. Ibid., 374. 122. Ibid., 469–475. Like the Jilin zhi, the fragments have been preserved in Tao Zongyi’s Shuofu. The Classified Affairs of Kyerim is attributed to one Sun Mu, who is said to have composed the work in three fascicles at the beginning of the Chongning era. 123. Or 301 subject headings according to Cho Tongwŏn, Yŏkchu Koryŏ togyŏng, 27. 124. See Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers,” 409. 125. Yao Dayong, “Lun Xuanhei Gaoli tujing,” 340–344. 126. Also, the same phrase (左溪右山) appears in a critical note in Sima Guang’s Zizhi tongjian, juan 270, chronology of Later Liang, fifth year, seventh month of King Jun (919). 127. Han Yŏng’u, “Sŏ Kŭng ŭi Han’guksa ch’egye,” 21. 128. Ibid., 25. 129. P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 201. See also Ouyang Xiu, Historical Records, 61, for the investiture of Wang Kŏn. Envoys from Koryŏ had arrived in Later Tang as early as 925. Ouyang Xiu, Historical Records, 49. 130. Sima guang, Zizhi tongjian, juan 270, chronology of Later Liang, fifth year, seventh month of King Jun (919). 131. Rogers, “Some Kings of Koryŏ,” 415–416. 132. Chang Kŏn, “Songdae munhŏn chung ŭi Koryŏ sahoe,” 72. For the original text, see Songshi 487, liezhuan 246, s.v. “Gaoli.” It is not clear what the basis for Chang’s statement is; a superficial comparison suggests that the Yuan-era compilers of the History of the Song preferred other sources. The overview is basically chronological, focusing especially on the exchanges between Song and Koryŏ. The writing is much more straightforward, and key passages about customs and basic facts about Koryŏ clearly are not based on Xu’s work. 133. Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 466–467. Perhaps the fact that most items relate to Buddhism is coincidental. 134. Ibid., 92–104. 135. Ibid., 114–15. 136. This misunderstanding seems to go back to Qian Xie (1034–1097), who brought some brushes back following a tour to Koryŏ in 1084. Han Ch’iyun notes in his Haedong yŏksa that Wang Yun in the Jilin zhi had also speculated as to the origin of the hairs, rejecting the monkey theory. See Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 355–356. 137. Zheng Chun actually wrote slightly after Xu Jing; ibid., 371 138. “In the summer crowds bathe in the streams, without separating male and female. Those living along the seashore, when the tide is down and boats are far, [those of] high and low [status] are in the water, and man and women all expose their shape.” Ibid., 469.

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139. Songshi 487, liezhuan 246, s.v. “Gaoli,”14,043. Li Tao’s (1115–1184) Xu zizhi tongjian changbian contains the same eye-witness account but with some missing parts; Ma Duanlin (1254–1323) includes exactly the same testimony in his Wenxuan tongkao, 325:2559. 140. See, e.g., Pyŏn T’aesŏp, “Chungang ŭi t’ongch’i kigu,” 29. Pyŏn rejects Xu’s testimony as unreliable, probably influenced by the preconceived notion that these organs should be separate, as in China. 141. Song Inju, “Koryŏ togyŏng e sŏsul toen kunje kwallyŏn kisa,” 175, 178. 142. Songshi 487, liezhuan 246, s.v. “Gaoli,” 14,053. The Songshi was compiled between 1343 and 1345. 143. For more on the cultural donations with which Emperor Huizong sought to woo the Koreans, see Pratt, “Music in Sung-Koryŏ Relations.” 144. See chapter 18. This Taoist temple is not mentioned in official histories such as the Koryŏsa, and thus it is tempting to see this as another Korean gesture to please Emperor Huizong, who was an avid sponsor of Taoism. However, there is evidence that Taoist adepts from Koryŏ had made a request for China to send Taoist priests to Koryŏ. See Yang Ŭnyong, “Pog’wŏn-gung kŏllip,” 490–491. 145. Rogers, “Regularization of Koryŏ-Chin Relations,” 61–62. 146. See Shultz, “Twelfth-Century Koryŏ,” 9. 147. KRS 14.17a–b. 148. KRS 96.6a–9b. It can also be found in Sŏ Kŏjŏng, Tongmun sŏn, kwŏn 64. 149. While his original name was Kim Yŏn 金緣, it was later changed to Kim Injon 金仁存. He was a descendent of the royal Silla clan through Chuwŏn, governor of Kangnŭng, a place to which he still had ties (as is evident from his merit title in the text). He probably passed the examinations in Sŏnjong’s reign but was an active policymaker during Yejong’s reign (1105–1122). He also served as a tutor to Yejong and died during the fifth year of Injong (1127). 150. KRS 96.5b; Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 333. Kim Injon had also been an envoy to Liao and was thus extremely well placed to grasp the international situation. 151. For Kim Yŏn’s memorial informing the king of the recoup of Baozhou, see KRS 14.21a. For his mission to the northern border, see KRS 14.19a–b. 152. KRS 14.22a. According to Keith Pratt (“Music in Sung-Koryŏ Relations,” 213), the ritual vessels were sent in advance, i.e., before Yi Charyang returned, in “April 1117.” However, I could find no evidence in the sources for this advance dispatching of presents. Perhaps this is the author’s inference to account for the discrepancy. As for the change of the name to Yi Chagyŏm, this was an unsatisfactory solution; we have no records of his visiting Song China, and it would indeed be unlikely that he would have done so, as he was basically the main powerbroker at the time. 153. Pratt, “Music in Sung-Koryŏ Relations,” 208–209. These were the instruments for the Dasheng music newly created under Huizong. 154. Hosono, “Kōrai jidai no Kaijō,” 26–30. Hosono discusses critically the information found in the Koryŏsa and Koryŏsa chŏryo.



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155. Ibid., 29. 156. Ibid, 32–33. Construction started in 1391. 157. Ko Yusŏp, Songdo kojŏk; this work already contains sketch maps of the city walls. 158. Chŏn Ryongch’ŏl, “Koryŏ Kaesŏngsŏng.” 159. Chang Chiyŏn, “Ch’ongnon: Koryŏ sigi Kaegyŏng,” 3. 160. Recently, however, research increasingly not only is based on literature research but also takes into account, for example, GIS and satellite information. See, e.g., Pak Sŏngjin et al., Koryŏ tosŏng kich’o haksul yŏn’gu. 161. KRS 83.4b–8b (“wisuk-kun”); Hosono, “Kōrai jidai no Kaijō,” 34. 162. Chŏn Ryongch’ŏl, “Koryŏ Kaesŏngsŏng,” 26, quoted in Hosono, “Kōrai jidai no Kaijō,” 36, where Hosono convincingly refutes Chŏn’s hypothesis. For the Koryŏsa entry, see KRS 56.3b. 163. Also enhancing his reliability is the fact that he is the only modern researcher not to have based his maps on the Chŏn model; instead, he has referred to colonial-era maps, which show most of the outline of the outer walls, presumably because their remains still existed at the time the maps were made (see, e.g., the 1918 map “Kaijō-Kai-söng,” scale 1:25,000, published by Chōsen Sōtokufu). Comparison with Chŏn’s map shows considerable differences, notably in the eastern section between the Hongin and Tŏksan Gates. 164. See Hosono, “Kōrai jidai no Keijō,” 43–44, for an explanation of how he determined the locations. It is not entirely clear how the author determined the twenty-eight locations of gates. It should also be noted that the water gates (notably, Sung’in-mun, Sŏn’gi-mun, and Changp’ae-mun had water gates adjacent to them) are not included in this list. 165. This “essentializing of ethnic others as monolithic” to control the “other” and in the process define one’s own identity is a process that is seen in virtually all societies. This quote is taken from Abramson, Ethnic Identity, ix, and refers to Tang China. 166. There is no evidence on how the work was received in China, but we may imagine that it fit the mood of the Southern Song, where some scholars found solace in the idea that China was a cultural entity that could survive outside of its place of origin. See Du and Kyong-McClain (citing Bol, “Geography and Culture”) in the introduction to their Chinese History in Geographical Perspective, 2.

Translation 1. Zhifangsi: I here follow Ruth Mostern’s translation of this office mentioned in the Zhouli but resurrected during the Song in 1002. Mostern, “Dividing the Realm,” 92. For the original passage see the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou), section on “summer offices” (Xiaguan sima 夏官司馬, yuren 圉人). 2. Traditional names for the barbarian tribes surrounding the Middle Kingdom.

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3. This passage is based on the Zhouli, section on “summer offices” (Xiaguan sima 夏官司馬, yuren 圉人). 4. Ibid., section on the “autumn offices” (Qiuguan sima 秋官司寇, daxingren 大行人). The xingren 行人 is described as someone in charge of the reception of guests, while the wuwu 五物 refers to his five responsibilities: (1) sending condolences and support money; (2) sending relief grains in years of bad harvest; (3) sending provisions to troops in case of war; (4) sending congratulations for happy events; (5) sending commiseration letters in case of disasters. 5. Ibid., section on “spring offices” (Chunguan zongbo 春官宗伯, waishi 外‌史). 6. Ibid., section on “land offices” (Diguan situ 地官司徒, dasitu 大司徒). 7. Ibid., section on “land offices” (Diguan situ 地官司徒, songxun 誦訓). 8. Ibid., section on “land offices” (Diguan situ 地官司徒, tuxun 土訓). 9. Liu Bang (256/247–195 BCE), founder of the Han. Later styled Emperor Gaozu. 10. Xiao He (d. 193 BCE). Originally a petty official at the Qin court, he shifted his loyalty to Liu Bang and handed him all the vital documents. Hanshu 39, “Xiao He Cao Can zhuan,” 9, 2006. Early Song historiographers appreciated the contribution this geographic knowledge made to the founding of the Han state. Mostern, “Dividing the Realm,” 90. 11. Changsun Sheng (552–609) was sent to the Tujue to receive their submission. Suishu 51, liezhuan 16, s.v. “chidi Shen,” 1330. 12. In its lower reaches the Liao River flows somewhat parallel to the Amnok (Ch. Yalu, the river forming a natural border between the DPRK and China) River to its west and empties into the Bohai Sea above the Liaodong peninsula. Although the term Liaodong 遼東 is now used only for the peninsula that is part of Liaoning province and separates the Bohai from the Yellow Sea, it here clearly has the wider sense of “everything east of the Liao River,” including the Korean peninsula. 13. Shenkao 神考: I understand this to mean “Shen[zong], deceased father [of Huizong].” 14. Although, of course, it was his virtue that supposedly induced them to come, the wording implies a more proactive inducement on the part of China, which was in fact the case. 15. See my introduction to this volume for some additional biographical information on him. The position of supervising secretary at the Chancellery corresponds to the junior fourth rank. His arrival in Korea is noted in Chŏng Inji et al., Koryŏsa 15.4b, 6a (KRS hereafter); there, however, his position is given as Libu shilang 禮部侍郞, or executive at the Ministry of Rites, senior fourth rank, a position one would expect following promotion from the position of supervising secretary. Evidently he had been promoted right before being chosen for the embassy, perhaps even on the occasion of the embassy: in chapters 25 and after, Lu Yundi’s position is also said to be executive at the Minisry of Rites. 16. The corresponding rank of his office is also of the junior fourth level. He is also mentioned in the History of Koryŏ (KRS 15.4b, 6a). According to some



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s­ources, he was the co-author of Gaoli tujing. See Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 475–476. 17. From the Shijing (Book of odes), “Minor Odes” (xiaoya). The poem (no. 163, 皇皇者華) is apparently about an envoy or messenger. 18.  Most translations interpret this passage as saying that the Jilin zhi allowed Xu Jing to complement his own work, but the opposite seems more likely: that he found much that needed to be complemented in this work. 19. Jumi, K. ch’wimi 聚米: This expression refers to the Eastern Han general Ma Yuan 馬援, who, in order to explain his strategy, piled up rice to depict mountains and valleys; hence the importance of visual depiction is supported by this ancient story. Also, during the reign of Emperor Renzong a work entitled Jumi tujing was compiled by Zhao Xun; it described the western border region, occupied since 1038 by the Xi Xia state. See n. 111 of the translator’s introduction. 20. Zhang Qian was sent on a mission to the Yuezhi by Emperor Wu of Han in 139 BCE. The Yuezhi, a people who had been living on China’s western frontier (modern Gansu province), were driven out by the Xiongnu and moved to Bactria, where they eventually founded the Kushan empire. Emperor Wu hoped to form an alliance with them against the Xiongnu. Zhang was captured by the Xiongnu, managed to escape after ten years, and finally returned to China in 126 BCE. 21. Fengyilang: This was a so-called prestige title (Ch. sanguan) for civil officials, corresponding to rank 8A. A prestige title is an office title without responsibility; sometimes it was also used to denote a suspended rank (for someone who has been suspended or otherwise relieved of his duties). It was probably granted on the occasion of the embassy, since Xu Jing had neither passed the state examination nor served in the central bureaucracy. 22. Feiyudai 緋魚袋: insignia signifying a lower rank. 23.  According to Chinese sources, chanyu 單于 and kehan 可汗 are titles for the leaders of countries such as the Xiongnu or Tujue. Both are equivalent to the title khan later also adopted by the Mongols. 24. I.e., their kings. But from the perspective of the Zhou order, Kija and his descendants would be vassals to the Zhou king. 25. I here romanize his title according to the Korean pronunciation, Kija, since he is so strongly associated with Korea, but romanize his name as Zi Xuyu because of his Chinese origins. 26. Most of the information in this chapter is derived from descriptions of foreign countries in early Chinese dynastic histories. The account of Wi Man is first found in Sima Qian’s Shiji and later also appears in Ban Gu’s Hanshu. See Lee, Sourcebook of Korean Civilization 1:9. Although Kija (Jizi) appears in many ancient Chinese records, none of the descriptions of Korea in the Chinese dynastic histories Xu Jing relies on actually mentions him as the founder of the country. The first firm evidence that Koreans traced the origins of their nation to Kija appears in early Koryŏ: the letter of investiture sent by Later Tang to Wang Kŏn in 933 praises him for following in the footsteps of Kija. See Han Young-woo, “Kija Worship in the Koryŏ and Early Yi Dynasties,” 352. Wi Man’s name is usually spelled Wiman

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in Western books on Korea, but Xu Jing—and several other sources—clearly takes Wi to be his surname and Man his first name. 27. Koryŏ 高麗: Zhibuzhai has 高驪 but notes that Zheng spells the name as 高麗. Although this state is now conventionally known as Koguryŏ, I will here follow Xu Jing’s interpretation that Koryŏ is the name of the country and Koguryŏ the name of its first fortress. 28. Also known as King Tongmyŏng. He is not mentioned in most of the early Chinese accounts of Koguryŏ, appearing first in the Liang shu and Wei shu. Xu Jing seems to base his account on the latter. See P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 101. For the Chumong myth, see Grayson, “Three Structural Patterns of Korean Foundation Myths.” 29. The rest of this paragraph is based on the Sanguo zhi account of Koguryŏ; see P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 63–65. Zheng has “four tribes.” 30. All editions except Siku quanshu have Yuantu 元[莵]; this should be Xuan­tu 玄[莵], following most historical records. 31. The Sanguo zhi states that the Koguryŏ chief was given the title of king for the first time only in 32 CE, so he could not have been demoted by Wang Mang. According to this source, Wang Mang demoted the name of the country: he had the ko (high) changed into ha (low). 32. Here I follow Zhibuzu zhai. Jingjiang has “[The Han] was revived and prevented [them] from sending administrators.” The second part of this sentence, about Koguryŏ’s sending of administrators (i 吏), is not corroborated by any of the dynastic histories. 33. Zheng has Jianshi 建始 instead of Jianwu. 34. Fan 藩 literally means “palisade” or “border” but can also be a dependent country because it acted as a kind of buffer state. 35. Jingjiang has fa 伐, “to attack,” but Zheng has dai 代, “to replace”; both meanings are implied here. 36. Wang Kung: personal name of King T’aejo (r. 53–146). Xu Jing clearly regarded Wang as the surname of the Kyeru rulers. This is the personal name as it appears in the Hou Hanshu 85, “Dongyi liezhuan,” 75, s.v. “Gouli,” 2814; according to the Samguk sagi, his name was Ŏsu (Kim Pusik, Samguk sagi, 1:284). 37. Wang Paekko: personal name of King Sindae (r. 165–179). The intervening king, King Ch’adae (r. 146-165) is for some reason left out of this chronology. 38. I’imo: personal name of King Kogukch’ŏn (r. 179–196). 39. Here, all editions give Kudo 九都, which is clearly a mistake for Hwando 丸都. Gongsun Kang was a member of the Gongsun family, which controlled Liao­ dong from 189 to 238; he came to power in 204. There is a great deal of confusion regarding the names of early Koguryŏ kings, their reigns, and their exact relationships, so while I have identified the kings mentioned here with the conventional chronology of Koguryŏ kings based on the Samguk sagi, I have not treated in detail the variant interpretations regarding their personal names and relationships. 40. Wigung 位宮: personal name of King Sansang (r. 196–227). 41. Xu Jing here likely uses the name Kuryŏ 句麗 because he is relying on the



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Sanguo zhi, which has the exact same variant of Koryŏ. P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 65. 42. The general’s name is Guanqiu Jian 毌丘儉, rather than Muqiu Jian 母丘 儉, as in most editions of Koryŏ togyŏng. This account seems based on the Liang shu, according to which Wigung attacked Xi’anping in 242. In 244 Guanqiu Jian, governor of Youzhou, part of the Wei kingdom, set out from Xuantu on a punitive expedition, routing Wigung’s army and pursuing it to Hwando. There, he slaughtered and beheaded more than ten thousand Koguryŏ soldiers. Wigung got away, so the next year Guanqiu Jian sent his general Wang Ji 王頎 in pursuit to Okchŏ 沃沮, entering more than one thousand li into its territory to the southern border of Suksin 肅愼, where he erected the monument. In Xu Jing’s very condensed version of the events, it looks as if Guanqiu Jian himself erected the monument. P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 94–95. In Jingjiang, the character sin is replaced by a note saying that it cannot be used because it is part of the “present ruler’s name” and thus interdicted. Zhibuzu zhai (using the variant 眘 rather than 愼) clarifies that it is “Xiaozong’s taboo name”; Emperor Xiaozong of Song reigned from 1162 to 1189. 43. All versions of Koryŏ togyŏng have Yu 劉, evidently a copy mistake of Soe 釗. See the Liangshu and Weishu accounts reproduced in P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 95, 102. According to Yi Pyŏngdo, this mistake (also made in the Samguk sagi) can be traced back to the Liangshu (the edition by P’aeng Kusong and Kim Chaewŏn does have Soe rather than Yu). See Kim Pusik, Samguk sagi, 1:333. However, Xu Jing here confuses Soe for his father; all sources clearly state that Soe was the son of Ulburi (King Mich’ŏn, r. 300–331), the king who grappled with Murong Hui (269–333). Soe was later known as King Kogugwŏn (r. 331–371). Again, Xu Jing condenses so many facts here that it is hard to follow his account without referring to his sources. 44. Murong Hui, posthumously styled Prince Wuxuan of Yan. 45. Murong Huang (297–348), posthumously styled Prince Wenming of Yan and eventually recognized as Emperor Wenming. Considered the founder of the Former Yan kingdom (337–370), Wenming dealt a fatal blow to the Puyŏ kingdom when he took its ruler and fifty thousand of its people hostage in 346. 46.  According to the Samguk sagi this took place in the eleventh month of 342. Kim Pusik, Koguryŏ Annals, 135–136. 47. The first part of this paragraph is based on the Liangshu (in P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 95), but the last sentence is taken from the Wei shu (ibid., 102). This refers to the attack in 371 by Paekche king Kŭn Ch’ogo (346–375) on Pyongyang, in which the Koguryŏ king, Kogugwŏn, was killed. Lee Ki-baik, New History of Korea, 37. 48. Murong Bao was the son of Murong Chui. We know from the Liang shu that this took place sometime after 386. However, it is not clear which king Ko An corresponds to; as a grandfather to Yŏn (King Changsu), he would have been King Kogugyang (r. 384–391), whose personal name was Iryŏn (or Ŏjiji). Most scholars surmise that King Kwanggaet’o (r. 391–413) is meant, even though the Samguk sagi records his name as Tamdŏk. The Samguk sagi makes no mention of this event, but

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it records that in the eleventh year of Kwanggaet’o (401) the governor of Pingzhou was forced to leave his city under attack from the Koguryŏ king. In the seventeenth year (407), a diplomatic mission was sent to the Yan court, which probably recognized that Koguryŏ was in de facto control of this area and “appointed” him governor of Pingzhou. 49. According to fasc. 18 of the Samguk sagi, this mission took place in 413, the first year of the reign of King Changsu (r. 412–491), whose personal name was Yŏn or Kŏyŏn. Furthermore, Samguk sagi gives the official’s name as Ko Ik 高翼, rather than Son Ik 孫翼, and describes the horses as “ochre-white” (chabaek 赭白). Yi Pyŏngdo glosses this as an “apricot blossom” color, which is exactly the term used by Xu Jing. Both refer to white tinted with an orange-reddish color, i.e., piebald. Kim Pusik, Samguk sagi, 1:324. For the translation of the term changsa 長史 as “regional chief,” see Kim Pusik, Koguryŏ Annals, 146n.46. 50. This was King Yŏngyang (r. 590–618), and the attack took place in the ninth year of his reign. Kim Pusik, Koguryŏ Annals, 179. 51. He killed King Yŏngnyu in 642 and usurped power in Koguryŏ. “Eastern tribe” here refers to Koguryŏ. 52. Read Pojang 寶藏 rather than Ko Chang 高藏 as in all versions of Koryŏ togyŏng. Because he lost the kingdom, he never received a temple name. Shultz, Koguryŏ Annals, 208. 53. For this passage, see the Xin Tangshu (in P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 173). There, the names of these two, who belonged to the Malgal people, are given as Kŏl Sabiu 乞四比羽 and Sarigŏl Kŏlchungsan 舍利乞乞仲象. Zhibuzu zhai and Xin Tangshu have Ŭmnu 挹婁 rather than Kyeru. Tae Choyŏng, a former Koguryŏ general, founded a state in 698, which in 713 adopted the name Parhae. He was not related to the Malgal Chungsan. 54. In the absence of a subject to this sentence, it is difficult to discern who made these decisions. Xu Jing probably believed or wanted to create the impression that Chinese agency was behind the creation of the Parhae state, which was in fact founded by Tae Choyŏng after he escaped from the settlement where he had been relocated by the Tang army. 55. Kŏmmojam led a revolt aimed at restoring Koguryŏ in 670. After he was killed by Gao Kan, the king sought refuge in Silla. 56. 舊城頗入新羅: Jiu Tangshu, on which this account seems to be based, has hu 戶, “households,” rather than cheng 城, “fortresses.” P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 156. 57. Which formed part of the Parhae state. 58. See Xin wudaishi, juan 74, cited in P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 201; however, according to the Koryŏsa, the Koryŏ envoy Yun Chil returned from Later Liang in that year. KRS 1.17a. The Later Liang ended in 923 and was succeeded by Later Tang. Note that we have moved here almost imperceptibly into the Koryŏ dynasty, which is represented by Xu Jing as simply a continuation of Koguryŏ. 59. See the introduction for an explanation as to why Xu may have inferred 931 rather than 918 to be the year of Wang Kŏn’s enthronement.



Notes to pages 65–67

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60.  According to Koryŏsa, this investiture mission was received in 933. KRS 2.3a. 61. Note that in the previous chapter the same event is said to have occurred one year earlier. 62. Wang Kŏn in fact died in 943, although he was indeed succeeded by his son Mu. Mu, posthumously styled Hyejong, died in 945. This means that Xu Jing here omits the third king of Koryŏ, Chŏngjong (Wang Yo), who reigned from 945 to 949. This is because the Koreans never reported his reign to their Chinese suzerains in the first place; for an analysis of the reasons behind this deliberate distortion of facts, see Rogers, “Kings of Koryŏ.” 63. Kwangjong indeed ascended the throne in 949, but he was a son of Wang Kŏn rather than Wang Mu (Hyejong). 64. Sigŭp: literally “food towns,” a kind of fief from which merit subjects— those who had distinguished themselves in the founding of the dynasty or other important dynastic projects—were entitled to collect rent. In this case, it was of course an empty title. 65. The last year of Kaibao is in fact the eighth (975), which is also the year Kwangjong actually died. 66. Kyŏngjong actually died in 981. Interestingly, a Liao emperor with the same title (Jingzong, 景宗) died in 982. Also, Sŏngjong was not a younger brother; he and Kyŏngjong only shared the same grandfather, Wang Kŏn. 67.  In fact, they had attacked in 993, but they retreated following peace negotiations conducted by Sŏ Hŭi on the Koryŏ side. The next year, Koryŏ requested military assistance from Song but when that was not granted, broke off official relations with Song. See KRS 3.26a–b for the events of 993 and KRS 2.27b for Wŏn Yu’s 994 mission to Song. 68. Zhibuzu zhai uses the more polite “northern frontier” rather than the derogatory term “caitiffs” (lu 虜) used in Jingjiang. 69. This happened in 997. Xu Jing omits any reference to a date for this transition. 70. The Koryŏsa places this event in 999 (KRS 3.32b–33a). The Songshi also places it in 1000 (Songshi 487, liezhuan 246, 14,042). 71. He actually died in 1009. His reign was likely extended by the Koreans to shift the blame to him for the Khitan invasions. 72. Actually Hyŏnjong was an uncle to Mokchong; he was probably represented as a younger brother in order not to upset the generational sequence. 73. This happened in 1014 (KRS 4.16b) and again in 1017 (KRS 4.23b). 74. These joint Koryŏ-Jurchen missions seem to have taken place in 1014– 1019 (see Rogers, “Notes on Koryŏ’s Relations,” 327). However, they are only recorded in Chinese sources; Koryŏ sources make no mention of Jurchen presence in any mission. 75. In fact there was no King Chŏngjong. For the reasons for fabricating such a king, see ibid. 418–420, and Rogers, “Studies in Korean History I,” 33n.2. This is also discussed in my translator’s introduction. The posthumous title referred to here was a “private conferment” (sasi 私諡) of the temple name; this refers to the

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fact that it was not officially conferred but rather “privately” claimed by his putative followers or descendants. 76. Tŏkchong (1031–1034) was of course a son of Hyŏnjong. Wang Hyŏng’s posthumous title was not Mokchong but Chŏngjong 靖宗 (r. 1034–1046). Mokchong, as seen, was the temple name of Wang Song. It is not clear why the title Mokchong is here assigned to a later king. 77. In fact, King Munjong came to the throne in 1046 and died in 1083. He was indeed a younger brother of Wang Hyŏng (Chŏngjong). 78. Modern Ningbo in Zhejiang province, one of the main ports from which Chinese envoys to Koryŏ departed. 79. While it is correct that he reigned for thirty-eight years, Xu here contradicts his earlier statement that Munjong seized power in 1071. 80. Wright translates this term (jidianshi) as “immolation envoy,” presumably because he would be in charge of burning incense at the sacrificial altar. Wright, From War to Diplomatic Parity, 106. 81. Banqiao became an important port during the Five Dynasties period. In 1088 a Bureau of Customs was established here. It is located on the Shandong peninsula, near Jiaozhou Bay, to the west of modern Qingdao. Originally the expedition was meant to depart from Mingzhou, but following delays in the selection of the embassy personnel, the ideal departure season was missed, hence the shift to Banqiao. See Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian, juan 337 (Yuanfeng 6, ninth month), 341 (same year, eleventh month). 82. This would mean he reigned from 1083 to 1087; in fact he reigned until 1094. 83. Again, this does not correspond to the actual state of affairs. Sŏnjong reigned from 1084 to 1094 and was succeeded by his son Uk, who reigned as Hŏnjong until his abdication in 1095. He was succeeded by his uncle, King Sukchong. Michael Rogers (“Some Kings of Koryŏ,” 417–418) surmises that Sukchong wanted to cover the traces of his usurpation of power and therefore made no mention of Uk to his suzerain, the Liao, or to the Song Chinese, instead substituting him with Yo, the third king of Koryŏ whose existence was never reported. As for the curious temple name Hoe: according to Rogers (“Koryŏ’s Relations with Sung and Liao,” 330), Uk was originally not given a temple name but only the posthumous title Hoesang (cherished early deceased); only in 1105, eight years after his death, was he given the temple name Hŏnjong. 84. Meicen: island in front of Mingzhou (Ningbo); also mentioned in chapter 34. 85. He did this in the third month of 1101. KRS 11.27a. 86. The literal meaning of this phrase is rather “when Munjong succeeded the office title [of his father].” Xu Jing is here trying to justify the sending of imperial missions even though Koryŏ was not a vassal to Song. The previous passage revealed the painful fact that Koryŏ kings heeded the taboo of their suzerain, the Liao emperor. Song China would normally only send important missions to invest Koryŏ rulers as kings, yet this privilege lay with the Liao. Thus the implication



Notes to pages 69–73

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here seems to be that the original titles that had been bestowed by Song on the first Koryŏ kings had somehow been transmitted to the present. 87. In fact he died in 1105. 88. See his biography in chapter 8. 89. I.e., the crown prince’s palace. 90. He was born in the tenth month of 1109 and was enthroned in 1122 at the age of twelve. KRS 15.1a. 91. Names of two small city states on the silk route, located in what is now Xinjiang province. Jushi (with its capital at Yarkhoto, modern Jiaohe) was located northeast of modern Turfan; Shanshan (Qargan) was a somewhat bigger state, originally named Loulan, located on the eastern edge of the Turfan basin. Miller (Accounts of Western Nations, 8) translates Shanshan as Kroraiṃna without further explanation. The accounts from the Zhou shu indeed state that these states had walled cities. For their location, see Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 2:65–66. 92. I.e., local seats of administration. 93. Tamna 聃羅: Also written T’amna 耽羅, modern Cheju Island, it had become a prefecture of Koryŏ in 1105. KRS 57.55a–b. 94. Hŭksu, or “Black Water,” probably refers to the Hŭksu Malgal 黑水靺鞨, a branch of the Malgal people living in the northeast of the Korean peninsula and Manchuria. 95. Moin: This term occurs in many sources to designate an imaginary barbarian country somewhere across the sea. 96. In fact both Naju and Kwangju were cities located in Chŏlla-do, corresponding to the ancient Paekche territory. 97.  I use “league” to translate the traditional unit of distance, the ri (Ch. li 里), a distance of 360 paces, or roughly 500 meters. 98. All these prefectures were located on the northern coast of the Shandong peninsula, then known as Jingdong. 99. Mingzhou (modern Ningbo) was located a little inland along a river, with Dinghai county guarding the entrance to the river along the sea. See also chapter 34. 100. The fortress was actually built by the Khitan in 991 to separate Koryŏ and Jurchen territory. Lee Ki-baek, New History of Korea, 125. 101. Amnok 鴨錄, also known under its Chinese name Yalu, literally means “mallard-green.” Although most of the place names discussed here were not under Koryŏ jurisdiction, I have chosen to romanize them according to Korean pronunciation because Xu Jing clearly identifies them with Koguryŏ. 102. Probably the modern Hun River 渾江, which flows past Huanren into the Yalu (Amnok). See Byington, “Han’s Xuantu Commandery and Koguryŏ State Formation,” 20. Kungnae-sŏng, modern Ji’an, was until 427 the capital of Koguryŏ. It is located on the northern bank of the Yalu River. 103. Anp’yŏng Fortress: Most likely, Ansi Fortress is meant here; see Jiu Tangshu and Xin Tangshu (in P’aeng and Kim, Tongi chŏn, 153, 177).

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Notes to pages 73–74

104. Zhibuzu zhai does not have the part on the Liao River but notes that “Zheng has the sentence ‘480 li east-west [sic] of the Liao River.’ “ 105. This is one of the few instances where Zhibuzu zhai has retained this derogative term. 106. The location of these rivers and the fortress could not be ascertained. 107. Given the date, this probably refers not to Li Ji’s final attack on Koguryŏ, which took place in 667–668, when Namso Fortress was taken together with two other fortresses by Xue Rengui in the ninth month of 668, but to a raid which took place in 647. On this occasion the fortress was not taken, but its outer walls were destroyed. Yi Pyŏngdo, in his translation of Samguk sagi, identifies it as the “modern Nanshan chengzi 南山城子.” Kim Pusik, Samguk sagi, 1: 391 (kwŏn 22). According to Mark Byington (“Control or Conquer,” 98–99), it is to the south of modern Fushun city on the Suzi River. 108. In fact, Namso is located on a branch of the Hunhe River, which flows from there west through modern Shenyang before joining the Liao River. It is possible, therefore, that Xu Jing (or the source he relies on) is referring to the Hunhe River when talking about the “source of the Liao.” 109. Note Ouyang Xiu’s similar appreciation in his Xin Wudaishi, juan 74: “Koryŏ [people] commonly know characters, and enjoy reading books.” P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 201. 110. All editions have Kudo-san 九都山, but this should evidently be Hwando-san 丸都山; at the foot of this mountain was located Kungnae-sŏng, the Koguryŏ capital for four centuries until 427. 111. At the beginning of Koryŏ, the city was known as Kaeju, but in 995 King Sŏngjong installed Kaesŏng-bu as the administrative seat for the capital area. Pak Yong’un, Koryŏ sidae Kaegyŏng, 59. 112.  Xu Jing calls it Sungsan 崧山, but this character does not appear in Koryŏ sources, which usually call the mountain Song’ak 松嶽, or “Pine Peak.” 113. Wuyin: In correlative thinking, all elements in the phenomenal world can be linked through a set of correspondences; thus the five notes correspond to the five phases (wuxing), which in turn are paired with the seasons, organs, etc. In geomancy the five phases, sometimes referred to as “elements,” are applied to mountain shapes. Thus, an auspicious site has a tiger-shaped mountain—asso­ ciated with the element metal—to its west and a dragon-shaped mountain—associated with the element wood—to its east. This basic configuration allows for an endless variety of interpretations as to how the landscape can affect the people living there, which is seen in the explanation that follows. 114. Literally this sentence seems to read “since the Wang family is a Shang [-dynasty] family name . . .”; however, besides the ancient Shang dynasty, the character sang 商 also connotes the west, and trade. Presumably it is simply a way of saying that the surname Wang corresponds to the “western” quarter in geomantic terms, but it may also refer to the fact that the ancestors of Wang Kŏn were maritime traders. 115. The hexagram qian 乾 stands for rising, prospering.



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116. In geomancy, the main mountain (chusan) north of a propitious site needs to be faced to its south by a table or servant mountain (ansan). From the description, this mountain would seem to correspond to Chanam Mountain in the middle of the city, which is about a hundred meters high. 117. This probably refers to Yongsu Mountain, which at 177 meters is approximately twice the height of Chanam Mountain. See map 2 for the location of this mountain. 118. This description does not make sense. There is indeed a waterway originating north of Mount Song’ak, but it flows east of the city without entering it. A small stream originating on the southern flank of Mount Song’ak flows through Gwanghwa-mun, the main gate of the palace, before flowing out of the city and joining with the waterway just described. Xu Jing seems to have gotten the direction of the water flow wrong here. 119.  In fact, the city is usually described as being dominated by the water element. See Yi Pyŏngdo, Koryŏ sidae ŭi yŏn’gu, 96. 120. Zheng has “at the back a mountain pass and to the front the ridge.” 121. The fact that Xu Jing emphasizes this indicates that many people must have thought that Kaesŏng was simply the new name of Pyongyang. 122. Nüjiang, K. yŏjang 女墻: so called “because it is low compared with the city wall as a woman compared to a man”; a kind of battlement or low wall erected on top of the main wall. See Libbrecht, Chinese Mathematics, 453. 123. Dilou, K. chŏngnu 敵樓: literally “enemy towers,” a kind of watchtower that juts out of the walls, especially placed on either side of a gate to protect it. Xu probably refers to wooden superstructures built on top of the walls. 124. Zheng has “eleven gates.” 125. Probably a reference to Wang Yun’s Jilin zhi compiled in ca. 1103. 126.  Here all the references to the “old monograph” are printed as interlinear notes in the original editions of the Illustrated Account. 127. According to Zheng it is Ku-mun 求門. 128. Zheng has Suji 須知 instead of Suhyul 須恤. This is one of the few instances in the Illustrated Account of a transcribed Korean word, but unfortunately its meaning is unclear. 129. Zheng calls it the Changsak-mun 長朔門. 130. I.e., to Chŏngju. For this place name, see the explanation in the next chapter. 131. Kyŏngsi-sa 京市司: Although this name does not appear in the History of Koryŏ, the Kyŏngsi-sŏ 京市署 does; it is unmistakably the same office. Under the latter title it appears frequently in the History of Koryŏ, and as its name implies, it played an important role in regulating the markets. Ch’oe Yŏng (1316–1388), for example, used it to fix prices. KRS 113.43a. 132. Pongsŏn-go 奉先庫: As explained in chapter 16, it stored the utensils used in the offerings to royal ancestors. According to the Koryŏsa, however, it was established in 1093 at the Kwangin Hostel 廣仁館 to store grain used to defray the expenses for memorial rites for deceased kings and queens. KRS 77.24b.

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133. Kan, k’an: the surface area delineated by four pillars. 134. 不欲使人: Alternatively, this could mean “they did not want the envoys to see [how ugly they are].” 135. This undoubtedly refers to the water gate (Sugu-mun) next to the Chang’pae Gate, therefore also known as the Changp’ae sugu-mun. 136. Louguan, K. nugwan 樓觀: probably a kind of pleasure pavilion rather than a multi-storied building. 137. This probably refers to the Jilin zhi. 138. The poles may thus have been a kind of spirit pole or perhaps guardian pole (sŭngnang); Korean shamans still place bamboo poles decorated with pennons in front of their houses. 139. It is not clear whether these are the names of wards (pang 坊) or the names of markets (si 市). Most translators ignore the wards and simply translate pangsi 坊市 as markets, but Xu Jing seems to be saying here that these wards in fact had no real markets. Some names, however, suggest that they were connected with trade. 140. Thus Xu Jing accuses the Koryŏ people of using the boards and gallery to obfuscate the poor state of shops and wards in the capital. The eloquent names on the hanging boards in the gallery suggest impressive wards and even markets, which the viewer would normally not be able to ascertain because of the gallery; in fact, both the boards and the gallery are meant to hide derelict sites where little or no trade takes place. 141. Here I follow Zhibuzu zhai, which has xu, K. hŏ 墟, which can also mean market, rather than Jingjiang’s xu, K. hŏ 虛 “vacant.” 142. According to Zhibuzu zhai, Zheng has inserted a note here that six characters are missing, but Bao Tingbo notes that, judging from the context, nothing seems to be missing. 143. These three are the cities now known as Seoul, Kyŏngju, and Pyongyang. 144. These are here designated as pu 府, which presumably stands for tohobu 都護府, regional military commands; there were in fact five of these. See Lee Kibaik, New History of Korea, 114. 145. Yŏngjang 令長: This could also refer to the local officials, known as hyang­ni in Korean. 146. Yu, K. ye 豫, the sixteenth hexagram of the Yi jing; it corresponds to the image of “enthusiasm” but also to “preparation.” “The upper trigram movement (Chên), and also the sound of thunder; this suggests the image of the night watchman making his rounds with a clapper and encountering danger . . .” (Wilhelm, I Ching, 466–467). The Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) is the first of a legendary sequence of rulers known as the Five Emperors. Yao and Shun were the fourth and fifth. They in particular are regarded by Confucian scholars as the founders of morality and civil conduct. 147. Guan, K. gwan 觀: probably short for louguan 樓觀, a kind of viewing tower; see n. 136. 148. The Spring and Autumn Annals, dealing with the Spring and Autumn



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period (722–481 BCE), were traditionally ascribed to Confucius and were therefore read to discover his covert judgments on history. 149. Mun’gwŏl 門闕: a palace gate or gate of similar grandeur. Such a gate would have a pavilion-like superstructure made of wood with a tiled roof that sat atop the stone gate building. 150. Wangsŏng 王城 here refers to the walls of the capital. 151. Wuchang, K. osang 五常: the five Confucian virtues, namely, wisdom, humanity, propriety, righteousness, and trust. On the pairing of these virtues with the directions, see n. 113 above. 152. Ongsŏng 瓮城: a gate with a separate protective wall in front of it to protect it against enemy attacks, thus a kind of double gate. 153. This journey is described from chapter 24 onward. 154. I.e., the shrine at Mount Song’ak; see chapter 17. 155. This would imply it was a kind of palisade wall, perhaps protecting a stamped earth rampart. 156. Chŏngju 正州: No such locality existed in Koryŏ; most likely what is meant is Chŏngju 貞州, a prefecture just south of Kaesŏng, now part of Kaep’ung district. 157. Perhaps just Xu Jing’s conjecture, as this is the eastern gate. 158. Samgak-san 三角山: the mountain just north of modern Seoul. For the location of the gates, see the previous chapter. 159. Ŭijeryŏng 儀制令: It is not clear to what this refers. Zhibuzu zhai has “four characters” instead of “four affairs”; however, evidently there are only three, unless one includes the character for “gate” that is implied. 160. This is the first hexagram, qian 乾. The explanation reads “乾, 元亨利 貞.” Wilhelm (I Ching, 369) translates this as “the creative works sublime success, furthering through perseverance.” 161. I.e., a poster with a wish for prosperity posted to the door on the occasion of the new year, as is still practiced in China and Korea. 162. To 堵: This unit is defined as a wall segment of fifty cubits. Since one cubit is approximately. 0.5 meter, one to would equal 25 m. This would make the wall more than 2 m long, which seems improbable; perhaps the unit had a different value at the time. 163. Ch’anghap-mun 閶闔門: The name of this gate is almost impossible to translate, since all three characters have the basic meaning of gate. 164. As Kim Ch’ang-hyŏn (Koryŏ Kaegyŏng ŭi kujo, 291) points out, the names of all these gates indicate that one is to enter the inner or “heavenly” precinct. 165. The text has Ou leigeng 歐率更, Director of the Watches Ou. This refers to Ouyang Xun (557–641), one of China’s most famous calligraphers. The position of director of the watches, though in origin literally someone in charge of the maintenance of water clocks, had by his time become an important function within the Household of the Heir Apparent. 166. I.e., the gates to individual compounds within the palace. The Ch’angdŏk and Hoebin Halls are explained in the next chapter, the Sŭnghyu Gate in chapter

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16. “Ch’ungung,” literally “spring palace,” refers to the hall where the heir apparent resided. 167. Here written as Hap-mun 閤門; the first character is a variant of the second character of Ch’anghap-mun. 168. This flight of stairs is still preserved and is one of the most famous landmarks of the Manwŏldae palace site. For the layout of the halls and gates, see map 3. 169. The Xi-Xia empire (1038–1227). In the expression Xiatong 夏童, probably the second character, meaning “child,” is a partial transcription of “Tangut,” the name of the people who founded the Xi-Xia empire. 170. This final paragraph seems to jar with what precedes it; presumably the author here shifts the narrative to the spot from which he observed the palace, where he probably made drawings of the palace buildings. 171. What Xu Jing refers to here as the “royal palace compound” (wangbu) is usually termed the “imperial enclosure” (hwangsŏng) in modern scholarship. It is the outer defensive wall of what was effectively a city within the city. Within that compound there was another perimeter surrounding the main palace, which in modern scholarship is known as the “palace enclosure” (kungsŏng); I prefer to use the term “inner palace compound.” See Kim Ch’anghyŏn, Koryŏ Kaegyŏng ŭi kujo, 141–176. Xu Jing also uses the term “inner city” (naesŏng), probably referring to the southern half of the royal palace compound, separated from the northern half by a wall running from west to east. 172. Most of them are listed in chapter 16. 173. Seven of them are detailed starting with the next section, “Hoegyŏng Hall.” 174. Samgak 三閣: This refers to the Ch’ŏngyŏn, Yŏnyŏng, and Pomun Pavilions described in the next chapter under “Yŏnyŏng Pavilion.” 175. Instead of this sentence, Zhibuzu zhai has “for every meeting they go straight to the great hall,” but it gives an alternative sentence from Zheng that is identical to the Jingjiang version. 176. Instead of this sentence, Zhibuzu zhai has “for every matter that has to be brought up to the throne.” Here, too, reference is made to an alternative sentence in Zheng that is identical to Jingjiang. 177. This happened, for example, when on official from Dengzhou or another port city was dispatched to inform the Koreans of the death of an emperor; this would then allow them to prepare a condolence embassy. In fact, this hall was also used for receiving imperial decrees brought back from China. See, e.g., KRS 14.22a. 178. I.e., the number of buildings corresponds to the number of consorts. 179.  A detached hall refers to a hall within its own self-contained compound. Changgyŏng Hall had in fact been renamed Sungdŏk Hall in 1105 (KRS 12.16a). Chunggwang Hall would be renamed Kang’an Hall in 1138, when most palace buildings were renamed (KRS 16.43b). 180. Oejo 外朝: a court where the king discussed policy with his officials. 181. Zhibuzu zhai points out that only two pavilions are actually mentioned.



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However, as noted in the introduction to chapter 5, together with Yŏnyŏng Pavilion they form a triad (literally a “tripod”), so probably “in front” refers to Chahwa Hall. 182. Although the character for swallow (yŏn 燕) is used here, the Koryŏsa refers to it with the character for banquet (yŏn 讌); both characters are in any case interchangeable (KRS 14.17a–b). 183. On him, and on the problems with this text, see my introduction. 184. This prefix means that an office is granted to someone who is not yet of the appropriate rank; i.e., he is given the position on probation or on a temporary basis. 185. Chŏn’aek 篆額: the top part of a stele inscription, which traditionally carries the stele title in seal script. This means that the text was inscribed on a stone monument located in front of the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion. 186. Hong Kwan 洪灌, who originally came from Tangsŏng-gun, was an expert scholar and calligrapher versed in the style of Silla’s Kim Saeng. He compiled for King Yejong a record of events from the Three-Han period and was also versed in prognostication (yin-yang). According to his biography, he reached the position of custodial vice director of the left at the Ministry of Works (2B) during Injong’s reign. KRS 121.9a–10a. 187. T’ongbong taebu 通奉大夫: According to Hucker (Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 7484), “grand master for thorough service” is a prestige title for civil officials of rank 3B in the Song. The term does not occur in the Koryŏsa, however; instead, the term for a prestige title of rank 3B is kwangnok taebu 光祿大夫 (KRS 77.45b). In the Song system, this title would have corresponded to the rank 2B (Hucker, Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 3349). Perhaps the terms had been deliberately adjusted so as not to offend or confuse the Song embassy. 188.  According to Hucker, those policy advisors with the prefix “left” worked for the Chancellery, those with the prefix “right” for the Royal Secretariat; both had a rank of 3A. Hucker, Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 4834. In Koryŏ, however, these institutions were largely merged into a single Royal Secretariat-Chancellery, thus “left” here has the conventional meaning of “senior.” 189. Sanghogun: according to Hucker, the third highest merit title (3A) awarded for extraordinary military service. Ibid., no. 4999. In Koryŏ, however, this appears to have been a regular military title also corresponding to rank 3A. 190. I.e., the Yŏnyŏng Pavilion. 191. These four sages are here represented by abbreviated names as 周孔軻 雄. Yang Xiong (53 BCE—18 CE) was one of the most prominent scholars of the Former Han dynasty, especially famous for his fu poetry but also as a moral thinker. He even wrote the first known lexicon of Chinese dialects. 192.  I.e., the four classes of people: scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants. 193. Zheng has “third day.” This date is omitted from the text reproduced in the biography of Kim Yŏn in the Koryŏsa, which is otherwise identical. Chŏngyu and kapsul are terms for years in the sexagenary cycle of ten heavenly branches and twelve earthly stems. Xu Jing usually provides dates according to the reign title (Ch. nianhao) of a Chinese emperor but occasionally uses the sexagenary system.

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194. Wang Po together with the next three people were brothers of King Yejong and sons of King Sukchong. As described in the biography of Yi Chagyŏm in chapter 8, Wang would eventually be banished for allegedly plotting to overthrow his nephew Injong. 195. T’ongŭiho 通義侯: This title appears to have been used only for Wang Kyo; it only occurs in the sources in conjunction with his name. 196. Kim Kyŏngyong (1041–1125): Following the decision in 1109 to return the nine fortresses built by Yun Kwan, together with Ch’oe Hongsa, Yi Wi, and others, he went to the Sŏnjong Hall to denounce Yun Kwan, who was stripped of his post (KRS 96.24a). Yi Chagyŏm was actually behind the downfall of Yun Kwan (see Shultz, “Twelfth-Century Koryŏ,” 9–10). 197. Yi Wi 李偉 (1049–1133), written as 李瑋 in the Koryŏsa, sided with Kim Kyŏngyong in his criticism of Yun Kwan. 198. See his biography in chapter 8. 199. Cho Chungjang (d. 1119): As with most officials listed here, he was promoted shortly after Wang Chaji returned from China and right before the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion first appears in the sources in the eighth month of 1116. KRS 14.15b–16a. 200. Kim Chun (1057–1124): He assisted Yun Kwan in his war against the Jurchen. KRS 97.19a–b. 201. Kim Chihwa (fl. 1101–1124): He appears frequently in the annals for Yejong’s reign but does not have his own biography in the Koryŏsa. 202. Yi Kwe (d. 1122): In 1101 he was ordered by Ŭich’ŏn to take a bronze bell as a gift to Liao, for which he was later punished. KRS 97.7b. 203. Wang Chaji (1066–1122): He returned from a mission to Song China in the sixth month of 1116, bringing the newly completed Song court music. KRS 14.14a–15b. 204. Han An’in (d. 1122): He was exiled and killed for his alleged involvement in a plot against Yejong. In reality, he was eliminated by his rival Yi Chagyŏm. See Shultz, “Twelfth-Century Koryŏ.” 205. Xuanhe: It is also the era name adopted by Emperor Huizong in 1119— after this text was allegedly written—but was generally indicative of his policy of seeking peace through culture. 206. T’aech’ŏng 太淸 is also an era name adopted under Emperor Wu of Liang, corresponding to the period 547–549. 207. KRS 96.7a has Yi Chagyŏm; according to the annals section of the Koryŏsa, Yi Charyang (d. 1123, Yi Chagyŏm’s younger brother) was sent on a mission to Song in the seventh month of 1116 to profess thanks for the bestowal of Song ritual music brought back the previous month (KRS 14.16b). He returned in the fifth month of the following year, after the date on which this meeting supposedly took place (KRS 14.22a). 208. A reference to the Dashengyue, the “music of great profusion,” which Wang Chaji had brought back. 209. Perhaps the flush induced by the wine?



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210. From the poem “Banshui 泮水” in the “Odes of Lu,” from the Shijing. Translation adapted from Legge, The Chinese Classics, vol. 4 (as reproduced at ctext.org/book-of-poetry). The term “Banshui” literally means “surrounded by water on two sides”; apparently the National Academy in Zhou times was in a building that had a moat on only two sides. 211. From the poem “Bigong 閟宮” in the “Odes of Lu,” from the Shijing. Translation adapted from Legge, The Chinese Classics, vol. 4. 212. From the poem “Lu ming 鹿鳴” in the “Odes of Lu,” from the Shijing. Translation adapted from Legge, The Chinese Classics, vol. 4. 213. Taemun 臺門: This could refer to the tower gates mentioned in chapter four or to the gate of the Censorate (Ŏsadae). 214. Not to be confused with the building of the same name within the royal compound. 215. “Wen wang shi zi” 文王世子 is a chapter from the Liji (Records of ritual). 216. Zheng has twelve characters missing at the end of this section. 217. Zhibuzu zhai has Changan Palace 長安宮 instead of Sangan Palace 常安 宮. The latter is correct, as it appears in the titles of some Koryŏ princes. 218. Such’ang Palace: Although it appears in the Koryŏsa, it is otherwise not described by Xu Jing. 219. Derived from the Liji, which has: “To the east [the barbarians] are called Yi, they are covered in hair and decorate the body . . . to the south [the barbarians] are called Man, they tattoo the forehead and sit cross-legged.” See the chapter “Wang zhi” (royal government) of the Liji. Thus Xu Jing has confused the descriptions of two kinds of barbarians and moreover has misquoted the part on the eastern barbarians; the phrase “they have short hair” is something that is normally attributed to the southern barbarians. See Suishu 82, liezhuan 47, s.v. “Nanman,” 1831. 220. Hou Hanshu 85, “Dongyi liezhuan,” 75, s.v. “Koguryŏ,” 2813. Taega, soga, and chubu are titles for Koguryŏ noblemen who were entitled to take part in government. 221. Poktu 幞頭: a kind of cap the front part of which is lower than the back and with wing-like attachments on both sides. See fig. 3. 222. Myŏn 冕 or myŏllyugwan 冕旒冠 is a cap with a flat top piece from which strings of beads are suspended; kyu 圭 is a kind of slender tablet to be held before the mouth at important ritual events or audiences. 223. Hol 笏: similar to the kyu mace but used by someone somewhat lower in rank. 224. I here follow Zheng’s “respectful” rather than the “calling, praise” in Jingjiang. 225. I here follow Zheng in adding “heard,” which is omitted in other editions. 226. According to Zhibuzu zhai, Zheng omits 281 characters after taedae, erroneously continuing with the last sentence from the section on “chief councillors.” The ranks introduced here are obviously only relevant for Koguryŏ, so it is not certain why Xu Jing includes them, as Koryŏ basically used the Tang system,

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something of which he must have been aware. Moreover, there were twelve rather than nine ranks (Xu actually lists twelve ranks); for a list of the twelve Koguryŏ ranks, see Lee Ki-baik, New History of Korea, 52. Although Xu Jing must have based his account on similar lists in the Suishu, Jiu Tangshu, and Xin Tangshu, in fact all give a different sequence and somewhat different terms. It is not clear whether Xu Jing devised his own sequence or copied from another source. 227. Evidently the text is corrupt here, as this term does not even occur in the list just mentioned. Most likely this is an abbreviation of t’aedae puinsaja or t’aedaesaja (designating the fourth rank); Zhibuzu zhai has taehyŏng saja. 228. Chŏnsŏgaek 典書客: This term does not appear in any source; either it is a mistake or a combination of chŏnsŏ (library clerk) and chŏn’gaek (custodian of foreign visitors). 229. Ch’ŏryŏgŭnji according to Lee Ki-baik, New History of Korea, 54. 230. In the list above this rank is called ŭidu taehyŏng, rank 5; this seems to be the more standard version. See ibid., 52. 231. According to Cho Tongwŏn (Yŏkchu Koryŏ togyŏng, 125n44), this is probably a reference to the Tang compendium of administrative law, the Tang liudian 唐六典, which was started during the Kaiyuan period in 722 and finished in 738. However, it is more likely to refer to the Kaiyuan ritual code, which was finished in 732 and is also referenced in the beginning of the next chapter as a source for bureaucratic knowledge on Korea. 232. These are titles for the top-ranking officials, corresponding to rank 1A. The grand preceptor is one of the “three preceptors” (samsa 三師), while the defender-in-chief is one of the “three dukes” (samgong 三公). 233. As the leaders of two of the three key departments (samsŏng 三省) in the executive branch of government—the Royal Secretariat and the Department of Ministries (the third being the Chancellery)—they had rank 1B. 234. Chief councilor (kuksang 國相): A more literal translation would be “state minister,” but the term is here evidently used in the sense of chaech’u 宰樞, officials of the highest two ranks of the main state organs, those who were allowed to take part in state councils. This is evident from the list of officials that follows, of whom we know that they were regarded as chaech’u in Koryŏ. See Pak Yong’un, “Kwanjik,” 113. 235. The top man in the third of the three branches of government (samsŏng), the Chancellery; rank 1B. 236. This is another of the “three dukes,” also rank 1A. 237.  These are the second in command at these instutions, rank 2A. Although the term sirang 侍郞 normally suffices to designate the position of vice director, in Koryŏ the term p’yŏngjangsa 平章事 is habitually added to the title. Originally this term, translated by Hucker (Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 4703) as “manager of affairs,” simply signified that an official had reached a rank that automatically made him a chief councilor, but it became part of the title of vice director in Koryŏ. 238. Third in rank (2B) at the combined Royal Secretariat-Chancellery. 239. Second in rank (2A) at this institution.



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240. Like the senior executive in government affairs, third in rank (2B) at the combined Royal Secretariat-Chancellery. It is not clear what the difference between the two positions is; also, this is one of the few bureaucratic terms that does not seem to originate in Chinese practice. 241. P’an sangsŏ ibu sa 判尙書吏部事: As explained by Hucker, the construction “p’an . . . sa” signifies someone taking temporary charge of another office, usually higher than his rank allows (Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 4436). However, in Koryŏ it appears to have been the standard term for the minister of personnel. Regarding the original text, it is said the Zheng edition lacks all the content of this section up to this place in the text, and also most of the previous section. See n. 226 above. 242. Rank 2B and 3A, respectively. 243. Tongjiwŏn chusa 同知院奏事: most likely the tongjiwŏnsa 同知院使, an office of rank 2B at the Security Council. 244. Here I regard the ŏsŏn kŭmdae 御仙金帶 as ŏsŏnhwa kŭmdae 御仙花金帶; see also n. 588 below. 245. Rank 3B at the Department of Ministries. 246. Sŭngji 承旨 literally means a “transmitter of edicts” but is also used for an official of rank 3B at the Security Council; in combination with the term “academician” (haksa 學士), however, the term is unclear. 247. Chonggwan 從官: in Koryŏ, officials of the fourth rank, mainly prefects and executives of the so-called courts (si). The Koryŏsa thus often uses the term si chonggwan 侍從官 to refer to such officials. Hucker (Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 7175) translates it as “supporting official,” “petty personnel subordinate to whatever superior is indicated by the context.” 248. Here I take kŭpsa sirang 給事侍郞 to be two separate, slightly abbreviated, offices. The former (fully, kŭpsajung 給事中) is an official of rank 4B in the Chancellery, the latter of rank 4A at the Six Ministries. 249. Chumok yusu sabu 州牧留守使副: According to Xu Jing the term would refer to a kind of governor for one of Koryŏ’s eight provinces or important districts. In fact, the term yususa refers to a kind of magistrate who was dispatched to one of Koryŏ’s three auxiliary capitals (Pyongyang, the western capital; Kyŏngju, the eastern capital; and Yangju [Seoul], the southern capital). Special commissioners (sa) and their assistants (pusa) would indeed be dispatched from the center to the provinces, so I have translated chumok yusu sabu as three different offices, even though we might also read the passage as “the resident and assistant governor.” See Ha Hyŏn’gang, “Chibang t’ongch’i chojik,” 173. 250. Sabu hosa 四部護使: probably a reference to protectorates (tohobu), actually a kind of regional military command, of which there were five in Koryŏ. 251. Kyŏng kam 卿監: titles of directors of less important offices. 252. Zhibuzu zhai has “purple.” 253. Yuksi 六寺: It is not clear where Xu Jing gets this number. The standard designation for such “top echelon service agencies” since the Tang is the Nine Courts (Jiusi, K. Kusi 九寺), although in fact there were usually more than nine

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courts (Hucker, Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 1317). The term does however appear twice in the Koryŏsa, which suggests that Xu Jing did note the term correctly (see, e.g., KRS 118.6a). Apparently, the term Nine Courts was introduced in early Koryŏ but did not correspond to the actual system; only in 983 was an actual system with seven courts established (Ch’oe Chŏnghwan, Yŏkchu Koryŏsa, 104n2). 254. A color specifically reserved for those of the fifth rank. 255. I.e., two low-ranking officials were always assigned to accompany the envoys whenever they went out. 256. Yŏngwi 令尉: As this term does not occur in any Koryŏ source, I interpret it as designating two separate functions at the local level. 257. Chubu 主簿: according to Hucker (Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 1413), an assistant magistrate on the staff of various units of territorial administration. The term is attested for Koguryŏ but not for Koryŏ. 258. Sajae 司宰: The Sajae-si 司宰侍 was apparently in charge of fishery but probably of land animals as well. 259. [Da Tang] Kaiyuan li 大唐開元禮: comprehensive ritual code for the Tang dynasty, completed in 732. 260. He appears in the Koryŏsa twice, under entries for the years 1120 (KRS 14.34b–35a), when he presented a policy memorial to the throne, and 1129 (KRS 16.4b), when he is dispatched on a mission to the Jin dynasty. He is also mentioned in chapter 39. 261. An official who gained influential positions in the latter part of Injong’s reign. When he died in 1151 the king suspended audiences for three days to mourn him. KRS 17.32b. He is also mentioned in chapter 39. 262.  His biography is in KRS 125.2b–4b. He is ranked among the “treasonous ministers” because of his support for Yi Chagyŏm. His great-grandfather became a merit subject because of his support for King Hyŏnjong. 263.  See his biography in KRS 97.24b–25a. Although a cousin of Yi Chagyŏm, he kept his distance from him. He died at the age of eighty-two shortly after retiring in 1140. 264. He is also classified as a “treasonous minister” by the historiographers. See KRS 125.4b–6a. In the Koryŏsa his name is written as 崔弘宰 rather than 崔洪宰, as in the Illustrated Account. Together with Kim Yŏn (Injon) he recovered Baozhou Fortress; loyal to Yi Chagyŏm, he killed Han An’in in 1122. 265. His name cannot be confirmed from any Korean source. Henceforth names that cannot be confirmed from other sources will not be referenced. 266. For his biography, see KRS 127.24b–26b. He was mainly a military man who fought with Yun Kwan against the Jurchen. Although he invaded the palace with Yi Chagyŏm, he later turned against him. He died in 1144. 267. Chadŏk was a cousin of Yi Chagyŏm and brother of the famous Buddhist recluse Yi Chahyŏn. Although demoted at the end of Yi Chagyŏm’s rebellion (KRS 127.23b9–9), he regained the ruler’s trust and died in 1138, aged sixty-eight (KRS 16.44b). 268. Described in chapter 26.



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269. He appears in Yi Chagyŏm’s biography, which mentions that he was banished after the failed coup. KRS 127.23a. 270.  Though his name appears a few times in the Koryŏsa, there are no details about his actions or political allegiance. 271.  He appears in the biography of Kim Pusik, whom he assisted on the mission to subjugate Myoch’ŏng. 272. Chungsi taebu 中侍大夫: likely a misprint for chungbong taebu 中奉大夫, a title for someone of the senior third rank. The highest office given for Hwang in Koryŏsa is sirang, senior fourth rank, in 1115. KRS 14.1a–b. 273. He appears in the biography of Yun Kwan; he was a marshal on one of the expeditions against the Jurchen. 274. Assisted Kim Pusik on his expedition against Myoch’ŏng by taking charge of ships on the West Sea. 275. Son of Yi Chagyŏm. 276. Zheng has Kim Sŏ 金瑞 instead of Kim Tan 金端; Kim Tan appears to be correct. In 1115 he was sent to the Song capital to study at the Confucian academy there, returning in 1117. 277. All we know about him is that he passed the civil service examination in 1096. 278. Naejŏn sungban, or palace warden, a function of the junior seventh rank in the Bureau of Royal Stewards (Aekchŏngguk 掖庭局). 279. In 1129 he was sent to the Jin court to offer new year’s wishes to the emperor. KRS 16.4a–b. 280. According to his biography, he was originally from Cheju (T’amna). Died 1157. KRS 98.23b–24b. 281. I could not trace this term nor the next five; they are similar to the lower civilian prestige titles (i.e., ranks), but they do not match any mentioned in the Koryŏsa; most likely they were rank titles from the namban, the specialized offices. 282. Yu Kŭp 劉及 (伋 in KRS 11.25a): originally from Song China, naturalized in 1101. 283. Yi Chun’i is mentioned in the Koryŏsa as a court painter, the tutor of the famous Yi Yŏng. KRS 122.4a. 284. 1071–1132; older brother of Kim Pusik. 285. See KRS 98.41a–42a. Died 1131. 286. Here I take chungnyang taebu 中亮大夫 to be a mistake for chungsan taebu 中散大夫. 287. In 1109 he gained merit in fighting the Jurchen. KRS 13.3a. 288. In 1132 he traveled to Southern Song to deliver a reply by the Koryŏ king on the question of the Song emperors kidnapped by the Jurchen. KRS 16.18a 289. Mentioned in Kim Pusik’s biography; took part in the campaign against Myoch’ŏng. 290. In 1128 sent to Jin to offer new year’s congratulations. 291. In fact, already before Sŏnjong (1083–1094) the Inju Yi had become in-laws to the Koryŏ royal dynasty. Yi Chayŏn (1003–1061), grandfather of Yi

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Chagyŏm, had already given three daughters in marriage to King Munjong (1046– 1083). The next generation of kings, including Sunjong, Sŏnjong, and Sukchong, were all born to Inju Yi queens. Moreover, these three married daughters of Yi Chayŏn’s sons. 292. In 1095, after the death of King Sŏnjong (r. 1084–1095), Hŏnjong became king. Since the new king was very young and weak, Yi Chaŭi (d. 1095) seized the chance to try and install as the next king a prince born to his sister. He was thwarted by Hŏnjong’s uncle, Prince of Kyerim Wang Hŭi, who took the throne and later became known as King Sukchong. Yi Chaŭi was in fact killed rather than banished. 293. He did of course follow in his brother’s footsteps; his coup failed in 1126. What is also not mentioned here is that a daughter of Yi Chagyŏm married King Yejong and was mother to Injong. Injong married another daughter of Yi Chagyŏm, but chose as his successor a son born of another queen; henceforth, the Inju Yi were no longer royal in-laws. 294. Original name of Han An’in. The Koryŏsa gives the spelling 韓䁶如 rather than 韓繳如. 295. He had traveled together with Wang Chaji to Song and brought back Huizong’s new ritual music in 1116. 296. He had traveled both to Liao and Song as an envoy and had lectured on the Book of Documents at the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion. He was banished to Chindo and later committed suicide. 297. 1067–1127. He had also traveled to Song and lectured at the Ch’ŏngyŏn Pavilion. 298. Like Yi Yŏng and Chŏng Kŭgyŏng, he was banished and, after Yi Chagyŏm fell from grace, was recalled to the capital. 299. This is of course the version of events from the perspective of Yi Chagyŏm. For a more balanced perspective, see Shultz, “Twelfth-Century Koryŏ,” 13–14. 300. Died 1111. Famous for his establishment of the so-called Nine Forts on the northeastern border in an attempt to subjugate the Jurchen. 301. Died 1149. Arguably more famous was his brother Ŏn’i (1090–1149), who was referred to as the “Confucius of Korea” in his epitaph. Kim Yongsŏn, Koryŏ myojimyŏng chipsŏng, 115. 302. Read t’ongŭi taebu 通議大夫 instead of t’ongbong 通奉 taebu. 303. This is obviously a reference to the founding clans of Silla; Kim Pusik belonged to the Kyŏngju Kims, scions of the royal family of Silla. Kim Pusik (1075– 1151) is famous for suppressing the Myoch’ŏng Rebellion in 1135 and for authoring the Samguk sagi in 1145. 304. There were in fact four brothers: Pup’il, Puil, Pusik, and Puch’ŏl, in order of birth. 305. Kim In’gyu was actually the son of Kim Kyŏngyong, who has already been mentioned in chapter 6, not of Kim Kyŏngyung. See KRS 97.12a. 306. In Jingjiang there is a blank; Zhibuzu zhai has “Ong.” This page and the



Notes to pages 104–110

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following (5, 6, and 7 in chapter 8) in the Jingjiang edition have several missing characters (supplied by Zhibuzu zhai), and the letter type of the woodblock print also appears different, so this may well be a later insert. 307. A short note is appended to the biography of his father; his daughter was married to a son of Yi Chagyŏm, but he is praised as someone of integrity, generous and not given to criticizing or behaving arrogantly toward people. KRS 97.12b. 308. From Confucius’ saying “if the Way is not put into practice, I shall ride on a raft to cross over the sea” (Analects 5.6). He was generally thought to be referring to Korea. See Jorgensen, “Korea as a Source,” 91. 309.  These are not folding fans, but simple oval-shaped, fixed fans. The number designates how many of these objects were carried in a royal procession. 310. Zheng has “green” rather than “dark red.” 311. I 螭: usually described as a hornless dragon or as a young or female dragon. 312. Zheng has omitted thirteen characters in this passage. 313. The name refers to the fact that the shaft is slightly bent near the covering part. See fig. 2. 314. According to Zheng it is fifteen feet, which appears to be a mistake. 315. Literally “ball-sticks,” which I surmise refers to the mallet used in the game of polo. 316. A military official of the senior eighth rank. 317. A military official of the fifth or sixth rank. 318. Probably referring to the Six Divisions that are mentioned a bit further in this passage; see also n. 321. 319. Ancient system of grouping households in units of five (bi 比), which are then again grouped into a unit of five, etc., until a community (xiang) of 12,500 households is reached. 320. Zheng has “Wei and Jin [period].” 321. In fact the Restraining Crane Army is usually not mentioned among descriptions of the Koryŏ military. The military system of Koryŏ is known as the “Two Armies and Six Divisions”; the two armies being the Soaring Eagle Army (not mentioned by Xu Jing) and the Dragon-Tiger Army; the six divisions being the Left-Right Division, the Divine Tiger Division, the Awe-Inspiring Division, the Golden Bird Division, the Thousand Bull Division, and the Capital Gate Division. Originally the term “restraining crane” (or perhaps “tamed crane”) referred to the palace grooms, but in Koryŏ there was clearly a military unit by that name, though probably not as important as Xu Jing assumed. The term is occasionally found in the Koryŏsa, notably in kwŏn 72, where they appear in the ceremonial processions for the P’algwanhoe. I have here translated the terms as given by Xu Jing: since he calls the Dragon-Tiger unit an “army” (gun) rather than a “division” (wi), I have translated it as Dragon-Tiger Army. See also Song Inju, “Koryŏ togyŏng e sŏsul toen kunje kwallyŏn kisa,” 175, 178. 322. Again, there is no evidence that such a tripartite division existed. The

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Notes to pages 110–114

first term may be a confusion with the Ch’ogun 抄軍, a kind of special corps, although one that is usually thought to have originated with the Ch’oe military leaders; the Sambyŏlch’o 三別抄 (three elite patrols) being the most famous example. 323. Pongaek 逢液, usually 縫掖, also refers to the wide sleeves of the scholar’s robes, so it could also mean that their armor was very wide, but this seems somewhat improbable. 324. Zheng has three feet. 325. Zheng has trouser or leggings rather than legs. 326. Zheng has omitted thirty-two characters in this passage. 327. The “Left and Right” probably refers to the separate division that we know existed in Koryŏ but seems to have been misunderstood by Xu Jing as two branches of each division. Likewise, the “personal guard” was likely a separate unit, but each division seems to have been regarded by Xu as personally in charge of protecting the king. As far as we know, it was the two armies—the Soaring Eagle Army and the Dragon-Tiger Army—that acted as the king’s personal bodyguards and were thus ranked above the Six Divisions. Lee Ki-baik, New History of Korea, 117. 328. Yongning 永寧 (301–302): reign title of the Western Jin dynasty and also used during the Later Zhao (350) and Later Han (120–121) periods but not for the Qi dynasty. Perhaps a mistake for the Yongming 永明 period (483–493), which did occur during the Qi dynasty. 329. Wang Rong (468–494) lived in the Northern Qi dynasty, which confirms that the Yongming period is meant here. This passage can be found in the Nan Qi shu 58. See P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 88. 330. The text actually has Yongho sinwi 龍虎神威 “Dragon-Tiger Divine Awe,” which is likely a mistake for “Dragon-Tiger Divine Army.” 331. I here take the “supreme” to refer to the generals rather than the six armies, since we know there was a supreme general (sangjanggun) in Koryŏ. As seen above, rather than six armies, there were two armies and six divisions. Here the Left-Right Division, otherwise not explicitly described by Xu Jing, seems to make its appearance. 332. We know there was a senior colonel (chungnangjung, 5A) rank in the Koryŏ army, but it is not clear what the term used by Xu Jing (chunggŏm nangjung 中檢郎中) exactly stands for. As in the previous entry, the whole title is preceded by the prefix “supreme” (sang 上). 333. The character t’an in t’angung 彈弓, “crossbow,” is the same as the one used in t’anhaek 彈劾, “to impeach.” However, the derivation of meaning was the other way round, as t’an originally has the meaning of “projectile,” and “impeaching” borrows this sense of targeting (of improper behavior). 334.  As with all the terms for army divisions, Xu Jing seems to mess this one up. He refers to it as the changwigun 仗衛軍, which is basically three words for “army.” 335.  This refers to the colors of the five directions: e,g., white for the west, red for the south, etc. 336. To 鞉: a kind of small barrel drum with two small balls suspended on



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each side of the body. Rotating back and forth the stick on which the barrel drum is pinned makes the balls hit each of the two drum faces. 337. Kŭk 戟: looks like a trident, but one of the pins points downward. 338. Singi-gun 神旗軍: such term is not attested in the Koryŏsa, but the homonymous Singi-gun 神騎軍, Divine Cavalry Corps, is. 339. Sanwŏn kidu: This seems to be a conflation of two separate offices; they never occur together in the Koryŏsa. 340. Yŏnjong-do, an island off the coast of Inch’ŏn, is where Inch’ŏn International Airport is now located. See also chapter 33. 341. Kyŏnyong 牽攏 spelled 牽龍 in the Koryŏsa, where it is also never used in conjunction with the suffix -kun “army.” 342. Instead of “cap,” Zhibuzu zhai has “thin silk.” It notes that Zheng has “belt.” Neither seems very plausible in this context. This passage is rather confusing, making the interpretation uncertain. 343. A colonel corresponds to rank 6A in the military officialdom of Koryŏ. 344. Zhibuzu zhai adds the note “probably this should read ‘outside the [Sunch’ŏn] gate.’ ” 345. This refers to the history of the Later Han, the Hou Hanshu, authored by Fan Ye in the fifth century. I could not trace this passage. Also, I follow Zhibuzu zhai, which has “foundation” rather than “to block.” 346. On the eight articles—taught by Kija to the people so as to civilize them—see Hou Hanshu 85, “Dongyi liezhuan,” 75, 2817, 2822. Also mentioned in chapter 40. 347. This most likely refers to the famous Art of War by Sunzi, but the phrase as given here does not seem to occur in this work. 348. Xiongnu 匈奴 here likely refers to all nomadic tribes on China’s borders. 349. Here I follow Zhibuzu zhai; Jingjiang has “[putting them] in sequence.” 350. Akpu, Ch. bofu 搏[拊]: a small hand drum. 351. Arak, Ch. yayue 雅樂: refined music, used at court and at official ceremonies. 352. This does not make sense, as the crossbow is anything but “simple.” 353. Kwanhyŏk, literally “leather attached with a loop,” probably referring to the leather ears that were used to attach the instrument to the spear and probably also made the sound. 354.  This was likely a kind of banner or spear that was mounted on the stirrups. 355. This instrument is described as a whistle made of reed without finger holes; most likely the p’iri, usually translated as “oboe.” 356. Island off the coast of Kunsan city in North Chŏlla province. See chapter 33. 357. I.e., the four cardinal directions, the four intermediate directions, heaven, and earth. 358. I.e., even without the king’s presence. 359. “Red flag” indicates the south. 360. According to the five phases theory, the north corresponds to the water phase and the color black; however, the animal associated with it is normally the turtle.

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Notes to pages 121–124

361. Ho’a 胡兒: usually refers to a barbarian from Central Asia or beyond; here it likely refers to either a Korean or a Khitan boy. 362. The chwa in chwagu 左顧 means “left,” which stands for the younger or junior party that is looked after (gu). 363. See Liji, “Qu li 1” (Summary of the rules of propriety, pt. 1). 364. According to the five phases theory, the south corresponds to the fire phase and the color red; however, the animal associated with it is normally the phoenix. 365. Zhouguan 周官 is another name for the Zhouli (Rites of Zhou). This passage can be found in the “Chun gwan” chapter of that text, entry 155. 366. The “sea horse” in the title is probably a mistake. It does not appear in the text itself, which only mentions the horse. 367. According to the five phases theory, the east corresponds to the wood phase and the color blue; however, the animal associated with it is normally the dragon. 368. In the so-called constructive phase of the five phases, the wood element gives rise to fire. 369. According to the five phases theory, the west corresponds to the water phase and the color white; the reason why metal (which corresponds to the north) is mentioned here becomes clear later in the passage. 370. T’aebaek, Ch. taibai 太白, is also a name for the planet Venus, which is also associated with the metal element. 371.  In the constructive cycle of the five phases theory, metal gives rise to water. Both the snake and the turtle represent water and the north; usually they are depicted as a snake with its body wrapped around the turtle, a figure known as the “dark warrior” (see n. 372). However, saying that “water can produce metal” is problematic; in geomancy or related systems, water is usually said to produce wood, not metal. 372. Chinmu 眞武: Siku quanshu has hyŏnmu 玄武, “dark warrior,” the conventional designation for the black turtle of the north. Probably because of a taboo on the name of a Song emperor, the character hyŏn was replaced by chin. 373. See Liji, “Qu li 1” (Summary of the rules of propriety, pt. 1). 374. Fu 幅: width of a bolt of cloth. 375. Thus, Xu Jing implies, the Chinese switched to the more rustic Koryŏ flags in order not to make the poor locals too envious. Zhibuzu zhai has “The Koryŏ people who beheld this were full of admiration and ashamed of their own vulgarity.” 376. In view of the total number of soldiers described above, this is surely an exaggeration. 377. See the chapter “Song” (Odes of the temple and the altar), ode no. 300 “Bi Gong”: “Our prince’s chariots are a thousand . . .” 378.  The term used here is kyŏnyŏ, which literally means “shoulder carriage.” 379. This could be a reference to four poles inserted at the four corners of a palanquin as decoration or the poles that support a kind of baldaquin; or it could



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refer to the supporting poles on which the palanquin would rest when not in motion. 380. I.e., the pole or draught pole. 381. The fur is said to be of the marmoset (hapale jacchus), a small monkey with a long tail; probably Xu Jing is drawing a parallel with practices in China. 382. This sentence and the beginning of the next one are set in smaller characters as an interlinear note. This appears to be a mistake that occurred at the time of the printing of the book. 383. Chapchae 雜載 literally means “various loads” but from the context it appears a pack saddle is meant. 384. Tang and Yu: personal names of the legendary first emperors, Yao and Shun. 385. Again this refers to Koguryŏ. The Koguryŏ ranks are described in ­chapter 7. 386.  This is a pretty grave accusation and should be taken with a grain of salt. 387. Otherwise unknown. Perhaps the Sŭngp’yŏng Gate is meant, or else a side gate (probably to the east) of the Sŭngp’yŏng Gate; see chapter 4. 388. The Department of Ministries was the executive branch of government; the six ministries that administered all the important matters such as taxation and justice reported to this department. 389. Munha-sŏng: Theoretically the place where government policy was formulated; in Koryŏ it operated together with the Royal Secretariat as one institution (Chungsŏ-Munha-sŏng). 390.  The name refers to a set of eight commandments for Buddhist lay believers; in Koryŏ there was an annual festival on the full moon of the eleventh month derived from this custom (see chapter 17). It is likely that this bureau was only in charge of this festival rather than all rituals. 391. Here given as Taeyŏng ch’ang; likely the same as the Taeyŏng ko mentioned in Korean sources. 392. Since it is impossible to verify even their approximate or relative location, I have not attempted to include these on map 5. 393. Kogung[guk]: office subordinate to the Ministry of Personnel. Under the Tang system, there were twenty-four such subordinate offices in the Department of Ministries; under King Sŏngjong nine were installed in Koryŏ, but at the beginning of Hyŏnjong’s reign these were reduced to only two, the Office of Merit Evaluation and the Office for Slave Registers (Togwan 都官) belonging to the Ministry of Punishment. See Pyŏn T’aesŏp, Koryŏ chŏngch’i chedosa yŏn’gu, 13. 394. Taeak-kuk: normally given as Taeak-sŏ 大樂署 in Korean sources. 395. This office, together with the “four gates” of the following sentence, is part of an interlinear note; this appears to be a printing mistake, however, so I here follow Zhibuzu zhai in rendering it as part of the main text. 396. Although it is one of Koryŏ’s “Two Armies and Six Divisions,” Xu Jing seems unaware of the association, since he does not mention this division in chapter 11, which deals with Koryŏ’s military organization.

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Notes to pages 128–133

397.  I am not sure which north gate this refers to; the northern gate of the city wall is unlikely; perhaps the northern gate of the Directorate of Construction and Maintenance? Following the sentence that ends with the “Directorate of Construction and Maintenance” there is what appears to be an incomplete phrase, namely, “the gates of the directorates” (kammun 監門), after which the narrative shifts to the three armies; it is likely that a part of the text is missing. 398. The main commercial artery, which ran south starting from just outside the Kwanghwa Gate. 399. Present-day Hongsŏng, located on the west coast of South Ch’ungch’ŏng province. Xu Jing passed by there on the sea voyage to the Koryŏ capital; see chapter 37. 400. Both are pronounced “puyong” in modern Korean and must have been homophones in Koryŏ as well. 401. The Changp’ae Gate, in the southeast of the wall, is indeed the place where the main waterway, which collects the water of several streams that converge within the city walls, emerges. Next to the gate there was therefore a separate water gate with the same name. 402. From the poem “Fengnian” (Year of abundance), ode no. 279 among the “Zhou song” (Sacrificial Odes of Zhou), Shijing: “Abundant is the year, with much millet and rice; and we have our high granaries, with myriads, and hundreds of thousands, and millions [of measures] in them.” 403. The word for “sack” is pronounced sŏm in Korean. Sŏm is also a word used as a measure, in which case it is the same as a sŏk. 404. Sa 寺 can refer to either a temple or a minor government bureau, but I assume it is the former because we know that on the memorial days of deceased kings offerings were made at the temples that housed their portrait shrines. Vermeersch, “Buddhism at the Center,” 13–17. 405.  Xuanhe only started in 1119; this is likely a misprint for Zhonghe, which lasted only a year (1118). 406. Already in 1103 the physician Bian Jie had arrived to train Koryŏ doctors (see KRS 12.3a–b). According to Koryŏsa, in the seventh month of 1118 a seven-man party came to Koryŏ, including the envoy Cao Yi and the medical official Yang Zongli; four other physicians, including Lan Zhuo, are named (see KRS 14.27a–b). Although lower in rank, Bian Jie was perhaps more famous as a healer, which would explain why Xu Jing mentions only him. No return journey is mentioned; perhaps they returned with Xu Li, who was sent in 1120 (KRS 14.34b). 407. Korean sources confirm that “leniency in punishments was a hallmark of the Koryŏ legal system.” Salem, “The Landowning Slave,” 30. 408. The term sui 禭 refers to grave clothes, that is, the clothes used to dress the deceased; therefore, the term “god (or spirit) of the grave clothes” probably refers to the spirits of the recently deceased. The original text on which this is based (see n. 409 below), however, has 隧神; here the sui character signifies the pathway into a tomb. 409. This paragraph is a paraphrase of the account of Koguryŏ customs in the



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history of the Three Kingdoms composed by Chen Shou. See Sanguo zhi 30 (Wei shu 30), “Dongyi zhuan,” 844. Here the passage is as follows: “In the east of the country there is a big cave that is called the tomb way cave. In the tenth month there is a great assembly in the country. To welcome the tomb way spirits’ return, in the east of the country they offer up sacrifices. They place wooden tomb way [spirits] in the spirits’ seats.” 410. Literally “south of the country” (kuk chi nam 國之南). I assume kuk, Ch. guo, here designates the capital; however, exactly which place is not clear. One possibility is Hŭngwang Temple, a royal temple south of the capital encircled by its own walls. 411. Here Xu Jing is mistaken in that the P’algwanhoe took place on the fifteenth of the eleventh month—at least in the capital Kaesŏng. In the western capital Pyongyang, it did indeed take place in the tenth month. It is thus possible that the P’algwanhoe is derived from the Koguryŏ Tongmaeng festival, which also took place in tenth month; as foreign traders were often invited to the P’algwanhoe festival, it is quite possible that information about it circulated in China. However that may be, Xu Jing himself could not have witnessed the festival, since he vistited in summer. 412. This refers to the Lantern Festival (Yŏndŭnghoe), which commemorated the Buddha’s birthday. 413. Paekkŭm, Ch. baijin 白金, could mean white gold, but more likely silver or precious metal in general. 414. One thousand ounces of silver would have been too much for most people, yet as the total sum raised from the populace, it appears to be too small; perhaps it refers to the amount to be raised for each shrine. 415. The temple held a plaque inscribed by Emperor Huizong of Song; this is mentioned again under “Chŏngguk Anhwa Temple,” also in chapter 17. 416. This should be T’aehwa Gate. Since the T’aehwa Gate gave access to the compound of the crown prince (see map 4), which was located east of the main palace axis, I assume that the temple was north of the crown prince’s compound, toward the northern end of the inner palace compound; when it is said that a certain building is “within a gate” it means that this gate is the first access point, not necessarily that the building is right behind that gate. An alternative explanation is that there were two T’aehwa Gates; hence a bit further along in this chapter the “northern T’aehwa Gate” is mentioned, perhaps indicating a gate leading through the wall that separated the northern part of the palace compound from the southern part. At least this is the interpretation one can find in Kim Ch’anghyŏn, Koryŏ Kaegyŏng ŭi kujo, 228. It would in fact make more sense to situate this monastery in the northern part of the palace compound. 417. Samch’ŏng, Ch. sanqing 三淸: the Jade Emperor, Laozi, and Zhuangzi. 418. Honwŏn hwangje, Ch. Hunyuan hwangdi 混元皇帝: Laozi. 419. Hŏjŏng chi kyo, Ch. xujing zhi jiao 虛靜之敎: i.e., Taoism. This passage effectively constitutes evidence of the first known Taoist temple in Korean history. 420. Ongnyun-sa 玉輪寺 according to the text. This is undoubtedly Wang-

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Notes to pages 134–136

nyun-sa 王輪寺, which is described in the section “Various Temples Within and Near the Capital” in this chapter. 421. By all accounts, this temple was situated north of the official road. See map 6. 422. Ch’ŏnghŏn 淸軒: This name is left blank in the Zhibuzu zhai edition. 423. According to the Koryŏsa, King Yejong repaired the temple in 1118. To add further glory to the newly repaired temple, a mission to Song requested exquisite calligraphy. The emperor [Huizong] himself inscribed a plaque with the words “Nengren zhi dian” (能仁之殿, Hall of the Buddha), while he ordered the grand preceptor to write a plaque with the name of the temple. The emperor also bestowed sixteen arhat statues. KRS 14.27a. 424. Hyangjŏk refers to a Buddha mentioned in the Vimalakirti sūtra, the Buddha of the Fragrance Land, who lived on the odor of incense. Muller, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, s.v. 香積. 425. I.e., the “Hall of Infinite Life,” “Buddha of Infinite Life” being one of the titles of Amitābha. 426. I.e., Huizong. See n. 415 above. 427. Although the text literally has “King Kṣitigarbha,” it is far more likely to signify the bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha together with the Ten Kings of the netherworld, who judge the deceased’s next incarnation and with whom the bodhisattva is often portrayed because of the bodhisattva’s power to plead on behalf of the deceased. 428. Chaegung 齋宮: the place where the king fasts and purifies himself before a sacrificial rite. 429. The arhat cult at Poje Temple is also mentioned in the Koryŏsa: e.g., in 1203 King Sinjong organized an arhat ritual at the temple (KRS 21.15b). The arhat hall apparently collapsed in 1138 because of a storm (KRS 55.5a). Poje Temple was one of ten temples founded in 919 by T’aejo after he moved the capital to Kaesŏng and was thus a key temple for the dynasty. The Koryŏsa never uses the name Kwangt’ong Poje, only Poje, yet all the evidence suggests that this is the same temple. In the late Koryŏ period, King Kongmin founded a temple called Kwangt’ong Poje sŏnsa, but this temple was located to the west of the capital. In late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn, Poje-sa became known as Yŏnbok-sa. See Vermeersch, “Buddhism at the Center,” for more on these two temples. 430. This temple was founded by T’aejo in 924. Not much is known about it, but due to its central location close to the palace it seems to have been often used for various dynastic events: e.g., kings often came here to receive felicitations after the festival celebrating the eight commandments or the Lantern Festival. In later Koryŏ it was often used as a meeting place for political or military deliberations. In 1021 Kang Kamch’an dedicated a stupa to the temple, presumably to commemorate his victory over the Khitan. The stupa now stands on the grounds of the Kaesŏng history museum. 431. Here the Zhibuzu zhai edition has five characters missing. 432. According to an interlinear note in Zhibuzu zhai, forty characters are missing from the Zheng edition.



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433. This temple was founded in 1089 by Ŭich’ŏn (1055–1101) to serve as the head temple of the newly founded Ch’ŏnt’ae order. Hence it has the same name as Guoqingsi, the temple on Mount Tiantai where Ŭich’ŏn promised before the stupa of the founder of Tiantai (Zhiyi) to found the school in Koryŏ. 434. Liu Kui came to Koryŏ in 1103 bearing gifts such as clothes, silk, and gold and jade objects for the king (KRS 12.2a). No mention is made in the Koryŏsa of Buddhist gifts from Song at around this time, although gifts of the Khitan Liao Tripitaka are frequently recorded. Liu Kui must have known if his emperor had previously conferred Buddhist gifts, but Xu Jing is keen here to emphasize how proud the Koryŏ king was of this gift. 435. Identified as Huizong in an interlinear note. 436. I.e., ascended the throne. This phrase is only in Zhibuzu zhai, but I have used it here as it helps elucidate the meaning. 437. One of the main state temples in the Northern Song capital Kaifeng. A painting record by Guo Ruoxu (Tuhua wenjian zhi) confirms that in 1076 the Korean embassy led by Ch’oe Sahun brought painters who made copies of the frescoes at Xiangguo Temple. See Soper, “Hsiang-Kuo Ssu,” 45. In 1116 the Koryŏ envoy Wang Chaji requested permission to organize Buddhist services in this and other Song temples. KRS 14.14b. 438.  Although its precise location is not known, from this description it is clearly located to the west of Hŭngwang Temple and south of the city. It was a Hwaŏm temple founded together with Kukch’ŏng Temple for Ŭich’ŏn around 1090. 439. Neither of these temples is mentioned in the Koryŏsa. 440. Judging by their names, the former was dedicated to Amitābha and the latter to Maitreya. The former is mentioned once in Koryŏsa, the latter not at all. 441. This probably refers to Sunggyo Temple, a Yogacāra temple originally founded in 1000 as a memorial temple for King Mokchong. KRS 3.33a. 442.  According to the sole entry to the Toil Temple to be found in the Koryŏsa, in 1281 it was used for celestial observations. KRS 29.31b. Kŭmsŏn Temple does not appear in any other source. 443. I.e., they form a regular triangle. 444. It is mentioned in the Koryŏsa only for the last decades of the dynasty and in connection mainly with Sin Ton. There was a pine forest on Mount Yuam through which Sin Ton found his way to the palace and where he had a house built (KRS 132.10b). Also, from this temple King Kongmin once viewed the polo game in the palace, again indicating how near it was to the palace (KRS 41.15b). The name literally means “offerings to deceased ancestors” and is reminiscent of the storehouse of the same name, which was however nearly 2 kms further east; see map 5. 445. Mirŭk Temple was founded by T’aejo in 936; one of its functions was to act as a memorial shrine to merit subjects. 446. Otherwise unknown. 447. The Temple of the Dharma King, one of the most prominent dynastic temples, was founded by T’aejo in 919. Koryŏ kings worshiped here after the end of the P’algwanhoe. Vermeersch, “Buddhism at the Center,” 18–19.

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Notes to pages 137–140

448. Literally “sūtra-printing temple.” In the Zheng edition it is Chŭkkyŏng Temple 卽經寺, likely a misprint. Although this temple is not attested in Korean sources, given the level of printing activities, it is not surprising that such a temple existed. 449. Founded in 929, this temple was sometimes used to distribute food to the destitute. See Kim Yongsŏn, Koryŏ myojimyŏng chipsŏng, 166. 450. One of the most prominent Kaesŏng temples, it was founded in 919 and belonged to the Yogacāra school. It was often used as a venue for the administrative examination of monks belonging to the doctrinal schools. It is also connected to the cult of the dynastic founder, T’aejo Wang Kŏn. Vermeersch, “Buddhism at the Center,” 19–20, 23. 451. Mentioned only once in the Koryŏsa, there is nothing specifically known about this temple. 452. Otherwise unknown. 453. Built for the monk Ch’ang’un—disciple of Ŭich’ŏn—by King Sŏnjong, this temple was one of the Hwaŏm temples associated strongly with Ŭich’ŏn and thence the royal family. Yi Chigwan, Kosŭng pimun, 3:402. 454. A Hwaŏm temple founded by King Kwangjong in 963 for Kyunyŏ, who became its first abbot. 455. A Hwaŏm temple founded by T’aejo in 919. It was used as an official ordination temple and was the temple most strongly associated with Ŭich’ŏn, who was its long-time abbot. It still has a stele dedicated to Uich’ŏn and has recently been reconstructed. 456.  Otherwise unknown, this temple was evidently dedicated specifically to the Chinese envoys. 457. See chapters 18 and 39. 458. See chapter 36. 459. This undoubtedly refers to Mount Song’ak 松嶽, the mountain rising up north of Kaesŏng. It is never referred to as Mount Sung 崧山, although the Koryŏsa does claim in a note that the spelling Sung’ak 崧岳 also occurs. KRS 56.4b. 460. Zhibuzu zhai specifies they are pine trees. 461. This refers to the well-known founding legend of Koguryŏ, where the daughter of the river god Habaek becomes pregnant from the rays of the sun and delivers an egg from which Chumong is born. The king of Puyŏ, suspicious of this miracle, tries to destroy Chumong but fails; Chumong then flees and founds a new kingdom, Koguryŏ. Xu Jing seems to regard the daughter of the river god as the spouse of the Puyŏ king. 462. Literally “the clam-cave dragon shrine.” It is also referenced in chapter 39. The dragon appears in many myths as a divine being and lord of the seas, while the sea was also thought to house giant clams with attributes akin to the dragon. Shafer, “Fusang and Beyond,” 395. 463. See chapter 39. 464. According to Mathews’ Chinese-English Dictionary, Pengli is an old name for Poyang Lake in Jiangxi, which is famed for its strong currents. Thus Xu inter-



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prets the manifestation as the deity’s appreciation for the difficult but successful crossing of the sea to reach Koryŏ. 465. In Song China, gods were integrated into the official cult and rewarded with titles and emoluments; Emperor Huizong in particular worked diligently at this. 466. Thus the dragons in the shrine’s name (Oryong-myo) refer to the spirits of the five directions. 467. From the perspective of China; i.e., what is now known as the Yellow Sea or the West Sea. 468.  I.e., Penglai, which, according to ancient Chinese lore, was located somewhere in the sea to the east of the Chinese mainland. See also nn. 670, 790. 469. Changsheng jiushi 長生久視: an expression borrowed from the Daode jing, chapter 59. Arthur Waley translates the relevant passage as “This is called the art of . . . making life long by fixed staring.” Waley, The Way and Its Power, 213. 470. Hunyuan shizu 混元始祖, a title for Laozi, whom the Tang emperors regarded as their ancestor. See also n. 418. 471. I.e., the state that is now commonly called Koguryŏ. This request is also recorded in the Koguryŏ annals of the Samgak sagi, under the seventh and eighth year of King Yŏngnyu (624, 625). According to this record, however, it was Gaozu who sent Taoists together with an edict of investiture, and only after hearing their preaching did the Koguryŏ king send envoys requesting to learn more not only about Taoism but also about Buddhism. Kim Pusik, Koguryŏ Annals, 201–202. 472. Yuliu 羽流: term for a Taoist immortal or priest, probably referring to the feather decorations on Taoist robes. 473. Refers to Fayan Wenyi (885–958), founder of the Fayan (Dharma eye) school of Chan Buddhism. He resided at Qingliang Temple, hence he is also frequently referred to as Qingliang. The Fayan school was less radical than other schools of Chan and sought reconciliation with other forms of Buddhism. It was introduced to Korea at the beginning of the Koryŏ dynasty. 474. Xingli: literally “nature and principle,” key terms in Neo-Confucianism. This shows that the terms had not yet been completely appropriated by Confucianism. It also shows that Xu Jing could hardly distinguish between Buddhism and Chinese thought, or rather that he probably chose to ignore evidence of other Buddhist practices, only describing the Korean branch of a Buddhist school he could approve of. 475. This refers to Kaśyapa, allegedly the only disciple able to grasp the Buddha’s mind and thus regarded as the second patriarch of the Chan school. 476. Tamsŏn 談禪: the exchange between master and disciple as the main instruction practice in the Chan school, also referred to as “encounter dialogue” by recent scholars of Chan. We also know that there were tri-annual “Tamsŏn pŏphoe,” or “dharma assemblies to discuss Chan,” at Poje Temple (Han Kimun, Koryŏ sawŏn ŭi kujo, 38), the temple from where Xu Jing obtained this document. We know that these assemblies fulfilled an important role in terms of rituals for the protection of the state. Also, it has been surmised that these dharma meetings

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may have been part of the preparation examination for the Hŭiyang-san mountain school (Vermeersch, Power of the Buddhas, 193). However, this document clearly shows that Poje-sa belonged to the Pŏb’an (Ch. Fayan) school. While there is evidence in Korean sources that would link it to the Pŏb’an school, none is as strong as what we find here. The best argument so far for assigning it to the Pŏb’an school is Jorgensen, “Songs of the Realisation of the Way,” 89–95. Whatever the purpose of the tamsŏn pŏphoe held at Poje-sa, it likely had a strong Pŏb’an identity. 477. See Lunyu 3.17. Zigong wanted to do away with the sacrificial sheep (presumably out of compassion), at which Confucius retorted that he was more loath to do away with the sacrifice than with the slaughtering. Lau, The Analects, 70. 478. Zhibuzu zhai has “grand meaning” (dayi 大意) rather than just “meaning”; especially in the context of what follows this seems more appropriate, since the “grand meaning” of Zhibuzu zhai refers to the opposite of the literal meaning, that which has to be derived from an appropriate reading of the context. 479. This is probably a reference to the following parable from the Zhuangzi: “The function of a net is to catch fish; after the fish is caught, the net can be discarded . . . the function of words is to convey meaning; after the meaning has been conveyed, the words can be discarded” (from Zhuangzi, chap. 26, “Wai wu” [external affairs]). See Giles, Chuang Tzŭ, 265, for a full translation of this passage. 480. Mengzi 5A.4. See Lau, Mencius, 142. 481. Presumably Xu Jing is here describing Poje-sa. 482. The passage seems to suggest some texts had been translated from Chinese into Korean, hence his request to have one read by someone who could speak Chinese. Presumably this refers to texts in Idu, a system that uses Chinese characters to represent Korean words and syntax. 483. K. pŏmp’ae, a way of chanting Buddhist texts. 484. In other words, he is part of a bureaucratic system for Buddhist monks. 485. In fact, the state preceptor (kuksa) was nominally higher in rank; in all documented cases for the Koryŏ dynasty, monks were appointed royal preceptor (wangsa) first and then state preceptor. However, Xu Jing is correct insofar as the royal preceptor likely had more power due to the fact that he resided in the capital and was often called to preside over rituals at court. The state preceptor, on the other hand, was usually appointed to a provincial temple, and this title can be regarded as a kind of “retirement office.” See Vermeersch, Power of the Buddhas, chap. 5. 486. Zhibuzu zhai has chushuina 出水衲, but Jingjiang has shanshuina 山水衲. Both are problematic terms that seem to refer to a kind of patchwork robe. 487. Bazhe 跋遮, K. palch’a: probably a transcription of the Sanskrit vajra. 488. Literally “they have no occiput.” 489. See Jinshu 97, liezhuan, 67, s.v. “si Yi” 四夷, 2534; found under the description of Chin Han. Also found in the Hou Hanshu 85, “Dongyi liezhuan,” 75, s.v. “Chin Han,” 2819. 490. The zhanglao (K. changno 長老) can be a general term for a venerable monk, but usually it designates the abbot. The Vinaya master (yulsa, Ch. lüshi),



Notes to pages 143–145

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that is, someone specialized in Vinaya, is usually tasked with overseeing the ordination process. 491. The term ch’ŏpsang 貼相 is not clear to me. 492. This probably corresponds to what Korean sources refer to as samjung taesa. This rank is indeed below the state preceptor, but more precisely it is below the royal preceptor. Also, he ignores two ranks between the royal preceptors and this rank, namely, the sŏnsa and taesŏnsa (for the Sŏn schools) and the sujwa and sŭngt’ong (for the Kyo schools), as well as the ranks below, the chungdaesa and taesa. For more details, see Vermeersch, Power of the Buddhas, 190–191. 493. Sŏngjong 性宗: likely a reference to the Chan school. 494. As explained in n. 492 above, Xu Jing skips a couple of ranks, those of taesa and chungdaesa. Also, it is not clear why he prefixes the Indian term acarya (preceptor) to taedŏk (bhadanta, “person of great virtue”), a term that never occurs in this context in Korean sources. Perhaps in order to be able to function as a preceptor (someone who took on novice monks until full ordination) one had to have the rank of taedŏk, the lowest in the hierarchy. 495. This is correct, insofar as the taedŏk rank was a kind of qualifying rank, giving access to positions such as that of abbot or registrar. 496. Sami is the abbreviated Sino-Korean transliteration of śramanera, a title mainly used for young novices or postulants. 497. According to Soothill’s Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, ma’nap 磨 納 is a Korean term for a monk’s robe. More precisely, it appears to have been a term for a particularly luxurious kasāya; the Jilin zhi seems to have referenced this term as well, so possibly this is the source Xu Jing is relying on. Yi Chigwan, Kasan Pulgyo taesarim, 6:677. 498.  I.e., they were still serving prison sentences or undergoing other punishments but were nevertheless drafted for corvée labor. Xu Jing thus concludes that they were not monks at all; however, the term chaega hwasang, literally “homedwelling monks,” if it was a term actually used at the time in Koryŏ, suggests that Koryŏ people really associated these people with the monkhood. Also, there is evidence from Korean sources that there was a group of people known as suwŏn sŭngdo 隨院僧徒 who were attached to temples but who also had to perform corvée labor for the state. They thus occupied a status in between the laity and the monks. See Vermeersch, “The Status of Monks.” 499. Samin 四民: scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants. 500. Hyanggong (local tribute [candidate]) is indeed frequently encountered in the Koryŏsa: as the name suggests, they were scholars recommended by “local” authorities. Sagong (gentry tribute [candidate]) does not occur in Korean sources but likely refers to capital-based elites who qualified for the civil service exam. 501.  Kim Tan was sent to the court together with four others in 1115. See KRS 14.4b; see also chapter 8. 502. The Koryŏ examination was divided into three stages, namely, the classics, literary composition, and policy papers (samjang yŏn’gwŏn pŏp 三場連券法). Yi Sŏngmu, Han’guk ŭi kwagŏ, 81.

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Notes to pages 146–150

503. This is reminiscent of the p’imatgol of the capital of the succeeding Chosŏn dynasty, Seoul, the narrow lanes running parallel to the main thoroughfares and used by commoners to avoid running into officials, before whom they were supposed to prostrate themselves. 504. Minjang, the term used by Xu Jing, does not occur in Korean sources; most likely he is referring to a local notary such as the hojang, or “village head,” chosen from among the local officials (hyangni) rather than dispatched from the center. The local militia refers to the Chinese system of grouping households in units of five and higher to be mobilized for army duty. 505. This refers to the crew of the Koryŏ boats described in chapter 33. 506.  Xu Jing here probably refers to accounts such as in Suishu 81, liezhuan 46, s.v. “Xinluo,” which claims that Silla people favored un-dyed clothes. See P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 145. 507. Ch’ŏnsa, Ch. qianshi 賤使: literally “demeaning of the envoys.” This seems to refer to the fact that even though the envoys of the Chongning era corrected Koryŏ’s erroneous perception of women’s hairstyles, the Koreans failed to act on it. 508. Yu Sin first appears in the Koryŏsa under the year 1087, when he was sent to Liao (KRS 10.14a); in 1093 he was sent as envoy to Song (KRS 10.30a); he reached the highest position of vice director of the Department of Ministries and senior executive in letters (2B) and died in 1104. He had also been military commander (pyŏngmasa) of the northwest in 1102 (KRS 11.38b). His biography (see KRS 95.20b–21a) makes clear that he started his career under Munjong and opposed a proposed move of the capital to present-day Seoul. 509.  Sun Shou was a famous beauty of the Later Han period. See Fan Ye, Hou Hanshu 34, liezhuan 24, 1180, for the description of her hairdo and makeup. 510. Zhibuzu zhai here notes that the Zheng edition lacks this title, thus messing up the meaning and also that it omits some characters at the beginning of line 1. 511. Probably a reference to the “barbarian way”; see Lun Yu 14.17: “If not for Guan Zhong, we would all be like unkempt barbarians, wearing our hair over our faces and fastening our clothes on the left” (in Muller, Analects of Confucius, accessed October 27, 2014, http://www.acmuller.net/con-dao/analects​.html#div-15). 512. Earlier it is mentioned that people wore yellow in winter. 513. I.e., their children remain attached to these institutions. 514. Quoted from Mencius 1a.3 (chapter on “King Hui of Liang”): “Pay careful attention to education in the schools, and apply it with the virtues of filial and brotherly piety, and the gray-haired will not be carrying loads on their heads or backs in the streets.” Translation adapted from Muller, Mencius, accessed October 27, 2014, http://www.acmuller.net/con-dao/mencius.html#div-3. 515. From Analects 13.4 (chapter on “Zilu”); if a ruler loves propriety, righteousness, and trustworthiness, it is argued here, people will flock to him, “with children strapped on their backs” (in Lau, The Analects, 119). The implication seems to be that Koryŏ is well governed.



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516. From the Liji, “Wang zhi” (royal regulations). 517. Ibid. 518. Ijik: lower-level officials, including those not part of the ranked official bureaucrats. 519. The lowest-ranking officials also wore green; see chapter 7, which discusses the clothing of higher officials. 520. At least not officially. However, Xu Jing does seem to be implying that the darker green robes were worn by poor functionaries. 521.  Yup’um, Ch. liupin 流品: literally “floating ranks,” usually denoting the whole body of ranked officials, from the senior first rank to the junior ninth. Thus, Xu Jing seems to be saying that the functionaries could also be drawn from outside the official bureaucracy; in fact, most if not all likely fell outside of the nine ranks. 522. Sanwŏn: a military office of the senior eighth rank. In total there were 223 such offices in the Koryŏ military: 3 for the Royal Soaring Eagle Army and 5 each for the 45 thousand-person-strong yŏng 領 units. They, as a unit, probably acted as a kind of assistant to the colonel (nangjang), who was in charge of two hundred people. See Tusan paekkwa, accessed October 27, 2014, http://terms​ .naver.com/​entry​.nhn?docId=1108666&cid=40942&categoryId=31675; “Sŏban,” KRS 77.29b–33b. 523. Banzhi 班直, dianshi 殿侍: lower-ranking military offices in the Song. 524. Illi: literally “human clerk.” Illi (as opposed to hyangni, “local clerks”?) presumably were the same as yamen runners; however, they were also used for functionaries outside the nine grades. See KRS 75.21b. 525. Chŏngni: Chŏng refers to an adult male, i.e., someone who has reached the age of sixteen, while i refers to a functionary. 526.  Thus the term chŏngnye found in previous sources—probably a reference to earlier accounts of Koryŏ—mistakenly understood the term for chŏngni 丁吏 as chŏngnye 頂禮. The error regarding the tone most likely refers to the pronunciation of the first character, dīng 丁 vs. dĭng 頂. 527. I.e., the office runners described in the previous paragraph. 528. Sŏllang is a term originating with the hwarang, or “flower boys,” institution of Silla. The Silla practice of training young boys in groups separate from their families to prepare them for a military or governing career was no longer extant in Koryŏ, but some of the associated customs were still remembered. 529. See Liji, “Wang zhi” (Royal regulations). 530. I.e., the lishu and kaishu styles, respectively. The former was the standardized form first introduced under the Qin dynasty (221–207 BCE) and the latter was a more elegant version first used toward the end of the Later Han dynasty; kaishu is still the standard form used in calligraphy. 531. Xu Jing also mentions this at the beginning of chapter 17. It should also be noted, however, that physicians had been sent from China to help cure King Munjong and that subsequently a medicine bureau was established, as explained in chapter 16.

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Notes to pages 155–159

532. See the discussion of the green-garbed functionaries in the previous chapter. 533. Sŏlho, literally “marker of the jar,” refers to the jars used in the clepsydra, or water clock. According to the Koryŏsa, there was a sŏlhojŏng, an official of the junior eighth rank at the Board of Astrology. Later it seems to have become simply the term for a jar: a passage in the Sejo sillok (45.39a. 14/03/25—ŭlyu) suggests it is simply a kind of flask easy to carry around. 534. This refers of course to one of the twelve two-hour divisions of the day rather than the modern hour. A quarter therefore also corresponds to half an hour in the modern reckoning. 535. The Zheng edition is said to lack this and the following item. 536. Yuzhang was a prefecture during the Han dynasty; its center corresponds with modern Nanchang in Jiangxi province. According to legend, Xu Zhi was a poor but upright scholar, and when Chen Fan became prefect, he esteemed Xu so much that Xu was the only person invited to his residence; also, he reserved the privilege of using the couch for Xu Zhi. Hou Hanshu 53, liezhuan 43, s.v. “Xu Zhi,” 1746. 537. Jingdongdao 京東道: a road connecting the Northern Song capital Kaifeng with Shandong and Henan. 538. It is not clear what kind of things he may be referring to. 539. This last paragraph seems out of place, and Zhibuzu zhai appends a note to this effect: “This passage does not correspond with the feeling of what goes before, so it seems that the ending of another item has mistakenly been appended here. Another possibility is that it should be linked with the foregoing two sentences—The clerks deliver the record files. Then, in a kneeling position they present them to their superior with both hands—taking this back up after a break. In any case, we should be patient before settling this issue.” 540. According to Zhibuzu zhai, the Zheng edition lacks this part. 541. Kŭpsa is usually taken to be a compound noun, “granted attendants.” The monograph on officials in the Koryŏsa clearly interprets it as such, as it lists kŭpsa as a type of clerk assigned to various offices. See e.g. KRS 77.24b. Xu Jing however seems to take it as a phrase, since he actually discusses other types of servants introduced in the previous chapter. 542. Yŏlgyŏng 列卿: It is not certain what the term refers to, but as the chief councilors occupy the top two ranks, and the next official mentioned is of rank 5, I assume that the term refers to the officials in between. 543. It is not clear whether the “all” refers to the last sentence only or to the whole passage. The latter is more likely, but then it would also seem to apply to the junior runners, who, as seen in the previous chapter, are functionaries. 544. E.g., Weishu 100, liezhuan 88, s.v. “Gaogouli,” in P’aeng and Kim, Wŏnmun Tongi chŏn, 63. 545. Nongno, Ch. lulu 鹿盧, “deer plate,” should be read as nongno, Ch. lulu 轆轤, “pulley.” 546. I.e., the sea to the east of China, currently known as the Yellow Sea.



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547. I.e., terraced fields. 548. Literally “bathing fields” (t’angmokchŏn). In the Zhou dynasty the ruler granted woodland to his liege lords so that they could bathe before an audience. The term is also used in the Koryŏsa for personal fiefs to members of the royal family ( KRS 29.4a). 549. Presumably he means “a square with a side of 150 feet.” The definition of the kyŏl is in fact very controversial. Though it is generally agreed that the surface area varied according to the yield, there is also evidence that there were definite standards for the various kyŏl areas. As yet, however, there is no way of assessing these areas in modern acreages. 550.  Presumably this implies that if they received an appointment, additional lands or the yields thereof were allocated so that they would not have to personally till or manage the land. However, Xu Jing seems to have no information on Koryŏ’s land stipend system (chŏnsikwa), which allocated prebend land to all officials and institutions. 551. Literally “the two wheats,” large and small or barley and wheat. Earlier, however, Xu Jing implied that there was hardly any wheat produced in Korea, rendering it very expensive. I am not certain about the identification of the various types of millet he describes, so the translations given are tentative. 552. This may be true, but we know that Koryŏ also used wooden or bamboo slips with characters inscribed in ink as tallies for transactions. This has become evident through the discovery in 2007 and 2009 of such slips in shipwrecks off the T’aean peninsula. 553. Yŏngju 永州: probably a mistake for Yŏngju 榮州, still the name of a city in North Kyŏngsang. Yangju is an old name for Ŭijŏngbu, north of Seoul; Kwangju has also retained its name and is located in the southern part of Kyŏnggi province. 554. This description fits the pinus koraiensis, or chatnamu in modern Korean. 555. Naju-do: see also chapter 3. 556. As they resemble the normal pine tree, of which they are a variety. 557. Ch’unju: modern Ch’unch’ŏn in Kangwŏn province. 558. This undoubtedly refers to a root plant similar to ginseng, such as hwanggi (astragalus membranaceus) or tŏdŏk (codonopsis lanceolata). 559. Fuling: also known as China root, a fungus-like substance found on the roots of fir trees, used as a medicine. Scientific name: Wolfiporia extensa (Peck) Ginus (formerly also Poria cocos F.A. Wolf) (see http://zipcodezoo.com/Fungi/W/ Wolfiporia_extensa/, accessed January 16, 2010). 560. Now Maengsan-gun in south P’yŏngan province. 561. Earlier, the Chinese statesman and poet Su Shi had made the same remark: according to him, their ink sticks were too brittle for use, but when mixed with Chinese ink they produced excellent results. Dongpo wenji 70. See Chang Tong’ik, Songdae Yŏsa charyo, 360. 562. Probably made of weasel hairs. 563.  The term used here is xingxing, K. sŏsŏng 猩猩, which normally translates as “orangutan.”

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Notes to pages 162–166

564. Kaeam namu: Corylus heterophylla var. thunbergii, not the same as the European hazelnut (Corylus avellana). 565. Pija namu: Torreya nucifera, Japanese Torreya. 566.  I.e., when composing the Spring and Autumn Annals, Confucius revealed that the correct way was to treat kings above lower feudal lords, which was in defiance of a reality where the lords no longer respected the established hierarchy. 567.  Mythical ruler predating even Yao and Shun. He is the subject of a chapter written on bamboo slips recently discovered in a tomb from the Chu state of the Warring States period. 568. River flowing a few kilometers north of Kaesŏng. The port in its estuary was the closest sea port to Kaesŏng. 569. Sometimes also used to refer to the port of Kaesŏng on the Yesŏng River. 570. See also chapter 24, in the section on “upper escort ranks”; the assistant general secretary was none other than Xu Jing himself. 571. According to Mathews’ Chinese-English Dictionary, what I translate here as “cymbals” are a kind of hand bell used to signal that the sound of the drums should be stopped; this description does not seem to fit here, however. 572. Also described in chapter 13. 573. As noted in chapter 11, Xu Jing is not consistent in naming the army units, frequently confusing armies and divisions. The translation reflects this inconsistency. 574. See chapter 9. 575. For the former, see chapter 13, for the latter, chapter 10. 576. This means either that once the envoys were out of sight decorum was no longer needed or that the (Korean) memorial was not carried in one of these special chairs. 577. Herbert Franke (“Sung Embassies,” 123–124) notes that while the main and deputy envoys were appointed by the Bureau for Military Affairs, the selection of clerical and military personnel was mostly left to the envoys. Although there were some general guidelines, the envoys were likely under pressure from relatives, acquaintances, friends, etc., to let them join the escort party to capitalize on the prestige and the opportunity to conduct trade or receive presents that came with the appointment. 578. Chengzonglang 成忠郞: prestige title granted to officials of rank 9A. The title was introduced during the Zhenghe period. 579. The names of all the subordinate members of the embassy that follow appear only in this source; most were lower-ranking military or civil officials that do not appear in historiography. 580. Chengxinlang 成信郞: prestige title granted to officials of rank 9B. The title was introduced during the Zhenghe period. 581. Dengshilang 登仕郞: name for a prestige title for officials of rank 8A. In around 1117 this title was changed to xiuzhilang 修職郞 (court gentleman for improved functioning); this means that Xiong Chunian probably obtained the title before 1117.



Notes to pages 166–168

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582. The name 熊樗年 can also be read as Xiong Shunian. 583. Zheng has Wang Yi. 584. Fuwei: probably a prestige title for military officials. 585. It is also possible that, rather than two people, this refers to one person named Zhangyu Guilin 張雩桂林. 586. Literally “proclaiming martial [valor],” probably referring to the fact that this is the exclusively military part of the lower escort ranks. 587. Modern name Ningbo in Zhejiang province. 588. Yuxianhua jindai 御仙花金帶: first bestowed by Emperor Taizong on his officials. 589. Prefecture in Sichuan. 590. Wuyi dafu 武翼大夫: a prestige title for lower military office in the Song (7A). This title was first introduced in the Zhenghe period. 591. Gemen xuanzan sheren 閤門宣贊舍人: rank 7B. Originally the rank was called tongshi sheren 通事舍人 but was changed to this title in 1116. The holder of this rank was responsible for tutoring visitors in audience behavior, introducing them in audience, and proclaiming imperial edicts in audience. 592. Chaofeng dafu 朝奉大夫: prestige title corresponding to rank 5A. 593. Translation of this Taoist nomenclature is tentative; undoubtedly these were officials in the Taoist church. 594. Xuanjiaolang 宣敎郞: prestige title attested for civil officials or rank 8B. According to Hucker (Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 2655), the title was used under the Southern Song but evidently in the Northern Song as well. 595. Teng Maoshi (d. 1128) was a fairly prominent official and writer. He was later sent (together again with Lu Yundi) on a mission to the Jin, who detained him; he refused to collaborate with them. 596. Yinjie, K. injŏp 引接: literally “to induce and receive,” but in the following chapters the term appears with the suffix Ch. guan, K. gwan, for “official,” indicating that it denotes an office, probably referring to officials who have to lead the envoys into the royal audience. 597. Injingwan: normally refers to an official who belongs to an office in charge of receiving presents from foreign countries (Hucker, Dictionary of Official Titles, no. 7978). The Koryŏsa records officials called injinsa 引進使, who appear to belong to the Office of Audience Ceremonies and were of rank 5A. Given the context, this could also refer to the ushers described in the previous endnote. 598. Chengzhilang 承直郎: prestige title of rank 6A or 8B, instituted during the Chongning era of Huizong. 599. Digonglang 迪功郎: prestige title of rank 9B, superseded the jiangshilang (see n. 600 below). 600. Jiangshilang 將仕郞: prestige title of rank 9B in the Song, changed to digonglang (see previous note) in 1117. Since this person carried a title that had become obsolete in 1117, it implies that he was given the title before that year. 601. The personal name is not given in the original text; an interlinear note simply states that using the name is interdicted because it is the same name as that

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Notes to pages 168–176

of the ruler; Zhibuzu zhai however adds in a note that it is Gou 構, the personal name of Emperor Gaozong. 602. Zhanhou fengyungguan 占候風雲官: a kind of meteorological official. 603. The last two names (正名程政) might also be a title or function. 604. See the Zuo zhuan commentary of the Chunqiu, ninth year of Lord Xi (651 BCE) for this story. Duke Huan of Qi (r. 685–643 BCE), the protagonist of this story, was effectively the strongest hegemon of the time 605. Zhibuzu zhai has “uncle,” probably in the spirit of the preceding passage; at the same time, Duke Huan of Qi was widely known to be the chief hegemon, the most powerful of all the feudal lords, more powerful than the Zhou king. 606. Although both Jingjiang and Zhibuzu zhai have “envoy attendant” (kulsa), Zheng has kwŏr’in 闕人, or “man from the palace.” 607. Refer to map 4 for the location of these gates. 608. I.e., in the direction of the Song capital and hence the Song emperor. 609. Wudao zaibai 舞蹈再拜: Not literally “dancing,” it refers rather to the prostrating person’s shouting and formalized movement, which is somewhat similar to dance movements. 610. It is also included in the Koryŏsa (KRS 15.4b). According to the Koryŏsa, this happened on the kyŏngja (sixteenth) day of the sixth month of 1123. The envoys had arrived on the kabo day, i.e., six days earlier. 611. Chejŏn 祭奠: i.e., making offerings to the deceased, probably also comprising the offering of gifts. 612. Apparently a month of which the first day fell on a jiayan, K. kab’in day, the fifty-first in the sexagenary cycle. Its significance is however not clear. 613. Lügong 旅貢: literally “hostage.” Despite its literal meaning, it is here used metaphorically because no such hostage system existed at the time. 614.  The “royal dynasty” here likely refers to the Song court, i.e., the imperial dynasty. 615. Probably based on the following line in the Shijing: “不憖遺一老,” or, in translation: “[Huangfu] could not bring himself to leave behind a single minister [who might guard the king]” (“Minor Odes,” no. 193 “shiyue zhi jiao.” 616. I.e., stone chimes in the shape of an open triangle, such as the symbol