A Biographical Dictionary of the Qin, Former Han and Xin Periods (221 BC–AD 24) 90-04-10364-3

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A BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF THE QIN, FORMER HAN AND XIN PERIODS (221 BC - AD 24) BY

MICHAEL LOEWE

' 16 8 * ‘

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON • KOLN 2000

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library o f Congress Cataloging-m -Publicadon D ata

Loewe, Michael. A biographical dictionary of the Qin, former H an and Xin periods, 221 B.C. A.D. 24 / by Michael Loewe. p. cm. — (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Vierte Abteilung, China. ISSN 0169-9520 ; 16. Bd. = Handbook of Oriental studies, China) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004103643 (alk. paper) 1. China—History—221 B.C. - 960 A.D.— Dictionaries. I. Title. II. Series : Handbuch der Orientalistik. Vierte Abteilung, China ; 16. Bd. DS747.38.L63 2000 931 '04— dc21 00-11935891 CIP Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Loewe, M ichael.:

A biographical dictionary of the Qin, Former Han and Xin periods : (221 BC - AD 24) / by Michael Loewe. - Leiden ; Boston ; Koln : Brill, 2000

(Handbuch der Orientalistik : Abt. 4, China ; Bd. 16) ISBN 90-04-10364-3

ISSN 0169-9520 ISBN 90 04 10364 3 © Copyright 2000 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in anyform or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permissionfrom the publisher. Authorization to photocopy itemsfor internal orpersonal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriatefees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN TH E NETHERLANDS

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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of genealogical tables and maps..............................................................................................................................vi Preface............................................................................................................................................................................. vii Introduction......................................................................................................................................................................ix Conventions.................................................................................................................................................................xviii Abbreviations............................................................................................................................................................... xxii Biographical lis t............................................................................................................................................................... 1 Titles of officials........................................................................................................................................................... 756 Genealogical tables.......................................................................................................................................................769 Major administrative divisions................................................................................................................................... (a) The Metropolitan Area................................................................................................................................... (b) Kingdoms......................................................................................................................................................... (c) Commanderies and their governors.............................................................................................................. (d) Regional groups..............................................................................................................................................

779 781 782 788 804

Maps.............................................................................................................................................................................. 806 List of works cited........................................................................................................................................................813 Qin, Han and Xin emperors.........................................................................................................................................823 Index.............................................................................................................................................................................. 824

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GENEALOGICAL TABLES 1. Gaodi and his descendants..................................................................................................................................... 771 2. Wendi, Jingdi and their descendants.................................................................................................................... 772 3. Wudi's Empress Wei.............................................................................................................................................. 773 4. Wudi's minor consorts (Li Furen, Zhao Jieyu, Wang Furen, Li Yi).................................................................774 5. The imperial succession Xuandi to Pingdi.......................................................................................................... 775 6. Huo Guang and his relatives................................................................................................................................. 776 7. Wang Mang's family.............................................................................................................................................. 777 8. The Fu family..........................................................................................................................................................778

MAPS

1. The Qin Empire.......................................................................................................................................................807 2. The emergent kingdoms 210—202 BC.................................................................................................................808 3. The Han Empire 195 BC........................................................................................................................................809 4. The Han Empire 163 BC........................................................................................................................................810 5. The Han Empire 143 B C ...................................................................................................................................... 810a 6. The Han Empire 108 B C ...................................................................................................................................... 810a 7. The Han Empire AD 2 ...........................................................................................................................................810a 8. Regional Units AD 2.............................................................................................................................................. 811 9. Civil warfare 210 - 2 0 2 BC.................................................................................................................................812

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PREFACE My thanks are due first to my parents whose gentle schooling brought me a love of learning for the sake of learning and a recognition o f the need to foster the skills with which to acquire it. Arthur Cooper, in whose company I worked in Government Communications' Headquarters and its ancestor offices, directed my footsteps from Japanese to Chinese, and together with Colonel Jeffrey was ready to instil a rigorous approach to language. The encouragement and help that I received from Walter Simon in my early days in academic life were of untold value. In the same wa^ as I had embarked on a study of China's humanities in my spare time, while holding a job in GCHQ, so had he done likewise, while working as a librarian in Berlin (until 1933); we each understood the degree of application needed to engage in serious attention to a Chinese text only when the day's work had been done. My first meeting with Toon Hulsewe took place in 1957, in the garden of a seminary for Jesuit ordinands in Padua, and from that moment until his death in 1993 his support and guidance were never lacking, ever ready as he was to suggest new evidence that I had overlooked, to correct errors that he had spotted in my work and to draw on his fount of bibliographical knowledge. Late in his life he once remarked to me that his own work was that of a brickmaker, while that of his colleagues and successors was that of architects. In presenting below the rough stones hewn from an ever abundant quarry, the present writer asks his fellow scholars to exercise their forbearance and to overlook the deficiencies that they may observe in the shaping. O f necessity, preparation of the book has revealed a number o f problems and situations that require research, and it is intended to bring these to attention in subsequent publications. Edward Shils was wont to discriminate shrewdly when lending his approval to an academic venture; that he did not dismiss these undertakings as worthless was a mark of high praise for which I was and am deeply grateful. He saw the first draft entries o f this book, which recorded the unscrupulous or even ruthless steps taken by ambitious contenders for power in the early days of the Chinese empires, and he would ask me if all the subjects that I would be handling would be 'ruffians'. Unfortunately he did not live long enough to comment on the fruits o f my assurance that he should wait and see. O f my own immediate colleagues, Denis Twitchett (also a colleague in GCHQ), D.C. Lau, Piet van der Loon, Laurence Picken, and David McMullen have helped me most; and it has been a pleasure to work in harness with Rafe de Crespigny. Elisabeth Hsu, of the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Cambridge, kindly helped with advice where the history of Chinese medicine was concerned. My thanks are also due to Carol Michaelson, of the British Museum, who drew my attention to the seal noted below under Chen Chong; to Fokke Dijkema and Patricia Radder o f Brill; to Alison Gilderdale, for editorial help and guidance; and to Richard Germany, who patiently led me in the mysterious ways of a computer. Above all, throughout the six years in which this work has been proceeding, Carmen Blacker has ever buoyed me up with encouragement, prevented me from excessive 'frousting' in my study and enabled me to complete an undertaking whose first steps, had I but known it at the time, were taken in 1951.

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INTRODUCTION The prime purpose of this study of the named men and women who lived and died between 221 BC and AD 25 is to meet the needs of those who are directly concerned with the history of China's first empires. It is also hoped that it may be o f assistance to historians of other cultures who may be tempted to enquire into the lives of those who built and operated great structures that were in some ways comparable with those of empires such as Rome or Byzantium. The book is designed to be a work of reference that will serve students who are embarking on a study of the primary sources for that period, sinologists who do not specialise in the history o f the early empires, and historians of cultures and empires that grew up outside China. It is intended to provide the help that is sorely needed by newcomers to Chinese historical texts, who are seeking in some despair to find answers to immediate questions of the time, place and context of the passages with which they wrestle. It is hoped to lead students of later periods of Chinese history to the basic background information for the references or comparisons that adorn the writings of Chinese officials or poets of Tang, Song or Qing times; for such writers assumed that their readers shared their own intellectual heritage and scholarly knowledge; they could hardly think that the allusions in their essays or their verses would baffle the understanding of those who had not received a training and education similar to their own. In addition the book is designed to help historians of other civilisations who chance upon a name of Qin or Han times in secondary writings and wish to understand better the personalities and situations to which their attention has been drawn. While it is in no sense intended to be an exercise in sociological research, its content could conceivably form the raw material for such a study, whose value and reliability would however be severely limited by the nature of the sources that are available. O f necessity it is not possible to provide here anything more than a summary for those notable figures who bestride Qin and Han history and yet await the research that they merit. The book should be seen more as a source book than as a series of critical biographies. It seeks to collect and summarise for the reader the information that our sources provide in respect of the lives and careers of the individuals who are mentioned. As is well known those sources are at times biassed, inaccurate or incomplete, and they include material that is better classed as fiction than as verifiable fact. As such anecdotes are themselves sometimes worth recording, in so far as they feature in Chinese poetry or drama of later years, in certain cases they have been included, with a note to warn an unwary reader of such failings.1 The entries in this book also note cases when the sources themselves include an appraisal that is worthy of note, or a number of different or even contradictory assessments of an individual. There is no place in this volume for a detailed account of the main historical trends of the period as may be found elsewhere. Thus, as a source book rather than a history of institutions, the book records the deliberate closure of over 100 nobilities in 112 BC under each appropriate entry; it does not set out to examine the circumstances, motives or consequences of such a decision.2 To enable readers to set the lives of individuals in the context of their times, historical summaries are provided in the somewhat long entries that are provided for each of the emperors. Inclusion of those summaries in this way has been adopted simply as a matter of convenience; it in no way implies that historical change and development necessarily or regularly accompanied the death of one and the accession of another ruler.

For studies o f Chinese historiography, see Chavannes, MW vol. I, pp. vii—lxi; Hulsewe, 'Notes on Historiography'; Burton Watson, Ssu-ma Ch 'ien G rand Historian o f China, especially chapters iii, iv. For secondary studies o f institutions, see Wang Yii-ch'iian, 'An Outline o f the Central Government o f the Former Han Dynasty'; Bielenstein, Bureaucracy; Hulsewe, RHL; CHOC chapters 7, 8 and 9; Tao Xisheng and Shen Juchen, Qin Han zhengzhi zhidu\ Zhou Daoji, Qin Han zhengzhi zhiduyanjiu', Kamada shigeo, Shin Kan seiji seido no kenkyu.

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In planning both this volume and the forthcoming biographical dictionary for Later Han it has been thought right to maintain the distinction between the earlier and the later periods. Chinese historians have regularly wished and tried to depict Han as a single continuum that lasted for four centuries, punctuated by a short period of 'usurpation' by Wang Mang | : ffi. We now prefer to recognise that a wide gulf separated Former and Later Han in matters such as religious and intellectual outlook and institutional practice; and for a number of years it has been shown that the picture of Wang Mang as painted by Chinese apologists for Han requires basic correction. The principal sources on which this book calls are the Shiji and the Han shu, the two dynastic histories which long formed the models on which historians based the arrangement of their material and the style in which they handled it.3 While the writings of a number of hands, ranging from Sima Tan frj H §£ to Chu Shaosun /p and Ban Zhao \\{\, are included in those works, the degree of consistency, as judged by inspection of all references to a given person therein, is on the whole remarkable. On occasion differences can be reconciled by reference to the Qian Han j i gff gg gg of Xun Yue ^ (AD 148—209); sometimes they may be due to deliberate choice whereby a person is treated with sympathy or antagonism, at length or with brevity, as may be seen in the poor, or even perfunctory, way in which the Shiji handles Ni Kuan J |, or Zhuang Zhu . Some statements raise questions of accuracy whose solution yet requires research.4 Other sources on which this book draws include some of the contemporary writings of Former Han, such as the Huainanzi, the authentic parts of the Chunqiu fanlu, the Yantie lun, Shuo yuan, Xin xu, and fragments of the Xin lun; and writings of Later Han or even later, such as the Dong guan Han ji, Lunheng, Qianfu lun or Xijing zaji, together with the Hou Han shu and Xu Han shu, Huayang guo zhi and San guo zhi. Stone stele and inscriptions record the names of the ancestors of officials and other dignitaries who served Later Han, and it may sometimes be asked how far such claims to antiquity, featuring in epitaphs that are avowedly laudatory, can be accepted as authentic. For nearly 2,000 years Chinese scholars have bent their minds and their pens to commenting on the text of the Shiji and the Han shu, pointing out differences and inconsistencies, drawing on the books just named, and others now lost, to supply confirmatory evidence and adding their own shrewd remarks that sprang from an empathetic understanding of the situations that were being described. In this way historians of Han owe an immense debt to writers such as Meng Kang jg jgf (c. 180—260) or Yan Shigu Jg gffj rtj (581—645). Faced by the Herculean task of acquiring a familiarity with the great host of their writings, not to speak of those of Japanese scholars and the western scholars of the last century, the present author can hardly expect to consult more than a part of the whole corpus of material that is available. The present book leans heavily on the acute summaries and scholarly judgements of Wang Xianqian K ill! (1842—1918) and Takigawa Kametaro $j| j I [ f& g[3 (b. 1865); on subsequent writings by Wang Shumin Jg, Yang Shuda IS filf 38 > Shi Zhimian Jfg ® Chen Zhi g? jg[; and, from the West, on scholars such as Chavannes, Dubs, Hulsewe and Wilbur. It cannot be claimed that full account has been taken of all the relevant references in the Hou Han shu and Xu Han shu. It may be surmised that in some cases the compilers of the Shiji and Han shu were able to call on archive, such as imperial decrees, or the reports submitted by provincial officials, or the summaries of such documents that were stored in the offices of the government.5 Some of this material is retained in the two histories in the form of tables, a particular form of record that does not appear again in the Standard Histories until for the Tang period. These tables6 set out in chronological sequence the succession of rulers in the pre-imperial kingdoms, reaching back to 841 BC in the Shiji. In both histories they list the kings (Zhuhouwang §g f ) who ruled For the sources, authorship and compilation o f these two basic works, see Hulsewe, in Beasley and Pulleyblank, eds., Historians o f China an d Japan, chapter 3, and in ECTBG pp. 129—36 and 405—14. 4 E .g ., the statement that Liu Xin gij had received instruction in the Zuo zhuan before he had him self brought the text out o f comparative obscurity. E .g ., some o f the documents o f investiture that are included in Shiji chapter 60. 6 SJ chapters 13—22 and HS chapters 13—19.

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parts of China during the Former Han Dynasty, the nobles (Chehou flgr Liehou ^IJ {j* or Tonghou jgj jz|) of the Han empire in their different categories and the holders of the principal officials of state from 206 BC to AD 5 (i.e. from Gaodi to Pingdi). It may be surmised that the tables as we have them are the results of editing earlier lists and documents which derived from the clerks of the central or the provincial government, such records forming an essential element in the conduct of the administration. Possibly it was the subordinate officials of the Superintendent of the Imperial Clan (Zong zheng g fj£) or the Commandant, Orders of Honour (Zhu jue Duwei )-; |f|’ g.f) who were responsible for maintaining these lists in order and keeping them up to date. Possibly some of these archives started life in the form of the documents found recently at Yinwan j f jig .7 Signs of editing on the part of the compilers of the histories may be seen in certain entries where it is noted that full information was not available, or where details are included that referred to dates long after the end of Han.8 Parts of some of the tables were undoubtedly included well after the time of Sima Qian WJ M-j M (died c. 86 BC). There are certain differences in the form or layout of some of the tables as between the two histories; e.g. the entries in Shiji chapter 17 are read as it were from a scroll, with successive years following one another in an horizontal line that runs from right to left; whereas in the corresponding chapter of the Han shu (chapter 14) the entries are set out and read in vertical columns. In addition the mode of noting dates may vary as between the two histories. Nonetheless a remarkable degree of identity persists between the details furnished by each of the works; either the two sets of historians were working from one and the same set of archives, adopting different forms as they saw fit; or, perhaps more probably, the two groups of compilers were working from duplicate copies of a record that had been made out as such by central or provincial officials. For the history of Former Han these tables are invaluable. They provide corroboration of statements made in other chapters of the histories or correct some of the details, such as those of date. They supplement the deficiencies of some of the other chapters, at times making it possible to distinguish between homonyms; they provide a wealth of information which concerns institutional practice, legal procedure and genealogical history that is not available elsewhere. The great value of the tables may be appreciated when a study is made of a period for which they are not available, such as the reign of Wang Mang. To the names included in this book there could be added many more, being those of the officers and men who are mentioned in the military and official records of the defence lines of the north-west. The strips of Dunhuang Jfr and Juyan Jg £i£ and of other fortresses refer to the activities and lives of such named persons, at times giving details of their place of origin and age, with the names and ages of members of their families. From such records much is learnt about the daily lives spent by servicemen during their terms of duty, experiencing the rigours of a severe climate to which they were unaccustomed, and being subject to a military discipline that they may well have resented. In return for their labours as servicemen on guard or patrol, as lumberjacks engaged in constructing or maintaining buildings, or as farmers working on the state sponsored farms they received clothing and rations of food. Surviving lists record the names of some of those upon whom these and other duties fell. Either willingly or by means of compulsion these men served their emperor by implementing the policies of his officials. Many of their names are recorded in other publications, but it has not been deemed right to include them here.10 A short acquaintance with the principal primary sources for the dynasties that are concerned here will alert a reader to the mixed content of those books. They include short statements of fact that can be verified; propagandist claims designed to persuade or deceive, so as to serve dynastic purposes; and anecdotes that add colour to a dry chronicle. Readers may also at times seek in vain to find pertinent information with which to clarify their understanding, and it cannot always be determined whether such a lack is due to the ignorance or See Yinwan Han mu jiandu. 8 See HS 15A, pp. 4 7 6 —8; for an entry o f an event dated A D 71, see HS 17, p. 672; possibly such entries were made by Ban Zhao (AD 48—? 1 16) to whom compilation o f the tables is ascribed. For an example where a table might w ell eliminate some doubts, see under Wang Jia

H (4).

See Cba Osamu, Kyoen Kan kan sakuin, and Loewe, RHA.

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the deliberate suppression on the part o f the compilers. On certain occasions we Eire reminded that it may not be possible to determine the degree of veracity in our records. Yang Gongshu ^ is named in one source as being able to understand the speech of birds; in another source, which is concerned with problems of epistemology, an anecdote records such skills on the part of Yang Wengzhong |f§ -frj:. Both Gongshu and Wengzhong are likely to be styles (z; 'j-:) rather than given names (ming ). Possibly the two men are to be identified; possibly both accounts depend on hearsay rather than on attested fact. The Shiji and the Han shu may at times tend to fasten on personal detail in a manner which betrays prejudice, and scholars have for long pointed to the need for a constant care to avoid an unwary acceptance of some of the implications of our texts. Unfortunately written records which derive from an external source are rarely, if ever, available so as to corroborate the statements with which we are furnished. But whatever the weaknesses of the works and however daunting some of the difficulties of the historian may be, a study of the sources with a view to revealing contradictions and establishing consistency discloses certain activities, achievements and failures of individual effort. Some of those activities took place as a result of the personal initiative of a named person; some may have been launched in direct opposition to the will of a political rival; some may have sprung from disenchantment with the prevailing ideas of the day; but in all cases they formed parts of China's historical development, and events that are apparently unconnected may often tell of the practical way in which the imperial system operated. Thus the conferment of nearly 800 nobilities and the succession o f holders of those honours show how the hierarchical structure of Han society worked out in practice. The ambitious rivalries and violent struggles between named princes of the imperial blood and their families, or between contesting politicians, illustrate at times the consolidation of imperial power, at times the decline of a unifying authority. The step by step careers of named officials, beginning as a Gentleman (Lang gp) or Counsellor (Dafu Jr), as a junior clerk in the provinces or on the staff of a military commander, display the organs of government and the system of officialdom in operation, with its succession of appointments and promotions, its demotions and dismissals. Study of particular cases of the punishments inflicted on a criminal or the deprivation o f honours decreed on an official reveals the processes of the laws and the will of government. Accounts of the rise and fall of imperial favourites may indeed read as being biassed; they may also tell of the strength or weakness of an emperor. That the list of names included in this book cannot be taken as representative is only too self-evident. Long before the spectre of womens' studies or gender studies had stalked the groves o f academe, or subservience to political correctness had menaced deference to traditional scholarship, historians had been well aware that the primary sources on which they relied mention women only too rarely, and at times, as it would appear, only for the sake of denigration or denunciation. Perhaps as many as a quarter of the entries are for members of the imperial family of Liu, often mentioned solely as successors to a nobility and with no further claim to fame. Their inclusion is possible thanks only to the detailed records of the tables of the histories and places an undue emphasis on a small and very special element of the whole population. O f the remaining names the highest proportion are those of senior officials and nobles, to the exclusion of low-ranking clerks and the great majority of the population on whose labours the small number of men and. women included here depended for their sustenance or their defence from invading enemies. Officials who fell victims to their rivals and ended their days as criminals or alleged traitors may well have served their emperor or voiced unorthodox but highly interesting views; but if they died as victims of intrigue, as criminals or allegedly as parties to a plot, the compilers of the histories could not include special biographies in which to recount their services. In this way we are denied a full record of men such as Sang Hongyang a far-sighted official who may well have influenced both domestic and foreign policies during Wudi's reign. It can also hardly escape the notice of readers that the extent of information for the subjects who are treated varies considerably, ranging from the lengthy accounts that are possible for men such as Jia Yi J f jjg or Liu Xiang gij fn] (1) to the simple statements of the succession of others to a nobility. Anecdote may be recorded alongside the formal facts of an official's appointments. The latter details can usually be taken as correct, being confirmed by the subsequent stages of a man's career and by consistency with other information. The occasional remarks of a personal nature may well add a flavour of verisimilitude to his

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life that is of no concern to a dry, official record; and although such remarks may be of little relevance to the growth of a man's reputation, they may well inadvertently disclose matters of principle. Thus we are told that in his will He Bing {n[ qf, directed his son to refuse the customary gifts made on the occasion of a senior official's death; and therein there may lie an item of institutional history that is not otherwise recorded. Personal information, given only too rarely, forms a welcome addition to the solemn accounts of a highly respected official's conduct of his duties or the maintenance of his loyalty. Huo Guang |g -)£, we learn, was a man of invariable habits, never deviating by a step when treading his known path to or from the palace; Kong Guang J[, ^ was obsessed by so punctilious a sense of duty and security that he refused to tell his family what trees were growing in the compound of his official quarters, and changed the subject o f conversation. It may be asked what place a work of this sort should give to matters such as the account of the parentage of Liu Fa p j fg? (1), which may possibly have been based on hearsay. Inclusion here has been deemed justifiable in that it bears on dynastic matters and that it reveals something of the mind of the writers on whom we rely and their sense of what was significant. It may be surmised that in this particular instance the tale was included not necessarily to reveal a discreditable side of Jingdi's character or to excite a prurient interest in his personal habits. The parentage of an imperial prince was a matter of the highest importance and could affect the fate of a dynasty; it is not altogether surprising that the historians would have felt obliged to include a statement that some persons, and posssibly they themselves, believed to be true, rather than risk accusation of suppressio veri. A further reason for the inclusion here of matter that may well owe more to hearsay or imagination, than to factual truth, lies in its appearance in political discussion, its importance in mythology and its retention in China's literature and drama. Throughout the imperial period Chinese officials have been wont to support their arguments by appeals to the past, invoking examples of bravery and heroism on the one hand and those of depravity and disgrace on the other. The tale of the self-sacrifice of Wang Ling's [:_|Sg mother lent itself easily to such purposes. The dramatic tale of the last days and moments of Xiang Yu J|j ^ may not be subject to factual proof; familiarity with its pathos is essential for an understanding of later writings, leading to the recently made film 'Farewell my Concubine'. Working over the last fifty years and more, China's archaeologists have unearthed material evidence for Qin, Han and Xin times to an extent that is little less than overwhelming. In a number of cases such finds may be related to the written records, and neither historian nor archaeologist can afford to ignore the results of his colleague's researches. Perhaps some 30,000 tombs, of which no more than a fraction have been excavated, may be dated to the four hundred years that ran from the establishment of the Qin empire in 221 BC to the abdication of the last of the Later Han emperors in AD 220." The great majority of these tombs are the sepulchres of that multitude which none can number and who have passed to another shore. For 2,000 years their bones lay buried safe from disturbance; for most no written memorial exists to tell their names or to warrant inclusion in this record; for a few, a seal or an inscription discloses the name of a man or woman for whom a tomb was built, but it cannot be claimed that all those whose identity is reported in the archaeological journals have been included in this book. At a relatively small number of sites characteristic features such as the style of the tomb or the selection of funerary goods indicate that the occupant was a man or woman of a defined rank or status; other evidence, of situation and dating, may suggest identification within a narrow range of alternatives. At times the absence of a name or of a full name way be tantalising, as in the case of the two men buried at tombs nos. 6 and 18 at Wuwei jf£ in one there was found a copy of part of the Yili fj| jjjg, possibly a memorial of the occupant's scholarship; the other tomb included the text of a decree that conferred privileges upon the aged.12

" KG 1999.9, p. 807. 12 See Wuwei H an jian , and Loewe, 'The Wooden and Bamboo Strips Found at Mo-Chii-Tzu (Kansu).

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As yet (January 2000) we await publication o f reports of the full excavation of any of the tombs of the Qin or Former Han emperors,13 while lengthy and well-illustrated monographs describe some of the more important and spectacular discoveries, e.g. o f Mawangdui, Mancheng, Shizhaishan, Xi'an and Guangzhou.14 These riches emphasise the essential need to study literary and material evidence in combination. While our texts include statements about the layout and size of Chang'an it is essential for historians to take full account of the traces now found of buildings with their artifacts and inscriptions. Similarly, archaeologists cannot expect to understand the importance of the tombs at Mancheng without attending to the statements that the histories provide regarding the character and behaviour of Liu Sheng gij (1). Art historians bent on studying the plethora of jades and the types of decor found at the tomb of Zhao Mo Jfj [|^ cannot fail to take note of the statements that the histories carry on the relations between the Han empire and the kings of Nan Yue. Given the literary resources at our disposal and the reasons for their compilation, it is hardly possible to produce a biography of any person in early imperial times that would satisfy Momigliano’s description of biography as an account of a man from birth to death' with an attempted assessment that will stand up to scrutiny.15 Only in a relatively few instances is it possible to identify a decisive effect that an individual played in directing public affairs or contributing to the rise or fall of a dynasty. Such a statement may sound strange when it is recalled that whatever place can or should be assigned to biography in the western tradition, from the earliest times of Chinese historiography this type of writing held a recognised and consolidated place as one of the main divisions of historical writing, and that for long these chapters formed the greater part of a standard or dynastic history.16 In the main they concerned the men who held high offices of state, served as military commanders or were distinguished by their literary or scholarly activities in Qin, Former Han and Xin times. If it is asked whether the purpose in compiling these biographical accounts may be compared with that of similar activity in the Greek and Roman world, the answer is far from clear. Momigliano has discussed at some length the distinction between historical writing as such and biographies, and the emergence of the latter genre in the classical world. He distinguishes a Suetonian type, i.e. a combination of a tale in chronological order with the systematic characterisation of an individual and of his achievements, and a Plutarchian type, which is a straightforward chronological account of events and as such is well suited to tell the life of a general or of a politician. In concluding his explanation of why neither biography nor autobiography became prominent literary genres in Greece in the fifth century BC, Momigliano writes 'But Thucydides confined his appreciation of individuals to their contribution to political life in specific moments: and so after all did Herodotus in the case of most Greek politicians. The value of the individual lay in his contribution to the welfare of the state to which he belonged. That excluded biography. '18 Similar motives in China, however, did not exclude biography. Here too an interest in recording an individual's achievements sprang partly from his success at organising human beings and controlling their work. The prime point of significance in these accounts is the rise and fall, the strength and weakness of a dynastic house or an emperor, or a pretender's attempts to establish his own regime. The parts played by individuals are recorded to show how an emperor's will was guided or his wishes implemented; how the 13 For the results o f excavation at the tomb o f the First Qin Emperor, see Ledderose and Schlombs, Jenseits der Grossen Mauer, for the tombs o f the Former Han emperors, see Liu Qingzhu and Li Yufang, X i Han shiyi ling. See Changsha M awangdui y i hao Han mu; Mancheng Han mu faju e baogao; Yunnan Jinning Shizhaishan gu muqun fajue baogao; Han Chang'an cheng Weiyang g ong (not published at the time o f Hotaling's study); X i Han Nan Yue wang mu; Priich and von der Schulenburg, Schalze fu r Konig Zhao Mo. See Momigliano, p. 11; for studies o f early writers o f biography in the West, beginning with Cornelius Nepos (c. 99—24 BC), see Dorey, Latin Biography. As contrasted with the slender volum e o f the surviving biographical writing in early Greek and Roman history, the biographical chapters o f the Standard Histories, including a few chapters that concerned an area or ethnic group such as the Xiongnu, amounted to 69 (o f the 130 chapters o f the Shiji), 69 (o f the 100 chapters o f the Han shu) and 80 (o f the 80 + 30 chapters o f the Hou Han shu cum Xu Han shu). See M omigliano, pp. 18—9. 18 Momigliano, pp. 38, 41.

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institutions of the empire were operated, exploited or abused. A further motive lay in a wish to hold up examples of nobility by way of encouragement or to excoriate those of base conduct by way of warning. Precedents may certainly be found in pre-imperial works for pieces of writing that may loosely be described as biographical; but it is to the authors of the Shiji that full credit is due for their initiative in establishing the genre as 'a new departure in historical writing' .19 In addition to their contributions, the practice of biographical writing may also have owed something to a need to trace an individual's genealogy and to establish it for all time. Such a motive perhaps lay behind the composition of the long epitaph inscriptions and the erection of the majestic stele of Later Han. The praises that these texts bore of an ancestor's character and the account of his official appointments both testified to a family's attention to the Confucian virtue o f Xiao if_, or 'filial piety', and proclaimed the family's pretensions to renown in compeetition with those of its neighbours and rivals. The tale of the six thousand men and women that is treated here reveals a heritage left to China's later generations of mixed content. There were those who paid their respects to religious rites; there are few records of the attainment of spiritual values. Poets, historians and essayists moulded the forms of Chinese literature; how far they left an experience of emotion recollected in tranquillity, an insight into historical analysis or a cogent philosophical thesis may be open to doubt. Some of those whose names are recorded bore in mind a recognised concept of the cosmos and ordered their lives so as to conform with its harmony; how far their ideas bear description as proto-scientific or scientific is open to argument. Some of those who feature here built and operated the structure of an empire, moved by loyalty to their governing house; others exploited their positions to dispute the control of power and to serve their own ambitions. Standards of loyalty, very different from those conceived in the West, did not inhibit certain brave generals from changing sides to join a non-Chinese master. There is a long tale of those who had reached the highest places of public life but chose the path of suicide, rather than face public execution and bequeath the heritage of a shameful end to their descendants. Of the names recorded in this list four may be singled out as those of men whose influence long survived their own lives and affected the culture that evolved in China over two thousand years. The first Qin Emperor's legacy of ordered central government and hierarchical responsibilities that were practised on an imperial scale formed the framework within which all subsequent imperial regimes exercised authority. It was Wang Mang -£ who first claimed that his empire was modelled on the ideals of the kings and teachers of Zhou jgj; no subsequent empire was ever able to gainsay this principle and only a few statesmen left cogent arguments with which to show the falsity of such pretensions. The collection and classification of literature, formulated by Liu Xiang gij [nj (1), who died in 8 BC, served as a significant model that affected the greater part of subsequent scholarly and bibliographical work; Zhang Yu and Liu Xin gij died a suicide 's death in 47 BC and AD 23 respectively. Other books than this tell the tale of the growth of different ideologies, the adoption o f changing policies and the conflict of ambitious challengers to power, and it is against such a background that the lives, careers and achievements of the individuals mentioned here should be set. So far from maintaining a stable dynastic situation over two hundred years, as is sometimes claimed for Former Han, it is to be recognised that the empire was riven with dynastic disputes.21 In such circumstances the accounts of individual careers and fortunes reflect the growth of political ideas and the success or failure to secure a consolidation of imperial power. Such movements are seen in a number of ways. There was developing the recognition that powers of life and death were properly restricted to the emperor and his duly deputed officials. There grew up a general readiness to accept the authority of officials, charged with the duty of collecting tax or assigning work to be completed on behalf of a county or commandery. Reasons for the bestowal and retention of nobilities and other marks of distinction were moving steadily away from those of heredity to those of imperial bounty that rewarded merit. It was largely on the basis of Former Han that the continuing ideal of an empire rested; and it was the example of Han, whether historical or mythical, that inspired the adoption of its name for transient dynasties up to the tenth century, and for a short period of four years from 1360. But the description o f Former Han as a time that witnessed the victory of Confucianism requires modification. Recently found manuscripts have drawn attention to the importance o f other modes of thought, notably Huang Lao jj| ;;g; research has shown how religious belief and practice were tempered by other considerations than those of the masters of learning of Lu | | ;24 it may be seen how political decisions and intellectual and religious attitudes may in some circumstances be correlated.25 So far from the acceptance of a single attitude towards and a single interpretation of ancient writings, such as the Changes, a number of schools and traditions had been arising.26 The recovery of the Zuo zhuan from oblivion was but one step that led scholarly endeavours to new paths that were to be trodden regularly during Later Han. Other differences 20 For Sang Hongyang, see Kroll, 'Toward a Study o f the Economic Views o f Sang Hung-yang'; for Gong Yu, see Loewe, Economic co-ordination, pp. 255, 261, 263—4. At times when he expressed his view s on retrenchment, Gong Yu was no more than an Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu ^ ^ 5); some o f his other view s were expressed after appointment as Imperial Counsellor from 44 BC. 21 E.g., see the activities o f Lii Hou; the bid for the throne by Liu Xiang gij J{ (2); the revolt o f the seven kings in 154; the dynastic crisis o f 91 BC; the short reign o f Liu He glj j j (4); the bid for power by Liu Dan glj EL (1); the fall o f the Huo family; the succession disputes and murder o f two imperial infants during Chengdi's reign. 22 See Mansvelt Beck, in Twitchett and Loewe, eds., CHOC, pp. 369—73. 23 See Dubs, HFHD, vol. II, pp.7, 20—5. 24 For the influence o f different types o f thought that had grown up during the Warring States period, see Harper, in Loewe and Shau^hnessy, eds., CHOAC, chapter 12. See Loewe, Crisis an d Conflict, pp. 11—2. 26 For tables that show the filiation o f different schools, see Tjan Tjoe Som, Po Hu T'ung, vol. I, between pp. 86 and 87.

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between Former and Later Han are seen in the emergence of new cosmologies and the attention paid to different concepts of life and death. A growing need to train candidates for official service according to orthodox scholarly foundations had yet to impose itself on intellectuals. Academicians such as Han Ying | j | §§ (Wendi's reign) or Yuan Gu gj (Jingdi's reign), or the early masters of the Yan and Qi traditions of the Songs, might well have had difficulty in identifying their intentions with the aims of men such as Zheng Zhong fg|$ /£ (died AD 83) or Zheng Xuan H|$ (AD 127 —200).27 Certain passages of the histories disclose the original historian's skilful allusion to character, or his acute assessment of merit, as may be seen in respect of some of the founding fathers of the Han dyansty. Xiao He | f jpj (d. 193 BC) is seen as setting the pattern for imperial loyalty and stability, steadfastly working to formulate the institutions with which to govern an empire. Cao Shen | | 0 (d. 190 BC) dutifully operated that pattern; after an active life spent on a field of battle his relaxation in a civilian position excited criticism for laziness. Zhang Liang gg jg. (d. 185 BC) was capable of thinking out policies of medium or long-term value; his main strength lay in forming plans to counter dangers that were likely to persist or to recur. The quick-witted Chen Ping |5j|r zp (d. 178 BC) was able to meet an immediate crisis and was capable of looking after his own personal interests; his success was due in part to his proposals for a scheme that was anything but conventional or ordinary. Few accounts of loathsome cruelty can match those that we have of Liu Jian gij (3) and Liu Qu fgij and in so far as these figures played little or no part in determining major dynastic destinies these accounts cannot necessarily be dismissed altogether as allegations of a propagandist nature, reminiscent as they may be of some of the passages of Procopius. It may also be noticed that Liu Qu was one of the earliest members of the imperial fmaily who is known to have studied the Book o f Filial Piety and the Analects. He forms a contrast with Yang Xian ^ j j , a paid assassin who found his victim trundling a handcart so as to convey his brother’s body for decent burial; moral scruple prevented Yang Xian from carrying out his mission. Possibly, however, the description of Wang Mang's vindictive treatment of the bodies of Fu Taihou fitf and Ding Yi T * may have owed more to a subsequent historian's loyalty to Han than to verifiable fact. As against these enormities there may happily be set tales that tell of human kindness or personal bravery. The histories do not record the personal name o f a young girl with crippled hands that were cured by the emperor's touch as he passed through Henan one day. Attracting his favours she joined the company of W udi's minor consorts, and she is known as Zhao Jieyu |j j f f . In 94 she gave birth to Liu Fuling gij ^ |5g , who was destined to reign as Zhaodi from 86 to 74. In another example, in 38 BC panic ensued when a bear broke loose at a circus that Yuandi was attending. It was one of his minor consorts, named Feng Yuan , who shielded him from danger, at considerable risk to her own safety; in the fullness of time, she was to become the grandmother of Liu Kan gij \\] (Jizi 'ff_ - f) , known as the last o f the Former Han Emperors under the title o f Pingdi.

27 For developments during Later Han, see Anne Cheng, Confucianisme.

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CONVENTIONS CHO ICE AND TREATM ENT O F SUBJECTS In general entries are limited to those men and women known to have been borne or to have died between the years 221 BC and AD 25. Exceptionally a few others have been included if they are deemed to have been of particular relevance, such as Lii Buwei g TfC ^ (died 235 BC) or Ban Gu g£ g] (AD 32— 92). If the greater part of a person's life and career passed in Later Han, I have left detailed treatment to Dr de Crespigny's forthcoming volume, including here no more than a brief note to show the extent of his or her appearance in Former Han (e.g. Li Tong A/: jjf, Kou Xun gg f^ ) .1 Owing to a lack of information, it has not been possible to include entries for all subjects of the biographies of the Hou Han shu, whose main careers were lived in Later Han, but who may have been borne before AD 25. Entries for persons listed in Han shu 30 and mentioned in the Huayang guo zhi without an indication of date are included if there is a reasonable certainty that they lived in Qin, Former Han or Xin times. As chapter 19B of the Han shu provides lists of the senior officials of the central government, with the dates of appointment, dismissal or death, it has not been thought necessary to include one here. But as no such list is given in the primary sources for the governors of the commanderies, these are given below in the entries for major administrative units; regrettably it is only rarely that precise dates can be added. Necessarily some material is repeated among two or more entries in order to provide clarity. To avoid unnecessary duplication, where suitable two or more subjects are treated in one entry, with a cross-reference noted under the formula see under (e.g. Chen Tang ^ and Gan Yanshou y JjE U are handled together). The formula see is used mainly in cases of variant versions of a name (e.g. Liu Du gij $§?). Homonyms are distinguished by numbers, and usually listed in chronological order as far as this may be determined, e.g. Liu An (1) fglj to Liu An (5). In general the distinction by number is maintained throughout the volume, except in certain cases of well-known persons where there is little or no room for confusion; e.g. references are usually given to Zhao Ponu gg g j, Liu Xiang SglJ [p], and Wang Mang j'f as such, rather than to Zhao Ponu (1), Liu Xiang (1) and Wang Mang (2). Names are entered in the order of characters adopted in the Kangxi Dictionary. Entries are normally given by the family name, followed by the given name {ming ), except where the majority of references both in the sources and in general use are to the surname and style (zi ij;); e.g. entries are for Xiang Yu IJ| ^ and Liu Bosheng gij -(['| /|- rather than Xiang Ji iJJ Jg and Liu Yan gij , for which there are cross-references. The style is included in an entry only if it is of special significance, e.g. for Ji An g j jgg, or Du Qin |[- g£; if a style or title of nobility appears in certain passages without identification, it is entered by way of a cross-reference (e.g. Xinwu Hou g ; j||). If the sources simply refer to an individual by means of a ming, with no surname, he or she is entered by that term, enclosed within round brackets, e.g. (Sheng) jg (1); occasionally square brackets indicate a surname which is to be inferred but which is not stated. If in certain passages of the histories identification of the surname is not immediately obvious, an entry is provided for the given name, with a crossreference; e.g. (Qingdi) jjj | g , see Zhuang Qingdi f j |5 ■ As the printed indexes2 of the names that appear in the two histories include cross-references to all individuals under their title (e.g. Fuping hou g zp g , for Zhang Lin ijjj gg), it has not been thought necessary to repeat such entries here, except when they appear as such in the text and may not be immediately identifiable, or in other cases of special significance, such as Weiqi

Hou 8 1 S

1 For a detailed study o f the part played by some o f the subjects listed here during the wars to restore the Han dynasty, see Bielenstein, Restoration, vol. II.

2

Wu Shuping, ed., Shiji renming suoyin and Wei Lianke, ed., Han shu renming suoyin.

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Titles or honorific terms that are included in the heading of an entry are printed in italic; e.g. Xie Gong £■. On occasions when it may not be possible to distinguish between a given name and a title or general appellation an arbitrary decision has been unavoidable; e.g. Han Sheng fyfy and Han Sheng §j| /].. In general the place of origin or domicile o f an individual is given in terms of the kingdom or commandery. Although the county, or some other indication, may often be given in the sources it is included here only if it is of special significance. With deep respect to the usage of other scholars, I have preferred, as elsewhere, to refer to emperors under the terms Gaodi, Wudi etc., rather than Emperor Gao, Emperor Wu. This is to avoid misapprehension by an unwary reader to the effect that Gao, Wu etc. were names, in the style of King George, Queen Wilhelmina, rather than titles which were accorded posthumously. In company with other scholars, and indeed as in the text of the primary sources, the terms Gaodi, Wudi, Guangwudi etc. are used anachronistically. All emperors, and some empresses, are entered under their family names and given names (e.g. Liu Bang gij ^[5; Lii Zhi g £§), with cross references for their titles (e.g. Gaodi, and Taizu; Lii Taihou, and Empress Lii). If the sources do not provide the given name of an empress or an imperial consort, who are usually identified by their titles, they are listed here in that form; e.g. Zhao Zhaoyi HQ |g| (contrast Zhao Feiyan & ). In general I have not included the figures that are given for the armed forces engaged in warfare, such figures often seeming to be entered more for rhetorical or propagandist purposes rather as a reliable or verifiable record. Where possible or suitable, dates are included in the main biographical list for individuals who lived before or after Qin, Former Han and Xin times. The compilers of the Shiji and the Han shu were not normally concerned with providing dates for the birth or death of the persons whom they mention. These are usually available, somewhat exceptionally, for emperors, whose dates of accession are also specified, and the dates of death are usually included in the tables of the nobilities. As basic dates can thus be included only rarely at the outset of an entry, readers are obliged to infer the time of a person's life from his or her relations with others, such as emperors, or from the dates of incidents in which he or she was involved. Specific years are mentioned in the entries only if they can be authenticated. All too frequently it is possible to write only in terms such as 'early in Wudi's reign'. In cases where the tables of the nobilities do not include a date, it has not been possible to express this in more precise terms than by the number o f generations passed since the death of a previous holder, e.g. Liu Han gij gg (2). On a number of occasions the dates of an event are given inconsistently, either as between the two histories, or as between different chapters in one of them. Unless there is a clear indication to the contrary, in such cases I have usually chosen to follow the Han shu, as this is in general more consistent than the Shiji. At times there is also a further difficulty in identifying the dates of certain events. In some of the tables of the two histories, the timing is given simply in the form such as [7g ^ Jg; it is not always possible to determine whether such a form indicates the fourth year of a named Nianhao or the fourth year following a previously reported event. As dates are normally identified in the sources (and here) as years of the Chinese luni-solar calendar, there can be no exact identity or correspondence with the years enumerated in the reconstructed and extrapolated Julian or Gregorian calendars.4 The situation is complicated by changes in Chinese practice; until 104 BC the tenth of the twelve or thirteen months was adopted as the first of the incoming year; from 103 calendrical New Year’s Day was celebrated on the first day of the first month (Zheng yue ^j); and from AD 9 Wang Mang j- j'f. named the twelfth month as the first month of the year.5 Thus, Jingdi, Zhongyuan i[i 3, started on 21 November 148 BC (Julian) and ended on 10 November 147 BC; Xuandi, Dijie j^li fp 4 started on 22 February 66 BC and ended on 10 February 65 BC.

DATES

3 A particular case in which the tables o f both histories (X /2 1 , pp. 1108—15, HS 15A, pp. 470—5) are evidently in error will be treated in a forthcoming publication. For the correspondence between days o f the Chinese calendar and those o f western systems, see the tables o f Pere Hoang, Chen Yuan and Tung Tso-pin; for consideration o f Chinese calendrical systems, see Sivin, Cosmos and Computation. See Rodde, Festivals, p. 27.

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In all cases, and particularly where the sources do not mention a month, let alone a day, strict accuracy can be maintained only by referring to a year in the form of 137/136. As such a usage would, if repeated, be both clumsy and cluttering, I have chosen to give the number of the year in western style which corresponds for the greater part with that of the Chinese calendar. As in the reconstructed calendars, so here Yuanshou j l | 2 is equated with 1 BC, followed by Yuanshi 4'ff 1 as AD 1. There is no provision for a year which was entitled in some texts as Yuanshou 3, and which would have corresponded with a year to be numbered as 0 in a western system.6 O f the reconstructed calendars, for years up to 1 BC Pere Hoang relates days to the Gregorian calendar; Tung Tso-pin, followed by Dubs, Bodde and Hulsewe, changes these figures so as to correspond with the Julian calendar, and such a usage has been followed here (e.g., Xuandi's accession is dated to a day which corresponded with 10 September 74 BC). The great majority of years mentioned in the entries are before the Christian era and the adoption of a civil calendar with an enumeration in terms of BC. Except where a reader may be in doubt (e.g., for the years 10—1 BC), the letters BC have been omitted; AD is added regularly for years named as such in the western civil calendar. To avoid unnecessary repetition, dates for the reigns of emperors have been omitted throughout; for ease of reference they appear below and in the end-leaf of the volume. READINGS AND RENDERINGS Chinese characters are included for proper names on their first occurrence in an entry. But to avoid unnecessary duplication those for Chang'an -gand Luoyang |5|§ and for the kingdoms and commanderies of the empire are omitted, the latter being provided in the list of Major Administrative Divisions below (pp.779— 805). To ease identification for readers who may not necessarily have been trained in traditional Chinese, characters are provided throughout for terms such as Analects or Xiongnu. The following points o f detail may be noted:

(1) Unusual readings are ^iven as these are advised by traditional commentators or according to the consensus of modem dictionaries; e.g., Xianlian ^ 3 |(se e HS 69, p. 2973 note);/e; ](■ (see HS 84, p. 3423 note), mu (see under Mu Tong ^ jjj). (2) When appearing as surnames, fpp is read as Xie rather than Jie, and |g as Ge rather than Gai. (3) ^

is read as Yueyang.

(4) As in Chinese traditions, jjr is rendered with its literary reading of ju rather than che; and Shen is retained for the given name of Cao Shen f f 0 . For the reading of the given name Yiji M:, see Shiji 97, p. 2691 and Han shu 43, p. 2105 notes. (5) For the problems of reading J|p; in certain contexts, see HS 94B, p. 3826 and 99C, p. 4168 notes. (6) Yue is given here regularly as

in preference for

(7) The well-established H is used in place of (8) The title Jieyu is given here in the form ^ Ijf as is usual in the Shiji and occasionally in the Han shu, where it is regularly given as ■

6 See HSBZ 19B.51a note. E.g. D ai Kanwa jite n , Han yu da zidian and Han yu da cidian.

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(9) There appears to be no certainty about the reading of JJ when used in personal names. I follow Dubs rather than Chavannes for Liu Chang gij J | (1); /|£ p ^ is given as Chunyu Zhang. (10) It is by no means certain whether, in the case of some personal names, our texts give us rfj shi or rfj fu , the two characters being barely distinguishable in most prints. Thus Xu Fu ,|g (1) is given as such in Han shu 45, p. 2171, but as fg fff in Shiji 6, p. 247, and doubts arise whether a similar change which has occurred elsewhere has been concealed by the substitution of shi t|j for fu fff. In the absence of strong evidence to suggest that fu is correct, the character is retained as shi j=fj. (11) For variant forms of the character Mo, in the name Zhongli Mo g f j|f |^ , see Wang Shumin, Shiji jiaozheng, p. 789. (12) Zhuang

has been restored in place of Yan jg§.

(13) The names of non-Chinese persons are usually run together without separation, e.g. Midanger fg H Wuliwendun JH ^ with the pronunciation as suggested by traditional commentators. Exceptions are seen when it seems that a Chinese style name has been adopted, e.g. Pu Peng (14) For the renderings adopted for official titles, see under Titles of Officials (pp. 756 —768 below). Those of non-Chinese peoples, such as Shanyu |p[ ^p, are left in transliteration with no attempt at translation. Despite the variant of Kunmi J | that title has been rendered as Kunmo J | H- (see Hulsewe, CICA, p. 143, note 377). (15) As elsewhere, in order to avoid an incorrect association with the titles and ranks of the feudal systems of Europe, I have chosen to render the term hou by the neutral expression 'noble'. REFERENCES References to the Shiji, Han shu and Hou Han shu, as given at the close of each entry, are to the punctuated editions published by the Zhonghua shuju in 1959, 1962 and 1965. As complete indexes to the proper names in those works are readily available,8 only a selection has been included here. Where the subject of an entry has been treated with his own biography in the Shiji or Han shu, the reference thereto is given initially; the ensuing references are in general restricted to those that are of greatest importance. Two or more series of numbered notes may sometimes appear on a single page of those editions of the histories; references to such notes are given here without their numbers.

Wu Shuping, ed., Shiji renming suoyin; Wei Lianke, ed., Han shu renming suoyin\ and Li Yumin, ed., Hou Han shu renming suoyin.

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ABBREVIATIONS AM BMFEA Buddhist Conquest Bureaucracy CHOAC CHOC Chu Shaosun CICA Confucianisme Cosmos and Computation Crisis and Conflict DGHJ Discourses I Discourses II DMM EC Economic Co-ordination ECTBG Festivals Food and Money HFHD HHS HHSJJ HJAS HNZ HS HSBZ Hsin-lun Huan T'an HWTS HYGZ Indiana Companion KG KGXB KGYWW Le Chou king Les documents chinois LHJSJ MH Notes on Historiography Po Hu T'ung QFL

Asia Major Bulletin o f the Museum o f Far Eastern Antiquities Ziircher, The Buddhist Conquest o f China Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy o f Han Times The Cambridge History o f Ancient China The Cambridge History o f China Pokora, 'C h'u Shao-sun /p —the Narrator of Stories in the Shih-chi' Hulsewe, China in Central Asia Cheng, Elude sur le Confucianisme Han Sivin, Cosmos and Computation in Early Chinese Mathematical Astronomy Loewe, Crisis and Conflict in Han China Dong guan Han ji Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron Gale, Boodberg and Lin, Discourses on Salt and Iron Loewe, Divination, Mythology and Monarchy in Han China Early China Loewe, 'Attempts at Economic Co-ordination during the Western Han Dynasty' Loewe, ed., Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide Bodde, Festivals in Classical China Swann, Food and Money in Ancient China Dubs, The History o f the Former Han Dynasty Hou Han shu Hou Han shu j i jie Harvard Journal o f Asiatic Studies Huainanzi Han shu Han shu bu zhu Pokora, Hsin-lun (New Treatise) and Other Writings by Huan T ’an Pokora, ' The Life of Huan T ' an' Han Wei congshu Huayang guo zhi Nienhauser, The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature Kaogu Kaogu xuebao Kaogu yu wenwu Pelliot, 'Le Chou king en caracteres anciens' Chavannes, Les documents chinois decouvertspar Aurel Stein dans les sables du Turkestan Oriental Weng Fanggang, Liang Han jin shi j i Chavannes, Les memoires historiques de Se-ma Ts ’ien Hulsewe, 'Notes on the Historiography of the Han period' Tjan Tjoe Som, Po Hu T ’ung Qianfu lun

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xxm

Restoration Bielenstein, The Restoration o f the Han Dynasty RHA Loewe, Records o f Han Administration RHL Hulsewe, Remnants o f Han Law SBBY Si bu beiyao SBCK Si bu congkan SGZ San guo zhi Shoseki Shoseki meihin sokan SJ Shiji Slavery Wilbur, Slavery in China during the Former Han Dynasty Takigawa Takigawa, Shiki kaichu kdsho The First Neo-Confucianism Nylan and Sivin, 'The First Neo-Confucianism' TP T'oung Pao Trade and Expansion Yii Ying-shih, Trade and Expansion in Han China Un poete Hervouet, Un poete de cour sous les Han: Sseu-ma Siang-jou Wen xuan Knechtges, Wen xuan or Selections o f Refined Literature WW Wenwu XJZJ Xi jin g za ji Yinan Zeng Zhaoyu, Yinan gu huaxiang shi mu fajue baogao YTL Yantie lun ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft ZZTJ Zizhi tongjian

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BIOGRAPHICAL LIST A Ai Zhang ;g jpf, of Zitong /rfr (Guanghan) A student at Chang'an, Ai Zhang was given to boasting. At a crucial moment (AD 8) when Wang Mang l e ­ ading as regent, was contemplating an attempt to establish himself as emperor, Ai Zhang produced a brazen casket, with two slots that contained written messages. These foretold Wang M ang's ascent of the imperial throne as a descendant of Chidi ^ Huangdi ||r and Shun ^ , and as a rightful successor to Liu Bang gij The messages mentioned eleven men by name, including Ai Zhang himself, as Wang Mang’s supporters. Among the appointments announced immediately after Wang Mang's accession, Ai Zhang was named as General of the State (Guo jiang fjQ), with the title of Meixin Gong H ^D ^e was regarded as lacking in integrity and was kept under supervision. At the uprising of the Red Eyebrows (AD 22) Wang Mang accepted Ai Zhang's offer to lead an expedition against the rebels in the east. In AD 23 he was ordered to collect forces with which to attack those who were operating in Qingzhou and Xuzhou. After surrendering to the Gengshi Emperor he was beheaded. — HS 99A, p. 4095; 99B, pp. 4100, 4135; 99C, p. 4181 Aidi jg ^ f,see Liu Xin gij ffc (Ajiao) |5rJ $j§, see Chen Huanghou |5^ i§ Jg (An) -JJ (1) As Junior Tutor of the Heir Apparent ('Taizi shao fu p - f - p fi|), who was performing the duties of the Superintendent of the Imperial Clan (Zongzheng ^ j£), and who is also described as Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu p p ) and Academician (Boshi ftff: ^p), An was one of the signatories of the memorials which requested the nomination of three sons of Wudi as kings in 117. His identification with Ren An fj- ^ (Suoyin note 6 to Shiji 60, p. 2106) appears to be groundless. — SJ 60, pp. 2105, 2107, 2110 (An) '-p (2), see Angui g g§, Ren An {££ ^ and Sima An f ] An Fan iff g , see Leian Fan ^i" K

Anchang Hou p ,l ,( {z|, title of Zhang Yu Jg (2) (Ancheng) 'p fjg The catalogue of the imperial library includes an entry for a work |fg entitled Daizhao chert Ancheng Weiyang shu |g gJ p 'ii f/|ij . in one pian | | , under the category of Xiao shuo; Ancheng's date is unknown. He is described as a Daojia j | | p . with interests in the means of nourishing life (Yang sheng § j Q J.— HS 30, p. 1744 Ancheng Furen, Ancheng Hou 'p f/J p P . {'/; . titles conferred posthumously on the mother and father of Wendi's Dou j{ empress. — SJ 49, p. 1973; HS 97A, p. 3943 Ancheng Hou p fzg Chen Zhi draws attention to a bronze tripod whose inscription refers to this nobility, which is not (as he states) included in the tables of the Han shu. The title is seen as follows: (a) see under Ancheng Furen p jjg p p ; (b) as conferred on Liu Cang gij j f (2) in 129, and borne by his two successors (this is given as jjg in the Shiji and as in the Han shu)\ (c) as conferred on Wang Chong (1)’ brother of Wang Zhengjun g , in 32. In Later Han times the title Ancheng hou p was conferred on Dou Xun (posthumously), on Liu Ci glj and on Yao Qi §j|: |$ . - S / 2 1 , p. 1072; HS 10, p. 304; 18, p. 702; 15A, p. 435; HHS 10A, p. 415; 14, p. 565; 20, p. 731; Chen Zhi, Han shu xin zheng, p. 80 Andu Hou p , title of Liu Zhi glj (Ang) IT|] (1), see Sun Ang ^ Cf] (Ang) Cf] (2), named incorrectly as Yin gp in most editions, held appointment as Metropolitan Super­ intendent (Neishi p*g from 140 to 139. — HS 19B, p. 766; HSBZ 19B.13b note (Ang) C\i (3) As a Grand Counsellor of the Palace (Taizhong Dafu ^ jjij p p ) , Ang was one of the signatories of the memorial requesting the dethronement of Liu He glj } | (4) in 74. He is identified by Yan Shigu |g gjfj ^ (581— 645), perhaps incorrectly, as Zhao Ang C\i , the son of Zhao Chongguo §g|. — HS 68, p. 2940 Angui (incorrectly given as Changgui i f & and once as An ^ ) As a son of the king of Loulan ;ffj Ug, who had succeeded to the throne in 92, Angui

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2 (Anguo) had been sent as a hostage to the Xiongnu {*] before acceding to the throne himself. Taking note of the failure of two hostages who had been sent to Chang'an to return to Loulan, the new king refused to comply with Zhaodi's summons to attend the imperial court there. Hitherto Loulan had been obliged to provide Han officials and travellers with guides and a share of their own meagre supply of water. In addition the land had suffered harm at the hands of Han officials and servicemen. Rather than maintain contact with Han, Angui chose to act as a spy for the Xiongnu, and had intercepted or killed some of the Han envoys, possibly at their instigation. In a singularly deceitful action (77), Fu Jiezi | j | -ffwho had been sent to the west to reassert Han prestige, tricked the king into expecting to receive gifts from Zhaodi, and had him stabbed to death, sending his head back by way of Dunhuang for exposure outside the imperial palace in Chang'an. - HS 70, p. 3002; 96A, p. 3877; Hulsewe, CICA, p. 90, note 115; Juyan Han jian jia bian no. 1582 (strip no. 303.8); Loewe, RHA, volume I, p. 66 (Anguo) g |, see Bi Anguo jjj# £ gg Anguo Shaoji •-£ gg p of Baling j | |g , had had relations with one of the daughters of the Jiu jp family, prior to her marriage to Zhao Yingqi jg Jg king of Nan Yue p£j Jg . At the death of the latter (c. 114), he was sent to convey an imperial message to Yingqi's successor, Zhao Xing |§ M, requesting his attendance at court in the inferior capacity of a noble (hou ■g) of Han China. On arrival there he resumed his relations with the Queen Mother, whose well-known philanderings made her unpopular. There followed the rebellion of Nan Yue and the elimination of the kingdom. — SJ 113, p. 2972; HS 95, p. 3854 (Anle) ^ (1) As a Major of the Guards ( Wei Sima h] Jg), Anle was the leader of a Han official group which was travelling in the north-west. He was put to death by troops at the orders of the king of Loulan ;ffj Ug, who was punished for such actions by Fu Jiezi ft in 11.— HS 70, p. 3002 (Anle) (2) was Chancellor (Xiang ^g) of Changyi. During his journey from Changyi to Chang'an with a view to enthronement as emperor (74), Liu He gij H (4) had travelled with excessive speed and conducted himself with considerable impropriety. At Hu -$fj, imperial commissioners upbraided Anle for contenancing such behaviour, but

Anle's attempt to transmit the reprimand were ineffective. Promoted later to be Superintendent of the Guards, Changle Palace (Changle Weiwei gij g-.j-), Anle received an appeal from Gong Sui U jg to bring persuasion to bear on Liu He for his manner of behaviour after his accession as emperor. — HS 63, p. 2764; 89, p. 3638 Anlimi :4 ; son of Anri [ | , succeeded as Lesser Kunmo fjt of Wusun PJ; ffc at the murder of his uncle Mozhenjiang 14 . Angered that Anlimi had himself not put Mozhenjiang to death as a punishment for his murder of Cilimi jgl, Greater Kunmo of Wusun, the Han government had sent Duan Huizong ^ to behead Anlimi's son and heir Fanqiu § f"j- (11). Anlimi's subsequent attempt to surround Duan Huizong was frustrated by the latter's strength of character. — HS 96B, p. 3909; 70, p. 3031 (as Wulimi ^ Jji) (Anqi) ^ 1$, see Bi Zhen jf$ ^ (Anqi) ^ f|f , see Zhao Anqi ^ fig Anqi Sheng '-/j'- itjj / |- of Qi was a friend of Kuai Tong j|j|| jjg. At one time he had tried to take part in Xiang Yu's ig ^ ventures, but the latter had rejected the plans that he had suggested. Subsequently Xiang Yu hoped to bestow nobilities on both men, but they refused to accept the honour. Anqi Sheng is not to be confused with (a) the immortal of that name whom Li Shaojun ^ p g and others claimed to have seen during the reign of Wudi (HS 25 A, p. 1217); or with (b) the disciple of He shang zhangren -/nj [A > one of the teachers named in the transmission of the precepts of Huangdi jj| ^ and Lao Zi -f-(Shiji 80, p. 2436) — S J 94, p. 2649; HS 45, p. 2167 Anqiu Wangzhi ^ g also mentioned as Anqiu Xiansheng ^ style Zhongdu -fcfj of Changling g ||g Wishing to devote himself to a study of the Laozi and to live a life of seclusion, Anqiu Wangzhi avoided public service, becoming known as Anqiu Zhangren ^ Er A ■ this way he refused an invitation to appear before Chengdi and led the life of a practising shaman and physician among the people. According to one source he produced a written exposition of the Laozi, thereby giving rise to the Anqiu school. His pupils included Wang Ji 3 : {g, a cousin of Wang Mang J and Geng Kuang ^ - HHS 19, p. 703; HHSJJ 19.1a note Anqiu Xiansheng ^ Jx 7*0 see Anqiu Wangzhi

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Bai Ziyou 3 Anqiu Zhangren Jx A >see Anqiu Wangzhi 'it Jx 5f. 1 gg §£, see Chen Yu g ; Chen Chigong |Sj^ was a girl of nine sui gg who made her way into the palace unobserved and without authority in 30, to raise an alarm by giving warning of impending floods. — HS 10, p. 306; 27B(1), p. 1474 Chen Chong m m The actions recorded in the name of Chen Chong show him to have been frequently vindictive against some figures in public life and persistently active in furthering the cause of Wang Mang p p . In only one instance does he appear to have been acting in a positive and perhaps friendly manner towards others. As Deputy to the Chancellor (Sizhi gj g ) during Pingdi's reign, Chen Chong put in a number of accusations which led to the punishment or dismissal of Xin Xing p ffl, Sun Bao ^ and Chen Zun |ij|i jH (1). In AD 3 he submitted a long memorial which had been drafted by Zhang Song to commit murder; there followed the suicide of Wang Guang and his mother. In establishing cults to those whom he claimed to be his ancestors (AD 9), Wang Mang bestowed the nobility of Tongmu g? on Chen Chong, with responsibility for the maintenance of services to Hu Gong g j p - of Chen In the general orders of the

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Chen Huanghou 31 day as occasioned by his accession, Wang Mang charged Chen Chong with certain named responsibilities for the maintenance of government, with the title of Wu wei si ming J [ ifJ pp • In AD 10 he drew attention to the current practice whereby some persons were fabricating the occurrence of portents, with a view to claiming a nobility. Chen Chong categorised such actions as being disruptive of the Mandate of Heaven and asked for the practice to be stamped out at its source. As Wu wei si ming he recommended Hou Ba fz| jpf for service. — IIS 18, p, 717; 69, p. 2998; 99A, pp. 4053, 4066, 4088; 99B, pp. 4106, 4116, 4122; HHS 26, p. 901; for memorials that resulted in the ruin or death of others, see HS 77, p. 3263; 92, p. 3711; 99A, p. 4092; for the commissions of AD 4 and 7, see HS 99A, pp. 4066, 4088; see also Loewe, 'Wang Mang and his Forbears', p. 207. It is possible that Chen Chong was the holder of a silver seal, inscribed Wu wei si ming ling ju n 1] np £g |J , now held in the Fengyi JjH Jfj County Museum, Baoji jjf fg (Shaanxi) Chen Chufu |ij£ Jjg A daughter of Wudi's Empress Chen |!^, Chen Chufu was brought to trial on a charge of gross immoral conduct (Da ni wudao te j J | ), by practising witchcraft (Wugu gX H ) and uttering imprecations on behalf of her mother. She was executed, her head being exposed in public. — HS 97A, p. 3948 Chen Cuo |5|j §g, see Chen Kai |!j^ 0j Chen Ding |5jjJ see under Zhou Pi JgJ Chen Feng g (1), see under Chen Can |5j^ ^ Chen Feng |!|; iff (2), of Shangcai j^ (Runan), i.e. the same county as that of Zhai Fangjin jg jg and his family. As a first move in planning his opposition to Wang Mang in AD 7, Zhai Fangjin secured the support of his nephew Chen Feng, a courageous young man of eighteen. — HS 84, p. 3426 Chen Feng |5j|f ,-lfj was given the title of Pohu hou {jjj jj| in AD 5, as a gesture towards restoring the posthumous reputation of his father Chen Tang H i t — HS 70, p. 3029; 18, p. 719 Chen Feng ^ [g[ (1), of Chang'an, commented on the dynastic implications of an event reported from Yuzhang in 6—3 BC, to the effect that a man had been transformed into a woman, and had given birth to a child after marriage. —HS 27C(1), p. 1472 Chen Feng |5jj| m (2) was created a Noble of the Interior (Guannei Hou •g ) in AD 2, as

representing a descendant of Chen Ping ^ zp. — HS 16, p. 539 Chen Feng |5J| JU, (3) As a member of the commission of eight who were ordered in AD 4 to tour the empire and observe the customs of the people, Chen Feng was ennobled as Luxiang hou jg in AD 5. — HS 18, p. 718 Chen Fu ^ glj As Registrar (Zhubu )-; £H), Chen Fu accompanied the future Guangwudi on his northern expedition and dissuaded him from punishing Ji Zun 0 jg for his excessively rigorous suppression of crime. — HHS 20, p. 738 Chen Fuqi |ijg ^ -g rose up as a conscript at Gongli £T. £ • As a Commandant (Duwei g;f) he attacked Xiang Yu Ij| and as a General (Jiangjun Ip;) he occupied Yan. Ennobled as Gaohu hou jfjj $ j {^ in 201, he died in 175. —SJ 18, p. 928; HS 16, p. 577 Chen Gui jg^ was a descendant of Chen Yu (ii|; (ft in the first generation and an ancestor of Chen Shi |5i| vr, -H H S J J 62.12b note Chen Han |!jfj jjj$, see under Sun Ji {g Chen He ^ jpf succeeded as fourth noble of Quni [jjj in 152; in 130 he was charged with having forcibly seized another person's wife and was executed in public, with the closure of the nobility. — SJ 18, p. 887; HS 16, p. 539 Chen He ^ | f Attached to Liu Bang §fij as a Sheren \ , Chen He rose up at Dang {jg in 208. He entered Han yjg as a Major of the Left (Zuo Sima tc. r] M )' ar,d was subordinated to Han Xin (g as a Commandant (Duwei ^ g;j), later attacking Xiang Yu igj ^ and occupying Kuaiji. Ennobled as Fei hou ftr in 201, he died in 179. — SJ 18, p. 901; HS 16, p. 552; for the dating of his rise, see HSBZ 16.17a note Chen Heng |ji|j j w a s a descendant of Chen Yu m m in the fourth generation and an ancestor of Chen Shi Pit — H H SJJ62.12b note Chen Hu ^ g j As a descendant of Chen Su [’ijij'g Chen Hu was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 62. —HS 16, p. 589 Chen Huanghou ^ j | jg- (Wudi's first empress), possibly named Ajiao |SJ #|§, was the daughter of Chen Wu ^ Zp and his wife Chen Piao |SJj jg (entitled Zhang Gongzhu jg£ ; daughter of Wendi’s Dou j | Empress, and brother of Jingdi). While still Heir Apparent, Wudi had taken this girl into his women's quarters, and at his accession he declared her his empress. Exploiting the way in

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32 Chen Hui which Wudi had owed his throne to the machinations and pressure of her mother, the Empress behaved in an arrogant manner. Bearing no sons herself, she was angered by the favours that Wudi extended to Wei Zifu Hj 5^ (later to become his second Empress), and took a number o f steps to bring about the death of her rival. Desperate to bear Wudi a son, she resorted to the use of love charms and is said to have paid her physicians the enormous sum of ninety million cash to bring about the desired result. Fruitless as such methods were they aroused Wudi's fury. In 130 he ordered an investigation of the practices that had taken place, and this was conducted by Zhang Tang gfg Chen Chufu ^ g g , a daughter of the Empress, was charged with gross immoral conduct (Da ni wudao jjj ), in so far as she had been responsible for witchcraft (Wugu gX j | ) and imprecations that had been uttered on the Empress' behalf. Over 300 persons were implicated and executed, Chen Chufu's head being exposed in public in the market place. In a rescript addressed to the Empress, Wudi ordered her to surrender her seals and to withdraw to live privately. She died at an unknown date and was buried near one of the buildings at Baling 'jf |§g (Wendi's place of burial). — 57 49, p. 1979; 122, p. 3138; HS 97A, p. 3948; 59, p. 2638; HSBZ 97A.10b note Chen Hui was serving as a close associate of Lii Yi p, | | , Qin Governor of Nanyang, when he was under attack by Han forces (207), and was able to arrange for his safety. At the time Liu Bang glj was planning to by-pass Wan where Lii Yi had taken refuge, and to drive directly into the metro­ politan area. Emerging from Wan, where Lii Yi was contemplating suicide, Chen Hui persuaded Liu Bang that it would be unwise to leave a potential point of danger in his rear, and that he would be well advised to accept the surrender o f Lii Yi and his colleagues. — SJ 8, p. 359; HS 1A, p. 19; the reference in S J 56, p. 2062 would seem to be in error for Chen Kui |ij|i ||) - l b , Liu Xiang jig. In Xin xu 10 ('Shan mou' glj fpj credits Chen Hui with plans that ensured Liu Bang's final success Chen Hui |ij| df and Li Wei -*p were named as skilled musicians, in a somewhat sarcastic rebuke which Shi Dan sjj ;pj- addressed to Yuandi (between 38 and 34). — HS 82, p. 3376 Chen Hui j | , see under Cheng Zhong ffc U (2) Chen Ji |!|r |g , younger brother of Chen Zun (Sj| jg

(1), was at one time Regional Commissioner (Mu % ) of Jingzhou. In Wang M ang's -p ^ time both brothers were accused o f unseemly behaviour by making merry at the residence of the Zuo family in Chang'an, and failing to maintain the proper norms of behaviour in their relations with the widow Zuo Ajun - H S 92, p. 3711 Chen Jia (!^ jij (1) succeeded as second noble of Fuyang ]Sf§ in 169, dying in 151. — SJ 18, p. 929; HS 16, p. 579 Chen Jia |5j^ ^ (2), see Chai Jia ^ gE Chen Jian |!^j fg succeeded as second noble of Long | | in 181; accused of unspecified crime he was deprived o f his nobility, with its closure, in 163. — SJ 18, p. 947; HS 16, p. 593 Chen Jiao fiji succeeded as second noble of Yishi in 188, dying in 154. — SJ 18, p. 941; HS 16, p. 589 (given as Chen Zhi ^r) Chen Jiao ^ ijgj , see Chen Rong pjg gji Chen Jingzuo ^ Iff see Chen Zun (i|i (2) Chen Jiqiu (Jjg Jfp pj- As a descendant of Chen Juan |Sjf[ 'jj|, Chen Jiqiu was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 62. — HS 16, p. 561 Chen Jixu |y; =p |fj succeeded as fourth noble of Tangyi -g g in 129; in 116 he was charged with improper conduct at the death of his princess mother (Chen Piao ^ 0 ) , before the period o f mourning had been completed, and judged worthy of death. The nobility was brought to an end at his suicide. —57 18, p. 887; HS 16, p. 537 Chen Juan jf. j As a conscript soldier, Chen Juan rose up at Dang fj§ in 208 (for dating, see HSBZ 16.17a, note) and made his way with a force into Han 7j | . Joining in the attacks on Xiang Yu Ijf 3ft, he captured (Chu) j g , who is described as a general of Liang (Liang Langjiang gp ), and was ennobled as Heyang hou ynj |i§ J || in 201. As Chancellor (Chengxiang affiliation unstated) he occupied Qi, dying in 179. — SJ 18, p. 913; HS 16, p. 561 Chen Junfu |5j|r g ^ In his addendum to the chapter on prognosticators, Chu Shaosun 'p m. (?104—?30) mentions a number of specialists who had been able to establish their reputation thanks to their proficiency in one particular skill. With no indication of the time when she lived, he names Chen Junfu as a woman who had become well known throughout the empire for making pronouncements after examining the physiognomy of horses. — 57 127, p. 3221

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Chen Mao 33 Chen Junning |5j| g 5p, wife of Chen Zun gg jg (1), was cited by Liu Bingyi gpj fj?f tzL as a witness to the occasions in which one of the two men had incurred gaming debts. — HS 92, p. 3709 Chen Ju n ru ^ g f f , of Dongyang jg |J§, is classified among the men of independent power who were active at some time between the reigns of Wendi and Chengdi and maintained the manners of a gentleman, despite their calling. — SJ 124, p. 3188 (as Tian Junru Jg); HS 92, p. 3705 Chen Kai |5j|j Serving as a General (Jiangjun tg) in 200, Chen Kai campaigned on behalf of Gaodi in Dai, attacking Chen Xi |!ig ; he was ennobled as Tuo hou ji| in 199, dying in 192. — 57 18, p. 939 (where the name is given as Chen Cuo |5j| §g); HS 16, p. 587; for the correction of the given name to Kai, see HSBZ 16.39b, and Wang Shumin, Shiji jiao zheng, p. 811 Chen Kai [J^j [^j succeeded as second noble of Jixin 111 frf *n 185, dying in 132. — SJ 18, p. 973; HS 16, p. 615 Chen Kui |!sff jtp succeeded as third noble of Quni f$] jjftin 175, dying in 153. — SJ 18, p. 887; HS 16, p. 539; incorrectly entered in SJ 56, p. 2062 as Chen Hui

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Chen Li |iji {[, of Shujun During the Heping -/uj zp period (28—25) renewed fighting broke out among some of the unassimilated peoples of the south-west, notably Xing pi, king of Yelang f£g[$, Yu g , king of Gouting 0,j UJ' and Yu ffj, described as Louwo hou lij^ At the failure of an attempt by Zhang Kuang '/M IK 0 ) t0 bring about a reconciliation by peaceful means, Du Qin |}- ^ advised that either a punitive expediton should be sent to suppress the troubles or that Han authority should be withdrawn from the area. At the recommendation of Wang Feng 3-: m> General-in-Chief (Da Jiangjun ijj, Chen Li was appointed Governor (Taishou ^ vf) of Zangke. A man of Linqiong gu ^ (Shujun), Chen Li had previously served as Magistrate (Zhang -g) of Lianran jji jiK and then as Magistrate (Ling ) of Buwei yf< r b o t h in Yizhou, and he now held the title of Major (Sima gj H|) of Jincheng. Unable to persuade Xing to surrender, Li Chen put him to death summarily. Exhibition of his head was sufficient to induce other leaders to make over to Han, with Yu of Gouting and Yu of Louwo presenting gifts. At the return of Li Chen to the seat of his commandery, Wengzhi H Jg, Xing's father-in-law,

and Yewu Jg, Xing's son, raised a force with which to defy Han authority. Chen Li responded by cutting their communication lines, but a rash attack by (Wannian) ^ ^ (2) resulted in his defeat. At Chen Li's intervention the rebels were obliged to surrender, bringing Wengzhi's head as a token of their submission. To suppress disorders that had broken out in Ba, Chen Li was appointed Governor of that commandery. Transferred to be Governor of Tianshui he promoted agriculture there with energy and success. Finally he was appointed General of Defence ( Wei Jiangjun g j ^ j([) and Commissioner, Commandant (Hujun Duwei ffg Ip g^j-), to die while holding those offices. — HS 95, p. 3843; an entry in HS 26, p. 1310 records that (Li), as Governor of Zangke, arrested and put to death Xin king of Yelang, who had been guilty of gross immoral conduct (Da ni Budao jjf ); HYGZ 3.8a, 4.2a, 10A.4a Chen Liang [5^ Jj., see under Diao Hu j j §J| Chen Lin pjjf gg According to the bare statement of the Han shu, Chen Lin, as Zhong yezhe cheng tp =§ ^ yji, had had Yuan Feng g , Colonel, Internal Security (Sili Xiaowei jfj ||s ^ g^) murdered within the audience chamber of the palace in 29. Ying Shao fR (c. AD 140 to before 204) adds that Yuan Feng had been Magistrate (Ling ) of Chang'an with a reputation for fine administration, such that he had been promoted Colonel, Internal Security. Hating him, for untold reasons, and observing his rise to an exalted position, Chen Lin had him killed before he could render him injury. — HS 10, p. 308 Chen Lu (!^ succeeded as second noble of Tangyi -ig’ g in 183, dying in 177. — SJ 18, p. 887; HS 16, p 537 Chen Mai ^ g | succeeded as second noble of Quni [g j|jin 177, dying in 175. — S J 18, p. 887; HS 16, p. 539 Chen Mao |$jg r'% One of Wang Mang's J ^ leading military officers, Chen Mao took part in a number of incidents in which Zhuang You JJ: was also involved. As a captain (Hou fg) attached to the staff of the Superintendent of the Capital (Zhijinwu j j-), in AD 2 Chen Mao was sent with insignia of higher authority than that of his own position to recruit officials and others from Runan and Nanyang, with whom he was to bring persuasion to bear on Cheng Zhong ffc J (1) and other rebels who were

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34 Chen Menggong active in the Yangzi River area and the lakes. He succeeded in getting 200 such persons to give themselves up voluntarily, to be sent to the original places of domicile whence they had absconded and to resume responsibilty for tax and service. With the title of Yande hou |z|, as given by Wang Mang, in AD 15 Chen Mao was appointed Marshal of State (Da Sima ^ pfj B|), to be dismissed from that position and replaced by Zhuang You in the following year. In AD 22 he was sent with the titles of Superintendent of Ceremonial (Zhizong ^ and General-in-Chief (Da Jiangjun ^ J)^ ||[ ) to attack rebel forces in Jingzhou, without the necessary credentials. In the same year, at the time when troops led by the future Guangwudi, with Liu Bosheng glj J[i| Jj- and the Xinshi fjj and Pinglin zp ^ forces, had captured Jiyang |ig- (in Nanyang commandery), Chen Mao and Zhuang You had already defeated rebels in the lower Yangzi River area and entered Nanyang. In 23 they were defeated by Liu Bosheng at Yuyang ^ Attacking further rebel forces later in the year, the two generals laid siege to Kunyang J|l |igj, which was held by Han forces. At the major defeat of Wang Mang's forces there, they took flight to Qiao ftt (Peijun). Declaring Wang Mang to be an usurper (cuan ig ) they styled themselves Han generals and made over to Liu Sheng §||J lg(5), who, a self proclaimed emperor, appointed Chen Mao to be Chancellor (Chengxiang 7^. jf§). Together with Zhuang You they met their deaths at the hands of the attacking forces of the Gengshi emperor. — HS 12, p. 354; 99B, p. 4139; 99C, pp. 4176, 4183, 4192; HHS 1A, p. 4; 11, p. 469 Chen Menggong ^ see Chen Zun |5f jj| (1) and (2) Chen Mo |J^ As a descendant of Chen Ping 4 1 , Chen Mo was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 62. — HS 16, p. 539 Chen Mu |ijg % , see under Zhu Wei ^ §f| Chen Nong |5j|i J J As Imperial Messenger (Yezhe fjg :g-)> Chen Nong was commissioned to search for lost literature throughout the empire, at the time when Liu Xiang glj foj was engaged in collating the texts in the imperial library (26). — HS 10, p. 310; 30, p. 1701; Sui shu 32, p. 905 Chen Pi served on the staff of Liu Bang glj fj' as a sheren ^ \ . As a Commandant (Duwei g^f) he attacked Xiang Yu iff 3ft at Xingyang g | |if§, breaking his line of communications, and was

ennobled as Boyang hou |S|§ in 201. As one of two generals posted in Changsha during Wendi's reign, he was ordered to disband his forces, in view of the written request that had been received from Zhao Tuo fg, king of Nan Yue j^j . Chen Pi died in 161. - SJ 18, p. 886; HS 16, p. 537; 95, p. 3849; Yang Shuda, Han shu kui guan, p. 86 Chen Piao |5j | l/”l is known under various titles which reflect her relationship to the imperial family and others. Being bom to the king of Dai (the future Wendi) and his consort Dou j j , she was established with the title of Zhang Gongzhu J | -£■ J- shortly after his accession as emperor (Wendi); she is also sometimes referred to as the Guantao |g |iff Princess, or as Dou Taizhu j | ^ j r ; and being married to Chen Wu |!jg (died 129) she properly held the surname of Chen. She was an elder sister of Jingdi. However ambitious Chen Piao may have been, her hopes of becoming the mother-in-law of an emperor were at first dashed. Being evidently in a position to control the selection of women destined to share Jingdi's bed, and perhaps those of his sons, she hoped to secure her future by presenting her daughter to be the consort of Liu Rong glj who had been established as Jingdi's Heir Apparent in 153. How­ ever, Liu Rong's mother, Li Yi ig , had had the mortification of being passed over in favour of others who were chosen to satisfy Jingdi's will. Presumably attributing this humiliation to Chen Piao, Li Yi refused Chen Piao's offer of her daughter for her son; by way of revenge Chen Piao had her daughter made over to be the consort of the son of another of Jingdi's women, by name Wang . Accusing Li Yi of prac­ tising witchcraft, Chen Piao was able to persuade Jingdi to nominate this consort to be his empress, and to appoint their son to be Heir Apparent, in place of Liu Rong. In this way Chen Piao became the motherin-law o f the future Wudi. Early in Jingdi's reign Chen Piao had made a number of gifts to Deng Tong j|§ in an attempt to relieve him from his burden of debt, but these, like his own property, were confiscated by the officials who were investigating the case. Later she became a rich woman, thanks to the valedictory gift of the Dowager Empress Dou (died 135) who left her all her valuables and property. After Chen W u's death (129) Chen Piao became enamoured of a much younger man named Dong Yan ] ! Jg. It was on his advice that she presented part of her property to Wudi, for use as a

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Chen Ping 35 residence to the south-east o f Chang'an. It was in turn thanks to her that Dong Yan received recognition at court. — SJ 49, p. 1972; HS 65, p. 2853; 93, p. 2723 Chen Ping |iij; was one of the principal supporters of Liu Bang gij whose early career and readiness to suggest stratagems that were perhaps of a dubious nature at one time earned him the distrust of some of Liu Bang's generals. He is credited with considerable success in bringing about the defeat of Xiang Yu iff suggesting on several occasions how an objective could be attained without resort to a fight. While the contributions of Xiao He | | jpf and Cao Shen * H were directed towards ensuring the long-term stability of the empire, Chen Ping's value lay in the means that he devised for escape from short-term difficulties or a crisis. Where his own interests were concerned, he could be ready to adapt to a number of different situations. Chen Ping came of a poor family from Yangwu |^| He is said to have preferred books to the hard work of the fields and to have been a man of hand­ some appearance. A fortunate marriage improved his way of life. At Chen Sheng's ^ uprising (209), he joined Wei Jiu g | ^ who had been set up as king of Wei. Appointed Superintendent of Transport (Taipu Jf|) he found that his advice was being ignored and that his reputation was subject to slander; he moved to Xiang Yu's camp to take part in his attack on Qin forces. Xiang Yu conferred upon him the title of Xinwu jun ff| g ; and as a reward for his services in the campaign to force the surrender of Sima Ang a] Jg Cf] , king of Yin gg, he appointed him Commandant (Duwei g;f); as such he was once ordered to summon Liu Bang to Xiang Yu's presence (206). When Liu Bang's attack on Sima Ang excited Xiang Yu's anger, Chen Ping expected to be implicated and left Xiang Yu's service. Thanks to Wei Wuzhi g | t e he gained an introduction to Liu Bang, who, impressed with his qualities, appointed him Commandant, with somewhat higher privileges than those that were usual. It was perhaps at this stage that his motives and reliability were brought into question by Zhou Bo JgJ igj and Guan Ying yg §g . Chen Ping accompanied Liu Bang in his campaign against Xiang Yu. He was present at Han's defeat at Pengcheng fyfc , and made his way to Xingyang |jg, shortly to be invested by Xiang Yu's forces (203).

Promotion as Subordinate General ( Yajiang i"i }|ff), to a position below that of Han Xin f$. f, f aroused protests from Zhou Bo |gj ^Jj and Guan Ying -/|§ §g who questioned the nature of his earlier activities; it was also alleged that the appointments that he himself made in that capacity were in response to bribery. Liu Bang silenced these complaints by appointing Chen Ping to be Superintendent of the Capital (Zhongwei cja g>f) with control over the armed forces and their leaders. Unable to break out of Xingyang, and at a loss, Liu Bang accepted Chen Ping's advice to take active steps to sow dissension and distrust among Xiang Yu's supporters, by playing on Xiang Yu's known jealousies; and he provided Chen Ping with large resources, stated to be no less than 40,000 jin f f of gold, for the purpose. By dexterous tricks he succee­ ded in getting Xiang Yu to distrust Zhongli Mo |§ and Fan Zeng , one of his most loyal sup­ porters. By arranging for a feint sortie to be staged from Xingyang, he contrived to provide an opportunity for Liu Bang and himself to escape from the beleaguered city and to make their way into the metropolitan area. Together with Zhang Liang k 'ng ° f Jiaoxi 154 —108. — SJ 59, p. 2093; HS 53, p. 2409 Cheng Yong g 7] were two of the three surviving 'Tiger Generals', out of a total of nine who were appointed by Wang Mang £ in the last days of his rule. With Guo Qin (2) they collected scattered forces and set about the defence of the granaries at the capital. — HS 99C, p. 4189 Cheng Zhong eg, see under Zi Shun ^ )[|j'i Cheng Zong g As Chancellor (Chengxiang yf§ ^ and one unnamed person who gave him full information about Liu Wu glj (2) (king of Dai 178, of Huaiyang 175 and of Liang 168—143). — SJ 12, p. 451 note; Takigawa 12, p. 2 note; 130, p. 3321 note; HS 62, p. 2725 and 88, p. 3610 notes; HSBZ 88.17a note; Chavannes, MH, vol. I, pp. cci —cciv; Pokora, 'Chu Shaosun' Chu Shi In his addendum to the chapter on prognosticators, Chu Shaosun :jsg /J/ mentions a number of specialists who had been able to establish their reputation thanks to their proficiency in one particular skill. With no indication of the time when he lived, he names Chu Shi of Xingyang m m as a man who had become well known throughout the empire thanks to his ability to make pronouncements after examining the physiognomy of cattle. — SJ 127, p. 3221 Chu Xia f f J , see under Guatian Yi J]J g] {|§ (Chufu) see Chen Chufu g Jjg (Chun) Yf was a Gentleman of the Palace (Langzhong g|$ cfj) of Huainan, who was appointed Chancellor (Chengxiang ^ jfg) by Liu Chang glj (1), king of Huainan 196— 174, in defiance of the regulation whereby such senior posts were filled by the nominees of the central government. Chun failed in his attermpt to persuade Liu Chang to make a

display of loyalty by attending the court in Chang'an. — SJ 118, p. 3077; HS 44, p. 2141 Chunyu Chong ;_ff. j - f f , see under Chunyu Gong f f # Chunyu Ci f f f- Hg is named as Superintendent of Agriculture (Da Sinong ^ W] § | ) for 71, possibly until 66. - H S \ m , p. 801 Chunyu De f f p see Chunyu Yi ff. -:J S ; Chunyu Deng f f ^p | | is described as a Counsellor, Canonical Texts (Jiangxue Dafu ^ j : j Dong Shewu was ennobled as San hou §£ g in 119, dying in 102. — S J 20, p. 1045; HS 17, p. 652; for variants of his name, see HSBZ 17.14a note) Dong Tongnian jjf y§ served as Chief Clerk (Zhangshi -J| ) on the staff of Zhao Chongguo ,ffj % g (2) c. 70-60. — HS 69, p. 2978 Dong Tuwu H >see Dong Shewu j r ^ Dong Wu j r Jg; succeeded as third noble of

Gaochang ||fj |§ in 2. In AD 1 he was deprived of his nobility, on the grounds that his father had previously been charged with sycophancy. — HS 17, p. 670 Dong Xi jgf U , of Maoling [g|, was one of the local leaders in the metropolitan area who, together with their followers, declared their allegiance to the Gengshi Emperor, styling themselves Generals of Han. - H S 9 9 C , p. 4189 Dong Xian j r (1) is named as one of the leaders of the Red Eyebrows who, along with others, and with the support of a large force, was active in Liang jun g|$ in AD 22, and was able to defeat the forces that Wang Mang -f;_ j f sent against him. — HS 99C, p. 4177 Dong Xian jgf Jg (2), see under Liu Yong glj,)< (6) Dong Xian j r J f (1) succeeded as third noble of San at an unknown date. In 90 he was charged with imprecation against the emperor, and died of illness in prison, with the closure of the nobility. — HS 17, p. 652 Dong Xian j | j f (2), of Yunyang j j |5§, in the area under the supervision of the Metropolitan Super­ intendent of the Left (Zuo Pingyi j£ Jig Jg) Different motives may have affected the historians' attitudes towards Dong Xian. Classed with the flatterers, he is portrayed as the extreme example of an emperor's favourite, and that of a young and impressionable emperor at that. The extent of the favours and gifts lavished upon him was exceptional and perhaps unique. An anecdote which is included in the Han shu indicates that he had a homosexual relationship with Aidi. At the same time his rise to power, which was coincident with that of the Fu fi| and Ding “j" families, brought a halt to the fortunes of the main object of the historians' bias, Wang Mang ^ j f . It was however a member of the Wang family, Wang Hong |g , who reminded Aidi of his duties as an emperor of the house of Liu glj, who had no right to transfer his heritage to Dong Xian. In the face of the strength of the Fu and Ding families, it was only after Aidi's death that the Grand Empress Dowager Wang was able to re-assert the fortunes of her family as against those of her two rival families and of this young upstart. Wang Mang himself took some particularly vindictive measures against Dong Xian after his death. Serving first on the staff of Liu Xin glj while the latter was Heir Apparent, Dong Xian was nominated a Gentleman (Lang gp). Some two years

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68 Dong Xian (2) later his physical appearance attracted the admiration of the new emperor. Nominated a Gentleman of the Yellow Gates (Huangmen Lang rfr gp) Dong Xian was now set on the path of winning further imperial favours, which included the appointment of his father Dong Gong jjgf to be a Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu jjjf ^ — a somewhat rare example of a father who was rewarded for the exploits or merits of a son. As Commandant, Attendant Cavalry (Fuma Duwei Iff ^ lt%f) w'th honorary title of Palace Attendant (Shizhong cfn), Dong Xian was continuously in Aidi's company, receiving very large monetary gifts to the astonishment, or even alarm, of the court. At the same time the emperor's favours extended to Dong Xian's wife, who was given the right of access to and residence in his quarters in the palace, and to his sister who became an imperial consort with the exalted title of Zhaoyi 0^ jj§. Dong Gong was promoted Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury (Shaofu P |{1f) in 3 BC, and Superintendent of the Guards (Weiwei g j ) in the next year; Dong Xian's father-in-law became Court Architect (Jiangzuo dajiang ^ ^ g ), and another relative became Superintendent of the Capital (Zhijinwu ^ 1hJ:\>■ Further signs of the exceptional treatment that Dong Xian received are seen in the provision of an armed bodyguard for his protection, in the orders for the construction of an extensive residence, furnished with every sort of embellishment for his delectation, and in the grant of rewards to his servants and retainers. The court architect was also ordered to have a tomb prepared for him that was to lie close to the one destined for Aidi himself (Yiling j j [§|), and that was to be made with side chambers and retaining walls in barricade style. Requiring an excuse to confer a nobility on Dong Xian, as he wished, Aidi had Xifu Gong P J:: and Sun Chong -‘j’: give out that it was due to the information that Dong Xian had provided that they had been able to bring the indictment against Liu Yun glj J | (4). Dong Xian was duly ennobled as Gaoan hou [Eg in 3 BC, but the step did not pass without opposition. Wang Jia |§ (1), believing that the case made against Liu Yun had been unjust, protested that Dong Xian had disrupted the institutions of the state; he paid for his outspokenness by meeting his death in prison. Ding Ming f H£|,

who had held the title of Marshal o f State (Da Sima ^ 1 ] Jg) since 5 BC, clearly resented the favours accorded to Dong Xian and agreed with Wang Jia. There followed a decree of 1 BC which called for his resignation; and aged twenty-two Dong Xian took his place as Marshal of State, with appointment as General of Defence (Wei Jiangjun 1J[). The youth of the man chosen to wield supreme power, and on whom all other officials of the empire depended, occasioned the surprise of the visiting Shanyu Jp Jof the Xiongnu fyj Promotion and appointments fell to Dong Xian's father and his younger brother Dong Kuanxin rjl; ‘f ’[ {rj ■ Kong Guang f l at one time the superior of Dong Gong, and Chancellor from 2 BC, behaved with circumspection or even obsequiousness towards his son. At a time when no members of the Wang family held high office, Aidi felt able to repay the kindness of Wang Quji $ |, son of Wang Tan 3 : gp (2), with an appointment, and to advance Wang Quji's younger brother Wang Hong 31 ® ( 0 t0 the honorary title of Zhong changshi cjj ^ It was Wang Hong, however, who voiced a strong protest at the suggestion which Aidi made while in his cups that he would abdicate in favour of Dong Xian. Wang Hong reminded him that the heritage of the empire was not a gift that lay within his own keeping and could be subject to his own disposal. Aidi's death spelt ruin for Dong Xian. According to one account, he delivered the imperial seal and sash into Dong Xian's hands, with instructions that he should hand them on to nobody else. But the Grand Empress Dowager Wang Zhengjun 31 g stepped in with orders for her nephew Wang Mang to assist in the arrangements for the emperor's funeral. Dong Xian was accused of failing to provide the medical aid that Aidi had needed, and received a rescript ordering him to surrender his seal as Marshal of State. Without delay, both he and his wife committed suicide, and they were buried by their family in secret. At the instigation of Wang Mang, Kong Guang entered a memorial listing the excesses of which Dong Xian was now said to have been guilty. He criticised the specially honorable arrangements that his father had provided for his funeral, including burial in a jade-suit, and requested the confiscation of his enormous property and the dismissal of all those who owed their official positions to his patronage. Dong Gong and Dong Kuanxin were banished to

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Dong Zhong (1) 69 Hepu, and Dong Xian's possessions were sold for a very great sum. As requested by Wang Mang, Dong Xian's body was exhumed and he was buried in the grounds of a prison. Dong Xian is credited with only one positive action, the recommendation that led to He W u's jpj re-appointment as Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu gj] gfj -£•) in 2 BC. By expressing his opposition to Dong Xian's ennoblement and protesting against the extravagance of the favours accorded to him, Wang Jia had forfeited Aidi's confidence, and immediately before his death he regretted that he had been unable to prevent the advance of Dong Xian and his father in public life. Other outspoken critics included Gong Sheng j j [g£, Bao Xuan wfv'iY and Zheng Chong gfl . — HS 93, p. 3733; 45, p. 2180; 72, pp. 3081, 3089, 3092; 77, pp. 3256, 3264; 86, pp. 3486, 3496, 3502; HHS 12, p. 500; for the luxurious mansion that Aidi had built and lavishly decorated for Dong Xian, see XJZJ 4.2a Dong Xie ^ served on the staff of Liu Bang glj f\i in the attacks on Qin. As a Commandant (Duwei he took part in the occupation of the central area, and later fought for Liu Bang as a General (Jiang/un ‘e}j )■ He was ennobled as Cheng hou ft: in 201 and died in 194. — SJ 18, p. 898; HS 16, p. 551 Dong Xie j ^ |^ o f Zhi ££ (Peijun) rose against Qin in 209, independently of Chen Sheng |5jfi Jp. — SJ 48, p. 1957; HS 31, p. 1792 Dong Yan rfr f|g Of humble beginnings, Dong Yan had been engaged with his mother in the trade in pearls. By the age of thirteen he was accustomed to have access to the household of Chen Piao |!jjj (Dou Taizhu ^ ), and succeeded in attracting her attention and interest to the point that she had him trained in writing, accountancy and other skills. Reaching manhood at the age of eighteen he came to enjoy terms of intimacy with the princess, who gave orders that he should be allowed almost unlimited sums of money. Dong Yan's extravagances and indulgences are not recorded, but they evidently included some practices that were of a criminal nature. It was for this reason that he accepted the proposal of his friend Yuan Shu 'g ,|;y that he should take steps to acquire credit with high authority. He would do so by suggesting to the princess that she should offer to Wudi part of the property that was attached to Wendi's shrine. The

property thus lay to the south-east of Chang'an, and it was known that the emperor wished to obtain it. By being seen as the original author of the proposal that it should be made over to him, Dong Yan would be free of anxiety that he would be liable to punishment for any crime that might have merited it. Thanks to an elaborate scene, which was stage-managed by the princess, Dong Yan was received by the emperor and gained recognition, appropriate status and the imperial favour. He afforded the emperor considerable pleasure by his sporting activities. Dong Yan's free entry to the court drew criticism from Dongfang Shuo r|i j j who accused him to Wudi of three crimes that were worthy of the death penalty. By the age of thirty Dong Yan had lost his position of favour. He was buried, along with the princess who had been his patron and his lover, at Baling IS ||g. The historian wrily remarks that ex­ cessive behaviour on the part of princesses and other women could be traced to Dong Yan. — HS 65, p. 2853 Dong Yi iff | | The part played by Dong Yi in the wars fought at the close of the Qin and the foundation of the Han empires was comparable to that of Sima Xin a] Jg Jtfc • In 208 he was sent by the Second Emperor to assist Zhang Han jpf JJ|3 in the campaign against the rebel bands. With the Qin rank of Commandant (Duwei g j) he made over to Xiang Yu ij=j ^ who appointed him general, to take command of the forces from Qin who had also defected. In 206 he was appointed king of Di Jg by Xiang Yu, and was thus put in control of a strategic area in the north-west. Later in the year he made over to Liu Bang glj f\l, but he surrendered to Chu when the latter defeated Han at Pengcheng g- jjjg ; after Han's defeat of Chu he committed suicide. — SJ 6, p. 270 Dong Yong j | was nominated to be noble of the restored nobility of Gaochang jg>j g in AD 26; date of death unknown. — HS 17, p. 670 Dong Zhaoyi K 0Q Hj As one of the marks of favour accorded to Dong Xian jjg j j (2), Aidi nominated his younger sister to be an imperial consort, with the title of Zhaoyi and consequent precedence immediately below that of an established empress. To emphasise the honours due to her, the title of her residence was changed to Jiaofeng Jg JjjJ,. She bore no children. — HS 93, p. 3733; 97B, p. 4000 Dong Zhong J J eg, (1) As an Attendant at the Gates

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70 Dong Zhong (2) (Qimen ftjj f"j), Dong Zhong learnt of the impending plot of Huo Yu |g g from Zhang Zhang jg jjf and passed the information to Yang Yun |1(/ . For this service he was ennobled as Gaochang hou p, in 66. As Superintendent of the Guards, Changle Palace (Changle Weiwei H ^ JgJ-), in 51 he was one of the senior officials who escorted the Shanyu jp ]'■ of the Xiongnu on his way home, after his visit to Chang'an. It was alleged that an incident in which Dong Zhong's equipage had met with an accident in the palace precincts had been cited by Yang Yun as a prediction of the death of Xuandi. Zong Zhong died in 47. He is named as Superintendent of the Guards (Weiwei) for 60 until 58. — HS 19B, p. 807; 68, p. 2957; 94B, p. 3798 Dong Zhong (2) Bearing the title of Jiangfu Bo [S$ f g , Dong Zhong was appointed Marshal of State (Da Sima J |) by Wang Mang f f in AD 19, and as such he was ordered to train and drill troops in the Northern Barracks (AD 22). In AD 23 he learnt that the passage of a comet had been interpreted as predicting the restoration of the Han dynasty. He met his death with the disclosure of a plot in which he was engaged with Liu Xin glj (*) to bring about Wang Mang's downfall. — HS 99C, pp. 4156, 4178, 4184; HHS 36, p. 1233 Dong Zhongshu r'fr fifi f\)' of Guangchuan (see Han shu bu zhu 56.1 a note) The two histories treat Dong Zhongshu in widely differing ways. A short notice in the Shiji is included in the biographies of the scholars of traditional learning (Rulin zhuan (s§ ^ ) , and no more than four other passages mention his name. Of these, three refer briefly to his work on the Chunqiu ,{f f f : the fourth is concerned more with the achievements of Gongsun Hong ^ than with the career of Dong Zhongshu. By contrast, the full scale biography of the Han shu includes the text of three of his memorials, and parts of at least one other are included elsewhere. A host of references give the views that he expressed on the occurrences of strange phenomena; others relate the highly appreciative remarks made by notable personages such as Liu Xiang glj |,',j. Whereas the Shiji simply relates the circumstances in which some of Dong Zhongshu's draft writings nearly cost him the death penalty, the Han shu treats his literary and scholarly work with considerable detail. Dong Zhongshu has been regarded as the founder

of Han Confucianism, but by no means all of his ideas gained acceptance until some time after his death. He provided a framework whereby imperial institutions take their recognised place within a universal scheme; he called for the application of the ethical ideals ascribed to Confucius; he recognised the power of Yin and Yang and their connection with the ordering of mankind; and he formulated the lessons to be learnt from portents. While much of his contribution to this synthesis was original, like others he called on the ideas of his predecessors, notably Lu Jia |5^ JJ. The origins of the system of examinations and the fixation on the texts and teachings associated with Confucius are seen among the permanent results that he bequeathed to the Chinese empires. Dong Zhongshu's dates are usually given as from c. 179 to c. 104, but there is reason to believe that he died between 119 and 114. As a young man he had studied the Chunqiu and he had been appointed an Academician (Boshi fig ^ ) during Jingdi's reign. Keeping his distance from the outside world, he gained respect for his devotion to his scholarly work and for his correct conduct, and shortly after Wudi's accession he was appointed Chancellor (Xiang Jfj) to Liu Fei glj ^f:, king of Jiangdu. On the basis of the Chunqiu's records of disasters and strange phenomena he argued how the forces of Yin and Yang operated; his attempts either to induce or to prevent the onset of rain, which were conducted on the same principles, were reported to have been highly successful. Quite soon, however, Dong Zhongshu was demoted to be a Counsellor of the Palace (Zhong Dafu cf: He had been engaged in compiling an account of strange phenomena in private, and it is likely that this included certain inferences with dynastic implications. On the occasion when fires broke out in the shrine dedicated to Gaodi in Liaodong and in the funerary chambers at that emperor's tomb (135), his antagonist Zhufu Yan ^ x m acquired possession of his draft and brought it to the attention of the throne. The work drew severe criticism, including that of his former pupil Lii Bushu S ^ Sf- Dong Zhongshu was committed for trial and condemned to die, to be saved from that sentence only at Wudi's express command. As a scholar of the Chunqiu, Dong Zhongshu was the superior of Gongsun Hong -g- ^ fy , who, however, had reached the highest ranks of

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Dong Zhongshu 71 government, being finally appointed Chancellor (Chengxiang jfg) in 124. By viewing Gongsun Hong as being given to flattery and readiness to accord with the contemporary policies of imperial expansion, Dong Zhongshu incurred the latter's hatred. In successfully recommending that Dong Zhongshu should be appointed Chancellor of Jiaoxi, Gongsun Hong was able to have him removed from a position at the centre. In doing so he may have wished to expose him to treatment at the hands of Liu Duan glj Jfg (1), king of Jiaoxi, who may already have become notorious for the injuries that he inflicted on his senior ministers. On a plea of sickness, Dong Zhongshu resigned from his office to live privately, but was nonetheless subject to consultation when major issues of state arose, Zhang Tang ijg ^ being once sent to see him for such a purpose. After his death in old age, his family moved to Maoling gg PS; his sons and grandsons, who are not named, are said to have held high office. The fundamental principles o f Dong Zhongshu's ideas are expressed in the three responses to edicts which are included in the Han shu, having been presented probably in 134. The first edict raised the question of how far it was necessary to adhere to the models of the past, and asked directly what were the best means of achieving prosperity with the blessing of Heaven. In his reply Dong Zhongshu referred to Heaven's Mandate, on perhaps the first occasion when such a reference is recorded for Former Han. Dong Zhongshu wrote that Heaven, earthly monarchs and the influences of Yin and Yang all occupy their appropriate places in a properly balanced state of the universe. He set forth his view of Heaven's part in giving warning to the ruler of man by means of admonitory portents, and stressed the essential part of moral ideals, regulated conduct and music, in attaining a well ordered way of life. He called on citations from Confucius, the Book o f Songs (Shi jing |=J |§ ) and the Book o f Documents (Shang shu fSj ,tj:) to show the value of the personal example that the ruler should set. By rectification of his own motives he could advance those of the whole population to higher standards; by establishing schools, it would be possible to inculcate moral principles and to raise cultural standards throughout the realm. In support of his arguments, Dong Zhongshu

called on references in the Chunqiu, and its wording, and on examples of past history. The house of Zhou had initially enjoyed the blessings of Heaven before falling into decline; Qin had been the most oppressive regime ever known, but some of its methods, including an excessive reliance on punishments, had survived for as long as seventy years after the establishment of the Han empire. To achieve the ideal state of government to which Wudi aspired, it would be essential to make a complete break with such ways, in the same way as musical instruments may need to be retuned, or even restrung before being played. Wudi's second edict re-iterated the question of why differences could be seen in the methods adopted by some of the paragon rulers of the past. In response, Dong Zhongshu drew on the experiences of the mythical sovereigns, the kings of Zhou and on Qin's rejection of traditional values, and he pointed to the need to choose officials and advisers who were marked by moral integrity combined with intelligence. He urged the establishment of a senior institution for teaching (Da xue the recruitment of men of talent from all parts of the empire and the adoption of means to test their abilities, with a view to improving the quality of officials; for without such an improvement, there would be no hope of attaining the ideal state of government of the traditional past. In observing that qualifications for high office should depend on ability rather than length of service, he proposed the annual presentation of two candidates from each of the major administrative units of the empire for training, and that the senior officials of those units would be responsible for choosing suitable persons. The third edict alluded to the relation between past and present and the relative importance of principle as against expedient. In his reply, Dong Zhongshu pointed to the pervasive influence of Heaven, and its operation by means of the forces o f nature and of Yin and Yang. Heaven provided a model on which a ruler should base the government o f his people; the proper relationship of Heaven and man was illustrated in the Chunqiu, as compiled by Confucius, particularly in that work's treatment of strange phenomena and of human errors. The high rate of crime that beset the empire showed the need to follow the measures of the past in order to bring about a moral improvement. The ruler should accord with his

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72 Dong Zhongshu destiny by seeking the will of Heaven; he should educate his people with a view to enabling them to fulfil their own human nature; and he should depend on suitable legal or institutional arrangements and distinctions of rank so as to limit human desire. Cultural achievements and the control of the resources of nature, accompanied by a respect for ethical values, distinguished human beings from other creatures. Dong Zhongshu then turned to the question of principle as against practice. While the principles of ordering mankind were immutable, the methods of implementing them required revision from time to time. That such changes involved no rejection of fundamental ideas was to be seen in the examples of the Xia ja , Yin and Zhou JgJ kings. While refusing to suggest immediate measures for Wudi's government to adopt, Dong Zhongshu expressed his dismay at the wide gap that separated the idyllic circumstances of the golden, mythical past and the present. In protesting against the exploitation of position and privilege, and the consequent marked difference between rich and poor, he argued that families that enjoyed an official's salary should not engage in transactions which took profits from the people. An excessive pursuit of material gain at the cost of ethical practice was to be deplored, and it was right for rulers to order their lives with more noble rather than with more base motives in mind. In his final remarks, Dong Zhongshu referred to the principle of the Great Unity (Da yitong — |£ ) as the constant thread that runs through Heaven and Earth, and as the comprehensive rule alike for past and present. In view of the currency of a large number of different notions, he suggested the suppression of all ideas that lay outside the six approved branches of learning (Liu yi 7^ jg ) and the methods sponsored by Confucius. The Five Phases (Wu xing j j f j ) are not mentioned, either in these responses or in the other writings of his that are cited in the Han shu. In a memorial that was put forward shortly after the death of the Grand Empress Dowager Dou jg (135), when it had become possible to discuss traditional values and learning, Dong Zhongshu expressed his criticism of the current policies of imperial expansion. In doing so he drew on the inseparable link between the exercise of kingship, the place of Heaven and the essential nature of Yin and

Yang. He called for a rejection o f the stem, legal measures practised under Qin and for the adoption of policies designed to extend cultural values and to promote education. Without hesitation he sided with those who favoured an amicable settlement with the Xiongnu fejj ^ as against warlike policies. While the Xiongnu were not amenable to moral persuasion, the best policy lay in securing safety from their raids by plying them with generous gifts, binding them with an oath whose terms they would evidently respect, and by holding their hostages. Such views were unacceptable at the time; considerable effort was being spent on military campaigns, and Dong Zhongshu called for a greater promotion of agricultural production. In a well known memorial he castigated contemporary practice for deepening the divide between rich and poor. He alluded to the popular suffering that followed excessively severe demands for taxation and service, oppression on the part of officials, the severity of punishments and the consequent growth of crime. He called for a number of measures that would put these wrongs right, including the limitation of land holdings and the restoration to the people of profits raised on salt and iron. Sima Qian W] H 3 f records having heard Dong Zhongshu explain how Confucius had compiled the Chunqiu. Elsewhere in the Shiji (121, p. 3128), Dong Zhongshu is stated to have been the only scholar in the first five reigns of the Han empire with a reputation for understanding the Chunqiu, trans­ mitting as he did the Gongyang -f. interpretation. The official patronage of that school in preference to that of Guliang fg Sg is said to have been due to the superiority that Dong Zhongshu displayed in disputation with Xiaqu Jiang Gong Jg fj- y j {ii- In general terms it is said that discussion of the Chunqiu in the kingdom of Zhao had originated with Dong Zhongshu, whose named pupils included Chu Da -fo Ying Gong m £■, Duan Zhong -fiji and Lii Bushu. On several occasions in his response to Wudi's edicts Dong Zhongshu referred to the importance of the wording adopted by the Chunqiu and its implicit criticism. Such views are supported by the explana­ tions that he gave for over fifty portents or strange phenomena that are recorded in that work, associating them with political or military activities, and spelling out the lessons to be learnt therefrom. On at least two

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Dongfang Shuo 73 occasions in Later Han (both in AD 106) his inter­ pretations were cited in general terms in connection with similar events. The Xi jin g za j i carries the text of a long dialogue between Dong Zhongshu and Bao Chang that followed the abnormal rainfalls in Chang'an of 134. Dong Zhongshu explained the series of climatic changes as witnessed in the successive months of the year, along with the different periodical influences of Yin and Yang. There is no reference there to the Five Phases. The catalogue of the imperial library included two entries under Dong Zhongshu's name: (a) Gongyang Dong Zhongshu zhiyu ^ ]g[ -fcfj in 16 pian j* . According to a later reference this work concerned 232 incidents; for citations, see Han shu bu zhu 30.16b note; and Yu Han shan fang y ishu 31.45a47a; and (b) a work in 123 pian, classified under Ru jia fsg g . To this there may be added the statement in his biography that his writings were all intended to be elucidations of the traditional texts of learning, together with the memorials that he had submitted. These amounted to 123 pian, in addition to several tens of pian which explained the incidents recorded in the Chunqiu. The passage in the biography names five pian, one of which bears the title of Fanlu fj; for the relation of these titles to parts of the Chunqiu fanlu ^J( m g^, see Han shu bu zhu 56.21a note. Ban Gu g | adds that of those writings that had been transmitted to later generations he had selected those that were of immediate relevance to his times, or which had an impact on the court, and included them in the biography. Since the time of Zhu Xi ^ (1130— 1200), scholars have expressed their doubts regarding Dong Zhongshu's authorship of all or parts of the Chunqiu fanlu, as received (see Loewe, ECTBG, pp. 77—87). entitled Shi bu yu jg is included under Dong Zhongshu's name in the Gu wen yuan 3^ ^g. Dong Zhongshu's influence on his immediate successors may be seen from a number of comments and appreciations. Sui Meng jg referred to him as one of the earlier teachers (78); Wei Xiang g | fg (Chancellor 67—59) called on his sayings in support of his own proposals, and Yang Yun )(g -[^ (fl. 60) cited from one of the responses that are included in his biography. In Chengdi's reign, Ping Dang -greferred to his views on music. Liu Xiang described Dong Zhongshu as the leader of traditionalist thought o f his generation, whose

assistance in taking decisions had been of great benefit to the empire. His opinion that Dong Zhongshu was the superior of all who had served as the advisors of kings was regarded as excessive by Liu Xin gij who praised him for leaving the heritage of a systematic scholarly tradition, while not quite reaching the standard of some of Confucius' own disciples. Shortly after the accession of Guangwudi (AD 25), Huan Tan g p cited the comparison that Dong Zhongshu had drawn between the needs to put the empire in order and to restring or retune musical instruments from time to time. Ban Gu described Dong Zhongshu as a teacher of the tradition in its purity; he grouped him with Meng Ke jg jppf and others whose wide familiarity with the past had been of assistance in their own times, and with Gongsun Hong and Ni Kuan J{ as a man of exceptional probity and quality. — SJ 121, p. 3127; 130, p. 3297; HS 56, p. 2495; 27A, p. 1321; 30, p. 1714; 88, p. 3615; 94B, p. 3831; 100B, p. 4255; HHS 28A, p. 957; 48, p. 1612; HHS (tr.) 12, p. 3262; XJZJ 5.4b; Pokora, Huan Tan, p. 236; for the problems of dating Dong Zhongshu's three responses, which appear in HS 56, pp. 2498, 2508 and 2514, see HSBZ 56.7b, 8a note, and Shi Zhimian, Han shu bu zu bian zheng, pp. 255—6; for Dong Zhongshu's memorials that concern sovereignty and economic practice, see HS 22, p. 1031 and 24A, p. 1137; for assessments of Dong Zhongshu, see HS 36, pp. 1930 and 1972; see also Bujard, 'La Vie de Dong Zhongshu'; Queen, From Chronicle to Canon', Loewe, DMM, chapter 6; for Dong Zhongshu's dates, see Su Yu JB, Chunqiu fanlu yizheng ^ f X ^ ! ! K IS> (Juan shou ^ H ) 17a-b; Yang Shuda, Han shu kui guan, p. 342; Bujard suggests that he lived between 198—179 and 118—104; for the situation of his grave, see HSBZ 56.21a note Dongfang Shuo fj of Pingyuan The account of Dongfang Shuo in the Han shu amounts almost to a series of anecdotes in which he is shown as the victor in verbal encounters and arguments, his skills overcoming opposition or saving him from the results of a rash action. He is capable of arguing on moral grounds and of winning his way by naked flattery. At times it might appear that, as a means of criticizing Wudi, Ban Gu g j |g was exploiting the tale of a courtier who failed to become an official. How much of what we read is fictional, how much factual may not be known for certain.

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74 Dongfang Shuo Dongfang Shuo is described as a man who used his ready talents, his ease o f argument and his ability to amuse in order to secure advancement, sometimes at the expense of his rivals such as Guo Sheren J |5 ^ . The first statement that he is said to have submitted to the throne was a highly boastful account of the stages of his training in literature and other accomplishments, in which he laid claim to possession of a number of qualities. He won Wudi's favour by playing a trick on the court dwarfs, thereby tickling his emperor's sense of humour, and gaining nomination as Gentleman in Permanent Attendance (Changshi Lang ^ f f gfl). Beginning in 138, Wudi had been indulging in journeys in which he travelled incognito, thereby causing considerable popular hardship. To alleviate such distress, he ordered Yuqiu Shouwang ^ s . m (-; to survey certain lands with a view to their separation and designation as the Shanglin f Park, in which he could maintain his sporting and hunting activities. Dongfang Shuo rebuked him for such intentions, on the grounds that the project would involve taking over an area with rich resources that would thereby be denied to the inhabitants, whose ancestral graves and homes would be disrupted. Despite these protests the Shanglin Park was duly established; Dongfang Shuo was nominated Grand Counsellor of the Palace (Taizhong Dafu -fc cfa with the supernumerary title of Jishi zhong jjfe lf§: tja. On the occasion when Wudi was obliged to have his nephew Zhaoping jun 0^ g tried on a charge of murder, Dongfang Shuo ran the risk of giving serious offence by the manner in which he attempted to assuage the emperor's grief. Being charged at one time with disrespectful conduct (Bujing on account of his drunken behaviour in the palace, he was deprived of his appointment and title, later to be appointed a Gentleman of the Palace (Zhonglang ijj 1 1 5 )-

Dongfang Shuo protested effectively against the extension of favouritism to Dong Yan j | jg , the young man whom Wudi's aunt Chen Piao |5j| 0 had taken as a lover (after 129). Dongfang Shuo based his case on the grounds that it was improper for a mere subject to engage in such relations with a princess of the imperial house; he had broken the conventional rules for marriage; and his behaviour was both extravagant and licentious. At his insistence Wudi took steps to restrain Dong Yan, who fell out of

favour. Dongfang Shuo is also reported as entering a strong protest at the luxurious way of life and extravagance of the palace at a time when the population was abandoning the basic work of the fields and seeking to engage in more lucrative but less important occupations such as trade or manufacture. But despite his ability to present serious advice on important issues of policy, Dongfang Shuo's success lay more in his capacity to amuse. As a result his advice often tended to be ignored. At the time the empire was being served by a large number of men of high quality. His hopes o f high office, backed at times by arguments that called on the principles of Shang Yang jig and Han Fei | j | j \:. , met with frustration. The Han shu includes the text of two essays, each cast in dialogue form, in which Dongfang Shuo sought to explain the reasons for his failure. In the first he contrasts the nature of times such as the Warring States, when men of persuasive powers such as Su Qin j§^ fjj and Zhang Yi jjg fg| were able to exercise effective influence among the many states and rulers of the day, with the conditions pertaining to a united empire, in which neither they nor he would have a chance to do so. In the second essay a wouldbe official whose qualities had not been appreciated is seen as taxing a king of Wu by pointing out that loyal service to a monarch may court danger, while flattery may bring success; and that withdrawal from public life is the preferable course, unless a man of integrity is fortunate enough to live contemporarily with a monarch who is responsive to his criticism. Ban Gu wrote that he had included the best two of Dongfang Shuo's essays in the biography. He named the titles of a number of other essays which were included in the Bielu gtj of Liu Xiang glj fn], and were to be distinguished from other works that were in general circulation but were o f doubtful authenticity. The catalogue of the imperial library enters a work of twenty pian |fg under Dongfang Shuo's name, in the category of miscellaneous (Za jia '4fD- The following four surviving works which are ascribed to his pen are judged to be spurious: Shen yijin g ffj ^ f f ; Hai nei shi zh o u ji -jg p*g + jjg ; Ling qi jin g j§ $3g; and Dongfang shuo zhan shu Liu Xiang (79—8 BC) is said to have heard old men who were familiar with Dongfang Shuo's times

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Dou Changjun 75 speak of his readiness to give tongue but his failure to sustain an argument. Yang Xiong (53 BC—AD 18) Jg took the view that his writings were of inferior quality. Ban Gu added that later generations had ascribed a number o f bon mots to Dongfang Shuo improperly, and his purpose in writing his detailed account of the man had been to distinguish truth from fiction. Yan Shigu | | gjj (581—645) criticized some of the scholars of his own time who had regrettably attached other writings and tales to Dongfang Shuo's name. In one of his additions to the Shiji, Chu Shaosun Jsg p (?104—?30) includes details that are not seen in the Han shu, and there are some differences in his rather short account. On arrival at Chang'an he is said to have presented an enormous load of written compositions to the throne. Thereafter he married twice and had his son sponsored as a Gentleman (Lang gp). His praise of the retired life of a hermit is related, not as part of a literary piece, but as a riposte that he gave to his contemporaries, as also is his explanation of his own failure to achieve a public career. There is also an anecdote in which his favourable interpretation of the appearance of a strange animal earned him a reward. — SJ 126, p. 3205; HS 65, p. 2841; 30, p. 1741; 87B, p. 3573; Wei shu tongkao, pp. 1041, 1042, 1087, 1088; for the inclusion of citations in the encyclopaedias, see HSBZ 30.47b note; see also (Wanruo) 'fa f t Dongguo Xiansheng £|’ yL (!) According to an account which savours more of anecdotal than of factual value, Dongguo Xiansheng and Liang Shi jun f f lived as secluded scholars in Qi, at the time of Tian Rong pg who reigned as king for a short time (206—205) and forced them to take part in his fight against Xiang Yu jjfj ^ . Ashamed of doing so, they later sought refuge by living as hermits. Kuai Tong j||J jg| agreed to introduce them to Cao Shen • U when he was Chancellor of State (Xiangguo fg §g 193—190), as persons who had not been corrupted by the world. Cao Shen agreed to treat them as honoured guests. — HS 45, p. 2166 Dongguo Xiansheng jg f |5 7^ (2) In his additions to the Shiji, Chu Shaosun ^ p (?104—?30) writes in a somewhat anecdotal manner o f Dongguo Xiansheng of Qi, who was a master of certain cults (Fangshi j j [ -) awaiting appointment. Hearing that Wei Qing f f had been rewarded for his military successes with 1,000 jin f f of gold, he advised him to

give half to the impoverished parents of Wudi's favourite Wang Furen 31 ^ A ■ Wudi rewarded Dongguo Xiansheng with appointment as a Commandant (Duwei ^ g f ) of one of the commanderies. According to other accounts, the kindly suggestion had been made by Ning Sheng fg — S J 126, p. 3208 Dongguo Xianyang |$§, of Qi, played a significant part in the institution of the imperial monopolies for salt and iron in 118; see under Kong Jin JL f f ■—SJ 30, P- 1428; HS 24B, p. 1164 Donghun H ou ig -g. f t Chen Zhi infers the existence of a nobility of this title from an inscription on a bronze vessel; the title is not seen in the tables of the Han shu. — Chen Zhi, Han shu xin zheng, p. 80 Donglii S h i t|i |tMJ f t A citation from an early source cited by Jin Zhuo f f (c. AD 208) allows the inference that a woman of this family was the wife of Huo Guang |g -)£. She bore him daughters, including one who became the wife of Shangguan An f-_ ‘[V ’J/: and thus the grandmother of Zhaodi's empress. She did not bear him a son. — HS 68.2b and 13a notes Dongmen Yun ig p>J or, of Langye, received instruction in the Gongyang ^ interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu |^ ) from Wang Zhong _■£ cfj, a pupil of Zhuang Pengzu jjg (fl. 51). Appointed Regional Inspector (Cishi jjjij ij;) of Jingzhou, he was charged with degrading his office by his relations with criminals, imprisoned and sentenced to death. —HS 88, p. 3616 Dongmou H ou ig ^ f t , title of Liu Xingju glj ® Dongping Si wang | | zp tg 3 ;, title of Liu Yu glj ( 1) Dongyang H ou ill f t , title of Zhang Xiangru gg Dongyang Ning Jun ^ |5§ fg f f , see Ning ^ (Dongzi) fjV see under Liu Dongzi glj -fr ® Dou Changjun g g g (so entitled; given name not recorded) was the elder brother of Wendi's Empress Dou, who appeared in Chang'an with his younger brother Dou Guangguo g g g after a period in which they had been abandoned. The two men were kept from taking part in public life for fear of a re­ enactment o f an incident such as that in which the Lii family had become predominant. Being friendly with Cao Qiusheng * pj- p , Dou Changjun was warned by Ji Bu Ep of the latter's ambitions to better

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76 Dou Changsheng family would be likely to seize power. Wendi is said to have refrained from appointing Dou Guangguo to be Chancellor (Chengxiang X|3), had become Governor (Taishou ^ Cf) of Liaodong. Dismissed from that post he was recommended to be a Gentleman o f the Palace (Langzhong g|$ rfi) and Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu f$i ^ ^ ) , and was then appointed to be Commandant, Cavalry (Ji Duwei §§ #(5 Hf) and, probably concurrently, Protector General, Western Regions (Duhu gj[). Chen Tang of Shanyang, style Zigong -f-Q , is said to have had some literary leanings. O f a poor family he sought service in Chang'an and was appointed to a junior position on the staff of the Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury (Shaofu 'P 0 ). Failure to attend properly at his father's funeral obviated his appointment to a higher post in 47; but named, in time, to be a Gentleman, he volunteered for service outside China and was at length posted there with the title of Lieutenant Colonel (Fu Xiaowei glj f£ g>f) of the Western regions. Of the two officers Chen Tang was far sighted and ready to see the value o f somewhat unorthodox actions. He warned Gan Yanshou that, buoyed up by his high ambitions, Zhizhi was likely to wish to extend his influence, even as far as Arsacid Persia. He therefore proposed to pre-empt such moves by speedy military action. Overcoming Gan Yanshou's hesitant suggestion that they should first seek permission to take any action, he dispensed with the necessary authority to do so, and drew up an imperial decree which enabled him to call out forces from a number of local states and cities, and from among the colonists who were under the control o f the Wu and Ji Colonel (Wu j i Xiaowei j j 3 g | f ) . Having assembled a large force of both Chinese and nonChinese troops, the two men then submitted an account of their action to Chang'an, openly confessing the unauthorized steps that they had taken. Gan Yanshou and Chen Tang proceeded by dividing their forces so as to advance concurrently by the southern and the northern routes. Defeating Baotian Jg Hg, they acquired the help o f some of the leaders of Kangju who were disaffected with Zhizhi; and after an exchange o f insults with Zhizhi they engaged in battle, close to his fortified headquarters.

Exceptionally, the historical record includes a detailed description of the fighting (see under Zhizhi Shanyu) which ended in the Chinese victory and the death of Zhizhi, followed by the despatch of his head to Chang'an. Chen Tang came out o f the campaign, which was conducted in winter, bent and crippled. Back at Chang’an opinion was deeply divided. Kuang Heng g fgf and Po Yanshou fg $1 jlp insisted that the two men had acted illegally; Shi Xian g Hf, who had personal reasons for his anger sided against Gan Yanshou. Chen Tang was accused of acquiring property illegally; Kuang Heng stressed the need to discourage other officers from taking independent action. But in a spirited defence of the two men, in which he quoted the Book o f Songs (Shi jin g g) and the Changes (Zhou yi Jg| | | ) , Liu Xiang glj [n] spelt out the value of the two mens' achievements in restoring Han prestige and the unparalleled service that they had rendered as compared with other generals. As a result the charges against Chen Tang were dropped; Gan Yanshou was ennobled as Yicheng hou | g and given the title of Changshui Xiaowei M /K K Mf- Chen Tang was given the order of Noble of the Interior (Guannei Hou HH HD with the title of Shesheng Xiaowei g f. Promoted Chengmen Xiaowei ±$ H JfcN Gan Yanshou died in office in 24. At the time when Duan Huizong g was subject to siege by Wusun troops, between 28 and 21, and was requesting permission to call out forces locally, Chen Tang advised that this would not be necessary as the siege would be lifted within a matter of days, as it indeed was. But his difficulties were far from over. For making a statement, shown to be untrue, that the hostage sent from Kangju was not a real son of the king, he was imprisoned and faced the death penalty. Released only thanks to the strong defence of Gu Yong Q. he was stripped of his order o f honour and reduced to shiwu £- {g status. Early in Chengdi's reign Chen Tang was persuaded by his friend Xie Wannian ^ to request permission to migrate to a secondary site that had been chosen for the construction o f the new emperor's tomb and had been named Changling | | ||g with this purpose in mind. At the abandonment of the scheme owing to technical difficulties and financial cost (16), Chen Tang's views were sought regarding the advisability of maintaining settlements there. His somewhat evasive reply enabled his detractors to

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Gao Gongzi 113 level a charge of deception against him and he was brought to trial. In addition, there were cases in which he was alleged to have received money in return for services, either to procure the ennoblement of Gou Ji 4jj {$ or to arrange for the investigation of a crime to be deferred. Following such incidents, and in view of the hatred that Wang Shang jffj (2) harboured for him, he was banished to Dunhuang (12). Allowed first to move back to Anding, following a persuasive plea of Geng Yu IjjJJ; in Aidi's time he was brought back to Chang'an, where he died. On an earlier occasion Chen Tang had proposed the ennoblement of Wang Mang # as Xindu hou |ff | A D 5 he was accorded the posthumous title of Pohu Zhuang hou Jjg Jf] (ff; ^ at Wang Mang's instigation. — HS 70, p. 3007; 84, p. 3418; 99A, p. 4040; Hulsewe, RHL, p. 176; Loewe, Crisis and Conflict, Chapter Seven; for difficulties about dating Duan Huizong's difficulties, see Shi Zhimian, Han shu bu zhu bian zheng, p. 296 Gan Zhe f f , see Wu Zhe f f Gan Zhongke eg, nj > ° f Qi During Chengdi's reign Gan Zhongke fabricated two documents, entitled Tian guan // ^ 'g g and Baoyuan taiping jing i^J ye A 4^ M ’ the latter in twelve juan His message was that the Han dynasty had run its course and was at the point when it should receive a renewal of its mandate; for that reason Heaven had sent the necessary instructions, for delivery by the Spirit of Red {Chi jing zi ^ f f -J-). Gan Zhongke passed the message to Xia Heliang IE J f % Ding Guangshi ~ f Jff , Guo Chang ffl H (3) and others. Liu Xiang glj fq] submitted that Gan Zhongke had called on occult matters to delude the emperor and the population at large. Imprisoned and tried, Gan Zhongke made a full confession, but died of illness before being sentenced to punishment. For the citation of Gan Zhongke's writings by Wang Mang -£ f f , see under Xia Heliang. — HS 75, p. 3192; 99A, p. 4094; Loewe, Crisis and Conflict, pp. 278—80 (Ganfu) As a non-Chinese slave of the Tangyi family, Ganfu was the only member o f the hundred men strong staff who accompanied Zhang Qian jjg gg on his mission to the Yuezhi ^ (138 or 133) who returned safely to Chang'an, after about ten years. A skilled marksman, he had at times o f emergency supplied game for food. — SJ 123, p. 3157; HS 61, p.

2687; for interpretations o f (Ganfu), e.g. as Tangyi Ganfu g glj see HSBZ 61.1b, note; Hulsewe, CICA, p. 207, note 765 Gangwu Hou {g|lj g . {jj Liu Bang glj took over the forces of Gangwu hou prior to his attack on Changyi | | g in 207. He is possibly to be identified with Chai Wu jj£ or Chen Wu pjfr Jg; (1). — SJ 8, p. 357; Takigawa 8, p. 26 note; HS 1A, p. 17, HSBZ lA.15a note Gao |Bj Two families of Zhuojun, known as Xi Gao g§ jg5 and Dong Gao Jg jgj, commanded sufficient strength to defy official authority and to give asylum to criminals or deserters, during Xaundi's reign. — HS 90, p. 3668 (Gao) (1) (Gongzi Gao £ ) was one of the princes of Qin who was anxious to flee from the regime over which the Second Qin Emperor and Zhao Gao Jg fBf presided, from 210. Fearing the consequences to his family were he to do so, he chose to submit a memorial, expressing his preference for suicide. — S J 87, p. 2553 (Gao) ,gj (2), see under (Fan) gp Gao Bushi flu As a Xiongnu {*] wh° had deserted to Han, Gao Bushi fought as a colonel (Xiaowei g-f) in Huo Qubing's ’|f? jx campaigns of 121, distinguishing himself by the capture o f Huyuqi wang Wf and his son, and taking a large number of other prisoners. Ennobled for his successes as Yiguan hou ]g; f j in 121, in 117 he weis charged with falsifying the claim that he lodged for the number o f casualties that he had inflicted on the enemy. He was ransomed from punishment by deprivation o f his nobility, with its closure. - S J 111, p. 2931; 20, p. 1039; HS 55, p. 2481; 17, p. 648 Gao Chang jHf | | According to the indictment raised against Liu He glj jg1 (4) in respect of his activities during the short time o f his enthronement (74), Gao Chang, Director of the Palace Wardrobe (Zhong yuju Ling tfn ), had been ordered to provide funds for the procurement of women for his pleasures. — HS 68, p. 2940 Gao Cheng jjg succeeded as second noble of Zhua jjjft |EJ in 175. He was charged with putting men of his estate to work in excess o f the limit imposed by statute, and deprived of his nobility, with its closure in 161. - S J 18, p. 955; H S 16, p. 600 Gao Dan ^ ^ see under Su Long |5g| Gao Gongzi iff £ p, o f Changling -g- | | , is

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114 Gao Hong classified among the men of independent power who were active at some time between the reigns of Wendi and Chengdi and maintained the manners of a gentleman, despite their calling. — SJ 124, p. 3188; HS 92, p. 3705 Gao Hong jf|j ^ As a descendant of Gao Yi ill B ’ Gao Hong was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 62. — HS 16, p. 600 Gao Hui |gj [Up Attached to the household of Gong Sheng jffi, Gao Hui was one of those who were ordered to persuade him to accept appointment under Wang Mang ^ but failed in his endeavours to do so. — HS 72, p. 3085 Gao Jia jaj JE, of Pingyuan, father o f Gao Rong jflj and grandfather of Gao Xu jjaj As a master of the Lu H version of the Book o f Songs (Shi jin g f f £«) of Liangzhou, but left that post owing to ill health. Chosen once more as a candidate for office, he was appointed Magistrate (Ling ^ ) of Henan ynj j^j (Henan), to leave his post again, on this occasion after a rebuke. At the accession of Yuandi he was appointed Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu j-), bring recommended by Shi Xian fa jgj, and applied himself to administrative matters. As such he was ordered with Wei Xuancheng to investigate the case raised against Liu Xiang glj [a], currently in prison. At the time China was suffering from a series of poor harvests and general conditions of want, and Gong Yu shortly submitted a memorial that was markedly courageous in its outspoken criticism of the way of life that was being practised by members of the imperial family. In pointing out the frugality and attention to economy of earlier emperors such as Wendi and Jingdi, his strictures bear a close

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122 Gongai Hou resemblance to some of the speeches recorded in the Discourses on Salt and Iron ( Yantie lun gg jg §^f). He entered a strong plea for the reduction of extravagances, such as the gold and silver wares that were in use, the products of the imperial workshops and the luxurious fabrics that were being worn. Such spendthrift habits had spread into the palace of the Empress Dowager and had invited emulation at lower levels of society. At a time of great popular shortages and suffering, the failure to follow the prescriptions of Li gg was all too conspicuous. This state o f affairs had prevailed since the time of Wudi, and Gong Yu wished to reduce the material pleasures that the palace enjoyed; to curtail the establishment of the staff at some of the shrines; and to return certain lands for cultivation by the populace. As a result certain economies were ordered, and Gong Yu was promoted to be Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu ■)£ i|if< in 44. In a further submission, in which he disclosed his own financial circumstances of an official, he requested leave to retire from office, aged eighty-one years as he was. Notwithstanding, he was appointed Super­ intendent of the Lesser Treasury, Changxin Palace ('Changxin shaofu A iS P If.f)> an^ he succeeded Chen Wannian pjfr ^ i^L as Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu Qjj] Jr J^) on his death in 44. He died himself very shortly afterwards. As Imperial Counsellor Gong Yu had advised against complete compliance with the request of Zhizhi Shanyu Jg jg j || proposing that the escort who was to accompany the Shanyu's hostage back to his home should proceed no further than the borders of the Xiongnu habitat. But the greater part o f the advice that he proffered, as recorded, concerned the correction of current abuses and an attempt to restore moral standards. Distressed at the prevailing habit of infanticide, he sought to remove what he saw as its cause, i.e. collection of the poll tax from the age of three. He criticized the manner in which the state's monopoly of the iron industry was operating, drawing as it did on a large force of manpower and interfering with the processes and resources of nature. Gong Yu also commented on fiscal usage. Since the introduction of the five shu coin some seventy years previously illegal minting had been widescale. The rich had been hoarding coin; merchants, who were not subject to land tax, had been profiteering; whereas the peasantry had been exposed to the

hardships o f nature and the severity o f the collector. A flight from the country to the towns, and thence to crime, had ensued. Blaming both the collection of tax and the payment of official salaries in coin, he advocated their replacement by staple goods, thereby encouraging a return to agriculture and discouraging profiteering. Such a proposal was not accepted. He also hoped to reduce the complement of some of the garrisons at the detached palaces. He wished to restore the large number of officially owned slaves, who were in effect unemployed, to commoner status so that they could be posted to garrison duty at the frontiers; and he wished to prevent officials and their families from engaging in trade. In addressing the decline o f moral standards and the increase in crime from the time o f Wudi onwards, Gong Yu blamed the permission given for criminals to ransom themselves from punishment by means of payment, and the appointment of officials who lacked the requisite qualities for public responsibilities and were ready to oppress the populace. He urged Yuandi to punish those who simply flattered him and to cut down the expenses of court entertainments. Such advice may well have been aimed at some of the eunuchs such as Shi Xian; it may also have referred to Yuandi's own preference to indulge in the pleasures o f music rather than shoulder the burden of administrative duties. There followed a mitigation o f the terms of the poll tax, which was now to be levied at the age of seven rather than three, and the establishments of some of the palaces were reduced. But there was no response to Gong Y u's proposal to abolish the imperial shrines in the provinces and to conform with a regular system for dismantling some of those at the capital after the passage o f a specified number of generations. Such economies were indeed implemented in 40, some four years after Gong Yu's death, only to arouse considerable controversy and changes in subsequent times. — HS 72, p. 3069; 24B, p. 1176; 30, p. 1717; 36, p. 1932; 70, p. 3008; 88, p. 3617; Loewe, DMM, pp. 267, 286 Gongai H ou ^ jg / g , Huanghou j | | jg was the title conferred posthumously on Yuandi's Empress Xu f f . Gongbin Jiu jf , o f Donghai As a colonel, (Xiaowei gy-) Gongbin Jiu sought out the body of Wang Mang -£ f f and cut off his head, delivering it later to Wang Xian Jj;. — HS 99C, p. 4191; see HSBZ 99C.27b note for the statement that he

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Gongsun Ao 123 delivered the head at Wan city and that he was ennobled as Hua hou /jf Gongcheng Shi p jp; f t , a man of wealth, made over his daughter as a wife to Chen Yu ^ g£, whose exceptional qualities he had recognised. — SJ 89, p. 2571; HS 32, p. 1829 Gongcheng Yin -'p ^ , see under Ding Yelin T iy w Gonggao Hou r) pj , title o f Han Tuidang jpj| fg 'o’ Gonghu Manyi p pt jjjg is named as a pupil of Xu Sheng fg fp who took part in the transmission of the writings on Li jjf| and was appointed Li guan Dafu

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In his addition to the account o f the attempts made by Liu Dan glj (. I (1) to dispute possession of the imperial throne with Liu Fuling glj ^ |§| (Zhaodi), Chu Shaosun p (? 104—?30) includes further details. He records that after Liu Dan’s first, and abortive, attempt (86), the central government sent a mission which included the Superintendent of the Imperial Clan (Zongzheng ^ j[{; unidentifed) and Gonghu Manyi, a Grand Counsellor of the Palace (Taizhong Dafu p cja p p ) to bring moral pressure to bear; Liu Dan, however was himself not brought to trial. The members of the mission saw Liu Dan separately, and Gonghu Manyi, who was familiar with traditional learning, was the last one of them to do so. He cited the principles of the past and remarked on the proper place that should be taken by the emperor's relatives and members of other families, thereby leaving some impression on Liu Dan. - S J 121, p. 3126; 60, p. 2118; HS 88, p. 3614 Gonglong Gong Qian ^ see Wang Qian 3 i rGongshang Buhai p p |S is entered as Superintendent of Transport (Taipu p {^) in 201. He served in the campaign against Chen Xi |5jfr pjj in 196 and was ennobled as Ji hou in that year, dying in ?193. — S I 18, p. 960 (which describes him as Superintendent of Transport o f Zhao); HS 16, p. 605; 19B, p. 747 Gongshang Chang p X As a descendant of Gongshang Buhai £ fj; Gongshang Chang was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 6 2 . - H S \ 6 , p. 605 Gongshang Guangde p g f ^ succeeded as fourth noble of Ji yjfr in 139; in 130 he was implicated in a charge of gross improper behaviour on the part of

his wife, named Jing f-g, and executed in public with the closure of the nobility. — S J 18, p. 960; HS 16, p. 605 Gongshang Jing _h fjf, see under Gongshang Guangde XU Gongshang Tong p p Jg succeeded as third noble of Ji in 166, dying in 139. - S J 18, p. 960; HS 16, p. 605 Gongshang Wu _h succeeded as second noble o f Ji ® in 193, dying in 166. - S J 18, p. 960; HS 16, p. 605 Gongshi Nu X tX succeeded as second noble of Ping zp in 195, dying in 164. — S J 18, p. 917 (given as Pei Nu /fjf 1$); HS 16, p. 565 Gongshi Xi X grfj U joined Liu Bang glj f-j' in the attack on Qin, and made his way into Han gg. As a General (Jiangjun If.) he brought a number of leaders under control and defended Luoyang /g. f^. After ennoblement as Ping hou zp .gg in 201, he died in 195. — SJ 18, p. 917 (given as Pei Jia ytfj ^ ) ; HS 16, p. 565; HSBZ 16.25a; he is cited in the Guangyun l i a s Gongshi Yi £ • * Gongshi Zhi X succeeded as third noble of Ping zp in 164. In 145 he was charged with concealing a criminal, or criminals, and condemned to death. Saved from punishment by an amnesty, he was deprived of his nobility, with its closure. — S J 18, p. 917 (given as Pei Zhi yfff $i); HS 16, p. 565 Gongsun Ao p of Yiqu j j if| (Beidi) As one of the senior officers who served in a number of the campaigns of Wudi's reign, Gongsun Ao was fortunate enough to be saved from the death penalty no less than three times, but eventually succumbed to what may have been a far more severe punishment. He is first known as a Gentleman (Lang g|$ ) serving at the court of Jingdi. Early in Wudi's reign he saved his friend Wei Qing ff from death. When it became known in the palace that Wei Zifu J- p , Wudi's favourite, had become pregnant, an attempt was made to kill Wei Qing, who was her elder brother. Gongsun Ao and his colleagues were able to save him from such a fate. As Grand Counsellor of the Palace (Taizhong Dafu p rfi p -p), in 129 Gongsun Ao was nominated General of Cavalry (Ji Jiangjun f f tp ) and in the general attack on the Xiongnu fcj of that year he advanced from Dai. Losing 7,000 men he was judged to be worthy of execution, but was able to redeem himself from such a sentence by reduction to

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124 Gongsun Chen commoner status. In 124 he fought as a colonel (Xiaowei jfg j^f), serving under Wei Qing, and was ennobled as Heji hou -j=j- §j| in recognition of his successes. Promoted General of the Centre (Zhong Jiangjun c(a t|j) in the following year, he set out from Dingxiang, again under Wei Qing's command, without any achievements to his credit. In 121 Gongsun Ao took part in Huo Qubing's ^ jji.j highly successful expedition to the west, reaching beyond Juyan g J I ; but being late for his appointed rendezvous he was once more judged worthy of death, again to be saved by reduction to commoner status. This involved deprivation of his nobility, with its closure. As a colonel once again he fought in Wei Qing's campaign of 119, without notable credit. Posted to the north-west with the title o f Yinyu General (Yinyu Jiangjun g] ^ Jfff 1|l), in 104 Gongsun Ao constructed the Shoujiang -g |g| fortifications, outside the main line of defences. In 99, Li Guangli ^ jg| ^|J sent him with the same title on an expedition beyond Juyan. This was the occasion when Li Ling's |§= force of infantry was defeated in an encounter with the Xiongnu. After Li Ling's defection, Gongsun Ao was sent on an expedition to meet him. His reports on the services that he was alleged to be rendering to the Shanyu led to the extermination o f Li Ling's family. In 97 Gongsun Ao commanded a large force of cavalry and infantry in an expedition that reached as far as Yuwu ^ g . Sustaining heavy losses, and having achieved no positive results, he withdrew, to face trial for the third time. Feigning death, he escaped to live incognito for some five or six years, eventually to be discovered and arrested. No certain information is given regarding the punishment to which he was sentenced. According to one account he was executed at the waist in 96. In another version, some time later, presumably in 91, he was brought up on a charge that his wife had been practising witchcraft; he was sentenced to the extreme penalty of extermination of his family (zu fig). — SJ 111, pp. 2942, 2922; HS 55, pp. 2491, 2472; 6, pp. 203, 205; 54, p. 2457 Gongsun Chen g - ^ g lii 166, at a time when Zhang Cang jg was Chancellor (Chengxang j i ;fg), Gongsun Chen of Lu, who had made a special study of the sequence of the phases of the Wu xing f j and their links with dynastic regimes, expressed

the view that the time was ripe for the Han dynasty to adopt earth in place of water as its patron. He claimed that the appropriate response to such a step would shortly be signified by the appearance of golden dragons, and that corresponding changes should therefore be made to the calendar and the colour of the official robes. Zhang Cang, to whom the matter was referred, rebutted the suggestion; but when, in the following year, dragons were indeed sighted, Gongsun Chen was appointed to be an Academician (Boshi jij preliminary, but not final, steps were taken to introduce the change, and Zhang Cang chose to retire from public life. — SJ 10, p. 430; 96, p. 2681; HS 42, p. 2099; 25 A, p. 1212 Gongsun Du gr succeeded as second noble of Pingjin 2p ^ in 120. After ten years as Governor (Taishou Jr \y ) o f Shanyang, in 107 he was charged with failing to respond to a decree which ordered the summons of Shi Cheng ^ Magistrate (Ling of Juye |[ i g f, to the capital, and he was sentenced to hard labour, with the closure of the nobility. — SJ 112, p. 2955 (as Gongsun Qing ]|g); 20, p. 1030; HS 58, p. 2624; 18, p. 687 Gongsun E r ^ i f , see Gongsun Xi Gongsun Guang ^ (]) 0f Zichuan was a teacher of medicine who imparted his secrets to Chunyu Yi f g (/!. 170—150) with the request that he would not disclose his methods to others. It was partly due to him that Chunyu Yi obtained a meeting with Yang Qing |i§ |j5. —S J 105, p. 2815 Gongsun Guang (2) was one of several men of learning with a high reputation who were recom­ mended for official service by Wang Jia X. M 0)> Chancellor (Chengxiang 7f was followed by the inauguration of the state cults to Hou tu Jg -f- (114). - H S 25A, p. 1222 Gongsun Qing jj|], ° f Qi On a number of occasions between 113 and 109 Gongsun Qin encouraged Wudi to indulge his hopes of attaining immortality. In doing so he claimed to have in his possession a document that could be traced to Huangdi | j | -TjJ and which gave assurance that the discovery o f the tripods that had ocurred in 113 heralded the emperor's successful attempts to contact the holy spirits. Gongsun Qing promised that performance of the Feng §$ and Shan ,|f ceremonies would enable the emperor to become an immortal; he reported having seen the immortals themselves, or a giant or even one o f the holy spirits who had wished to meet the Son of Heaven. As a result of his advice, special halls were constructed at Chang'an and Ganquan (J jj|, and work started on building the Tong tian tai j§ ^ j | . Gongsun Qing was appointed a Gentleman (Lang | | 5) and then a Counsellor of the Palace (Zhong Dafu c(3 f - Jq). As a Grand Counsellor of the Palace (Taizhong Dafu rji together with Hu Sui gg jg and Sima Qian n] j# he suggested (104) that the calendar was in need o f adjustment, and he was ordered to take part in the work of drawing up a replacement named the Han li }J§ Jg; for the ensuing results, see under Ni Kuan fj3 Jg. —S.J 12, p. 467; 28, p. 1393; HS 21 A, p. 974; 25A, p. 1227 Gongsun Qing -£■ J ^ g | (1) Following the death of Chen Sheng Jg£, who had started the uprising against Qin and taken the title of king of Chu, and the establishment of Jing Ju g §6j in his place, Gongsun Qing was sent with a somewhat arrogant message from Jing Ju to seek co-operation from Tian Dan gg ■fl#, king of Qi, in the fight against Qin. Gongsun Qing's assumption of Chu's superiority and power to give orders to Qi riled Tian Dan who had him put to death (208). - SJ 16, p. 766; 48, p. 1959; HS 31, p. 1794 Gongsun Qing Jgf (2), see Gongsun Du A M

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130 Gongsun Rong

Gongsun Rong For explaining and clarifying to Gaodi certain aspects of Fan Kuai's 1% activities, Gongsun Rong was rewarded by the conferment of an estate o f 2,000 households. — HS 99 A, p. 4061 Gongsun Rongnu -£• ^ was one of several officers who served with the rank of colonel (Xiaowei g f) in three of Wei Qing’s f$j fl/ campaigns against the Xiongnu -gjj and were rewarded with a nobility (124), in his case as Congping hou zp As Governor of Shangjun, in 121 he was charged with bringing out troops to attack the Xiongnu but failing to report his action, and was deprived o f his nobility, with its closure. — SJ 20, p. 1036; 111, p. 2926; HS 17, p. 645; 55, p. 2475 Gongsun Shu jft, of Maoling ^ [fg During Aidi's reign Gongsun Shu was nominated a Gentleman (Lang gg) thanks to the position held by his father. Appointed Magistrate (Zhang J |) of Qingshui -/jf /j< (Tianshui) he made his name as an able administrator, and between AD 14 and 19 he served Wang Mang =£ f f as Governor (Zuzheng l£) of Daojiang a j fK (i.e. Shu). Learning of risings in Hanzhong and Guanghan in favour of a Flan restoration, Gongsun Shu welcomed Zong Cheng 'yf :’ fjg who was one of the insurgent leaders. But deploring the pillage to which Zong Cheng's followers had subjected Chengdu, he set himself up independently, to await the accession of a true emperor of Han. With his followers he defeated not only Zong Cheng but also officials whom the Gengshi Emperor had sent to impose his control in the west, and established his own authority. Advised by Li Xiong ^ he adopted the title of Shu Wang 2J] f , with his capital at Chengdu; and in AD 25, again at the encouragement of Li Xiong, he set himself up with the title o f Tianzi j'an d the regnal title of Longxing | | M. With a complement of senior officials appointed, he took over the greater part of Yizhou and gained control of a large area of territory that was blessed by rich economic resources. At the time Guangwudi was pre-occupied with settling problems and imposing his government in the east, with no spare effort available for the west. Gongsun Shu was able to gather a large following of adherents and to undertake extensive military preparations. For a time he was able to co-exist with Guangwudi, but the new emperor could hardly be

expected to sustain friendly relations with a strong rival for long. After considerable fighting, Gongsun Shu eventually met his death in AD 36. — HHS 13, p. 533; Bielenstein, Restoration, vol. II, pp. 107—9 and 181—98; see also under Liu Yong glj (6) Gongsun Sui jg As a former Governor (Taishou -fc -Vf) of Ji’nan, Gongsun Sui was sent on a mission to compose the differences between Yang Pu ;jg H and Xun Zhi {J] @1, each of whom was responsible for a separate command in the campaign against Chaoxian fjj ftf: (108). Persuaded by Xun Zhi that Yang Pu was likely to defect to the opposing side, Gongsun Sui used his authority to have Yang Pu arrested by Xun Zhi's men and to have the two forces combined under Xun Zhi's command. The defection of Chaoxian's leaders and the establishment of commanderies followed, but on return to Chang'an both Gongsun Sui and Xun Zhi were executed, in the first place for failure to co-operate with Yang Pu and in the second for having him arrested. — SJ 105, p. 2988; HS 95, p. 3866 Gongsun Wen of Langye, received instruction in the Gongyang gv ^ interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu ^ ) from Wang Zhong X 4 1’ a pupil of Zhuang Pengzu ;(]; g ; jjj£ (fl. 51). He was appointed Senior Tutor (Taifu -f!|) of Dongping (between 52 and 4 BC). — HS 88, p. 3616 Gongsun Xi -gjoined the Han cause in 202; as a Gentleman of the Palace (Langzhong g|$ cja) he executed Chen Xi gg pj; in Dai in 196 and was ennobled as Hecheng hou ^ -g| in that year; he died in 176. — &/ 18, p. 954 (as Gongsun Er £■ ^ ) ; HS 16, p. 600 Gongsun Xi see under Wang Ye Gongsun Xiangru f g $p, see Gongzi Xiangru & =¥m Gongsun Yi jg (1) As Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu jjfc J - p ) , in 92 Gongsun Yi was appointed to be Acting Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury (Shou Shaofu /i/ 0 ) . — HS 19B, p. 788 Gongsun Yi -gJg (2) As part of his attempt to oust Zhaodi from the throne and take his place (80), Liu Dan glj H (1) tried to to win over Gongsun Yi, Chief Clerk (Zhangshi -g| j£ ) to Huo Guang ||[ )£ by means of bribery. —HS 7, p. 226 Gongsun Yishou M S # During the campaign in the north-west of 72, Gongsun Yishou protested to

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Gu Bing 131 Tian Guangming fg Jgg 0^j at his decision to ignore information of the whereabouts of non-Chinese who were open for attack. Charged with failure to perform his duties Tian Guangming committed suicide; Gongsun Yishou was given exceptional promotion as Assistant in Attendance on the Imperial Counsellor (Shi Yushi £ ) . — HS 94 A , p. 3786 Gongsun Yong /, v ^ pj A former Magistrate (Ling ) of Chengfu ify 5£, in 89 Gongsun Yong plotted to raise a rebellion, with the assistance of his friend Hu Qian g] f^j. Giving himself out to be a Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu f f f f ) and accompanied by a force o f horsemen, Hu Qian claimed that he had been commissioned to supervise the suppression of robbers, and took up residence at one of the post-stations in Chenliu. Intending to apprehend the Governor, he was foiled in his attempt to do so by Tian Guangming gg J|g 0£j, Governor (Taishou f f Vf) of Huaiyang, who brought out forces with which he captured and executed Hu Qian and his followers. Masquerading for his part as an official with a similar charge, Gongsun Yong was recognised as an impostor by a junior official and arrested and punished; four men were rewarded for their part in this achievement. — HS 90, p. 3664 Gongxian Jun xjj H{ f f , see Wang Qu I * Gongyu Dai of Ji'nan At the time when Wudi was making the ascent of Mount Tai (110) and contemplating the erection o f the Mingtang [()] -g, Gongyu Dai provided a plan o f that structure as in the time of Huang di | f In 102 he advised how it had been suggested to Huang di that he should perform certain rites with a view to obtaining immortality; Gongyu Dai was ordered to do so. — SJ 12, p. 480; 28, p. 1401; HS 25B, p. 1243 Gongzi Gao £ zp jg , see (Gao) jg; (1) Gongzi Kuan )£ in 14. A son of Gu Ji ;g. =!=■ he never rose to the highest ranks of government, but the opinions that he expressed, often fearlessly, over a wide variety of issues and the criticism that he voiced of Chengdi made him one of the most significant persons of that reign. His biography includes four lengthy records of the views that he put forward; others are included elsewhere in the Han shu. As a minor official in Chang'an in 36, Gu Yong was appointed to the staff of Li Yanshou ^ JjE j | , Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu {0] J^ p ) . Promoted Assistant (Cheng tj ^ e death sentence passed on him nine months later for unstated crimes was commuted to punishment o f a lesser degree. — HS 19B, p. 823; 27B(2), p. 1413; 76, p. 3231 Haoxing Ci jg JI jig advised Zhao Chongguo Jg -/g g§J (2) over the appropriate attribution of success achieved in conquering the Qiang (c. 61). — HS 69, p. 2992 Haoxing Gong Jg JI , see under Rong Guang gs Jjg and Cai Qianqiu j | =f- fX (He) j f ( l ) , see Zeng He j j 1 —S J 10, p. 426 (He) j j (2) is named as Superintendent of Trials (Tingwei ££ ), a post which he held not before 177 and not after 170. Together with Zhang Cang jjg f f the Chancellor (Chengxiang jjk. fg) he was one of the co-signatories of a memorial submitted in 174 which enumerated the illegal activities of Liu Chang glj (1), king of Huainan since 196, that had culminated in his involvement with the plot to rebel. He was also one of forty-three nobles and senior officials who were ordered by decree to advise how Liu Chang should be punished, in view of Wendi's expressed reluctance to impose the death penalty, and who persisted in the view that the law should be allowed to take its course. — S J 118, p. 3077 (He) j f (3), see Gongsun He /o- ffc j j — SJ 60, p. 2110

He Ba fsj jjf is mentioned as Leader of the Gentlemen of the Palace (Zhonglang Jiang rji gp Jf^f ) in a text which concerns the suppression of uprisings in the south c. 28. — HYGZ 4.2a (possibly a corrupt text) He Bigan fqj of Ruyin who was an ancestor in the sixth generation of He Chang fgj fij^ (2), had been trained in the Shang shu fpf(|, under the guidance of Chao Cuo H §g. Early in his career he had been one of the junior judicial officials at Ruyin; he then served as the Assistant (Zheng ]£) of Zhang Tang jjg jg , who held the post o f Superintendent of Trials (Tingwei g g-f) from 126—121. While Zhang Tang held rigorously to the laws, He Bigan was of a more generous frame of mind and the two men were frequently in disagreement. Large numbers benefitted from He Bigan's kindness. He was promoted Commandant (Duwei gp gsf) of Danyang, and was one of the rich officials who was transferred in 73 to

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154 He Bing the newly established settlement of Pingling zp |g|, tomb of Zhaodi. According to an anecdote, in 90 he gave shelter to a large number of elderly women who had been caught in a rainstorm and was duly rewarded. —HHS 43, p. 1480; H H SJJ43.16a note He Bing ff;j jg A member o f a family which had moved from Pingyu zp lii (Runan) to Pingling, He Bing served as a junior official in one of the commanderies and as a subordinate o f He Wu fnj when the latter was Imperial Counsellor with the title of Da Sikong n;] (8—7 BC). Recommended by He Wu, who thought highly of his ability, he was appointed Magistrate (Ling ^ ) of Changling -g- ||g. His action as such in driving Wang Linqing ££ ^ ||p to his death during flight from justice won him the approval of Aidi and promotion to be Governor (Taishou ^ =J) of Longxi. He Bing was then moved to be Governor of Yingchuan, to replace Zhuang Xu •[}: , a mild man of forbearing conduct. By contrast He Bing took highly effective and sharp action to bring Zhong Wei If Zhao Ji |fj ~fi and Li Kuan |£ to justice. Seen to have restored order in the commandery, he was judged to be second only to Huang Ba Jjf fp| as a successful governor o f Yingchuan. A man of probity he kept his family away from his official residence and died at home. In his valedictory will he asked his son He Hui fpj to refuse any customary official gifts that might be made on the occasion of his funeral and to have him buried simply. He Hui was promoted Commandant of the Passes (Guan Duwei M IP I f ) by Wan8 Mang i — HS 77, p. 3266 He Chang fnj f$r (1) was Governor (Taishou -fc ^p) of Runan at the close of Wang Mang's ^ reign; see under Zhou Jia jg| j j . —HHS 81, p. 2676 He Chang fnj ^ (2), see under He Chong fqj j|g He Chong fnj f l A descendant of He Bigan fnj ■ He Chong was the father of He Chang fpj (2), who was appointed Commandant (Duwei fsf) of Qiancheng during Guangwudi's reign. — HHS 43, p. 1480 He Feng -fgj jjf, see under Guo Qin J|$ (2) He Huan -g- |g;, see under Fu Gong fijj ^ He Hui fnj ‘ffe , see under He Bing fnj jg He Kuan Jpf J J , see under He Wu fnj g ; He Kuang fnj In response to public feelings, in AD 4 Wang Mang :£ ^ gave orders for He Kuang to succeed as second noble o f Fanxiang -/[J ^p|;. At Wang M ang's establishment as emperor he was

reduced to commoner status. — HS 18, p. 709; 86, p. 3488; for the incorrect statement of He Kuang's death in AD 12, see HSBZ 18.23b note He Shou fnj j|p As Governor (Taishou jc Cf) of Shu, He Shou had recognised the abilities of He Wu fnj jj£ (no relation) and treated him well. Appointed Superintendent o f Trials (Tingwei gg g-f) in 31, he was demoted to be Superintendent of Agriculture (Da Sinong ^ W| f j ) in 27. Thanks to the intermediacy o f He Xian fg JJj, one of He W u's brothers, and Yang Fuzhong fjg He Shou was able to have his nephew's name brought forward for a provincial appointment. —HS 19B, p. 823; 86, p. 3483 He Wu fnj ]j£, of Shu, became involved in many of the controversial dynastic and political issues of Aidi's reign. As a youngster of fourteen or fifteen he had been trained to sing some of the songs composed by Wang Bao g | (1) in celebration of the felicitous and peaceful years of Xuandi's time and had been rewarded for his performance. After studying the Changes (Yi J |) with the Academicians (Boshi jil/. 3p), he attained the highest grade in certain tests and was nominated a Gentleman (Lang g|$); according to one reference he was himself an Academician. Friendly with Zhai Fangjin H he was appointed Magistrate (Ling of Hu ftp (in the area subject to the Metropolitan Superintendent of the Right, You Fufeng y ; g ) , to be dismissed after a legal charge. While Superintendent of Transport (Taipu ^ fg; 26—23), Wang Yin f- ^ brought He Wu's name forward as a man with suitable qualifications for office and he was appointed Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu ^ ^ ) , and then Regional Inspector (Cishi flj ^ ) of Yangzhou. In that capacity he ruthlessly exposed the misdeeds of a number of officials, including those of the highest grades, but retained the respect o f the governors of the commanderies and chancellors of the kingdoms within the region, always attending to administrative details, such as those o f schooling, land reclamation and agricultural production. He won the gratitude of Dai Sheng | J J by saving him from the death penalty which he feared owing to his son's criminal activities. He Wu served as Regional Inspector of Yangzhou for some five years before appointment as Chancellor's Deputy (Chengxiang sizhi 7R f l [1*0 and thereby winning the admiration of the Chancellor

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He Wu 155 (Xue Xuan jg J [ ; 20—15). It was at this time (20) that he recommended the appointment of Xin Qingji iv- J J 3 to a high ranking military post. Appointed Governor (Taishou ^ -,-J) o f Qinghe he was dismissed after a few years by reason of the extensive damage caused in the commandery by natural disasters. Subsequently he was recommended for appointment by Wang Gen ■■■[•; fg and once again held office as Advisory Counsellor and then Regional Inspector, this time o f Yanzhou. As Colonel, Internal Security (Sili Xiaowei i f] | | t J4',J) he was appointed Governor of the Capital (Jingzhao Yin ^ j]-) in 13. Charged with the failure o f deportment on the part of one of the candidates whom he had sponsored for appointment, he was demoted Metropolitan Superintendent (Neishi |Aj ij^) of Chu. Thereafter he rose to become Governor of Peijun, Superintendent of Trials (Tingwei £§ j,j,j) in 10, and Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu 0 ',}[ in 8 BC. At the change of his title to that of Da Sikong -)r fiJ 2g, he was ennobled as Fangxiang hou -/[J ^ fg, and he received an increase in his estates at the accession of Aidi. It was due to He Wu that Gong Sheng g i sf.’ and Gong She H llf> ° f Chu, and Tang Lin Jg and Tang Zun g | Ht, of Peijun, were introduced into public life. Disliking factionalism he took steps to prevent influence taking undue precedence over worth in the choice of candidates for office. In institutional matters he asked for clarification of the responsibilities of the senior officials of the kingdoms. As a result the Chancellors (Xiang ff]) were ranked with the Governors, and the Metropolitan Superintendents, now re-entitled Zhongwei cfa g.f, with the Commandants (Duwei g^) of the commanderies. His plea, voiced together with Zhai Fangjin, for the establishment of San gong posts at the head of the central government (resulting in the change of his own title) and the replacement of the Regional Inspectors with Regional Commissioners (Zhou mu 'Jf| % ), although adopted at first, was soon rejected. A number of actions are attributed to He Wu when he held the title of Da Sikong. At Aidi's accession Kong Guang f l -)£ had expressed his fears that the new young emperor would be subject to undue influence or pressure from his grandmother, Fu Taihou fiJ ^ jg . Acting on her behalf, He Wu had successfully proposed that she should be housed, not in a separate residence whose construction Kong

Guang advocated, but in the Bei gong f t which had direct access to the Weiyang ^ Palace. Later, however, together with Tang Lin, he put in a memorial asking for the recall to office of Fu Xi f(| f f , whom Fu Taihou had come to hate; and Fu Xi was appointed to be Marshal of State (Da Sima ,f/j H,) in 6 BC. In four instances he acted together with Kong Guang; they proposed a re-examination of the principles on which posthumous titles were granted to emperors, with their implications on the maintenance o f services at their shrines; they recommended a wholesale reduction of some of the orchestras and choirs who performed music for official occasions, in the belief that the forms o f music which they practised were not to be approved; they responded with specific suggestions to the proposals of Shi Dan gtU J5J. for a limitation on the extent of land holdings and numbers of slaves that an individual might possess; and they voiced a call to recruit specialists in hydraulic matters in the face of a possible emergenecy. Together with Zhai Fangjin, He Wu took the view that some of the former consorts of Chunyu Zhang J|r ]'■ should be brought to trial, as they were implicated in his crimes. It was He Wu who recommended Bao Xuan $g*gr for appointment as Advisory Counsellor. Very shortly after his appointment as Da Sikong He Wu was dismissed, by an order which referred to the severity and unpopularity of some of his measures, the suspicion that he had not been fulfilling his obligations to his parents adequately and his generally poor reputation. In fact he had forfeited the confidence of Fu Taihou. But thanks to the representations of Bao Xuan, Wang Jia jg (1) and Dong Xian jjg j j (2) he was recalled to be Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu) in 2 BC, to be demoted very quickly as General of the Van (Qian Jiangjun jjfj At the death of Aidi, Dong Xian was stripped of his seals o f office as Marshal o f State and the question arose of choosing his successor. The Grand Empress Dowager Wang Zhengjun i it a sponsored the cause o f her nephew Wang Mang I fp. But alive to the dangers that might ensue should excessive power fall into the hands o f an imperial consort's family, as had occurred during the reigns of Huidi and Zhaodi, He Wu and Gongsun Lu Jg General of the Left (Zuo Jiangjun )r_ ’iff) planned to thwart these hopes by nominating each other for

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156 He Xian the vacancy. Indicted for so doing they were both dismissed. In Wang M ang's vigorous measures to eliminate potential antagonists after the incident of Lii Kuan g U (AD 3), He Wu was summoned for investigation, but chose the immediate course of suicide. In response to the popular feeling that there had been a miscarriage of justice, Wang Mang had his son He Kuang -ftJJ $j> succeed to the nobility (AD 4), to be reduced to commoner status after AD 9. — HS 86, p. 3481; 24A, p. 1142; 29, p. 1692; 64B, p. 2821; 69, p. 2996; 72, p. 3090; 73, p. 3125; 81, p. 3355; 82, p. 3380; HYGZ 10A.2b; Loewe, Crisis and Conflict, p. 209 and Chapter 8; for an incident that took place while He Wu was Governor of Peijun, as recorded in a passage of the Fengsu tongyi now lost, see HSBZ 86.3a note; for the situation of He W u's grave, see A7Z/3.4b He Xian -fpj igj was one of the five brothers of He Wu who held minor appointments in one of the commanderies. He regularly failed to pay the dues for his commercial transactions and such delinquency resulted in the arrest of his family. Angered by such treatment he threatened to bring his official authority to bear on Qiu Shang g j, the bailiff (Sefu who had effected the arrest, but he elicited no sympathy from He Wu. It was thanks to He W u's representations that Qiu Shang was chosen to serve in the staff of the commandery as Zushi tfi. See also under He Shou ftTf I f . — HS 86, p. 3482; HSBZ 86.1b note; HYGZ 12.5b describes He Xian as Governor (Taishou ^ of Yingchuan He Xian J f As Governor (Taishou Jr Vj:) of Shanggu, He Xian served in four campaigns under the command of Wei Qing f$j f f , taking a large number of prisoners. Ennobled for his services as Zhongli hou (or |£ ) ^[J fg in 123, in 121 he was brought up on a charge. It was claimed that, as Governor of Shanggu, he had falsified the returns of property belonging to conscripts serving on garrison duty, and he was deprived of his nobility, with its closure. — SJ 111, p. 2928; HS 55, p. 2478 Hejian Xian Wang JnJ f||] tfjft p, title of Liu De glj S

(i)

(Heng) fg was the son o f (Jiande ) (1), Chancellor (Xiang fg) of Zhao, whom the king had put to death for attempting to dissuade him from joining the rebel cause in 154. As an acknow­ ledgement of his father’s death in loyal service, Heng was ennobled as Ju hou jj| fg in 148. He was

executed in public for unspecified crimes, with the closure of the nobility, in 146. — S J 19, p. 1016; HS 17, p. 638 Heng Hu fgf gj, of Ju (Chengyang), was trained in an unspecified tradition of the Changes (Yi | | ) at an unknown date, and reached high office. — SJ 121, p. 3127; HS 88, p. 3597 Heng Xian fgj , of Qi, received instruction in the Changes (Yi | | ) from Wulu Chongzong [gj -fa :/r.; or Liangqiu Lin f r_ jg>, during the reigns of Xuandi or Yuandi. During Wang Mang's ~p_ ff, time he held the title of Counsellor, Canonical Texts (Jiangxue Dafu gj§ SI p J^). — HS 88, p. 3601; HSBZ 88.10a note Hengyang Jun fg |J|§ jg , see Han Cheng |j | (Hong) jg (1), see Duan Hong £ (Hong) (2) held appointment as Superintendent of Agriculture (Da Sinong yj g ) in 48. — HS 19B, p. 813 (Hong) ( 1) was a captain (Hou fg) serving in the Han forces in the north-west towards the end of Wudi's reign. He reported on the insulting behaviour that the Xiongnu -gj %% had been practising in the hope of drawing the Chinese to a fight. — HS 96B, p. 3913; Hulsewe, CICA, p. 169 (Hong) (2) is named as Superintendent of the Guards (Weiwei g>f) for 56, perhaps until 50. — HS 19B, p. 809; for his identification with Wei Hong I j >]/,, see Han shu renming suoyin, p. 214 (Hong) Hj (1) was Military Controller (Zheng jp) serving on the staff of Wei Qing f f during his campaign of 123. When, having lost his forces, Su Jian £{t returned to headquarters alone, the question arose of whether he should be treated as a criminal who had abandoned his army or as a loyalist who had returned to his own side of his own accord. Hong was one of those who argued that, having put up a good fight against superior forces, he should not be executed as some, such as Zhou Ba JfJ |>g, were suggesting. In the event, Wei Qing chose to send Su Jian to Chang'an, for a decision to be taken at a higher level than his own. — S J 111, p. 2927; HS 55, p. 2477; HSBZ 55.6b note (Hong) HJ (2), Superintendent of Transport, Changxin Palace (Changxin Taipu js. f i t ) AD 1 Wang Zhengjun 3 ^ jgr g , Grand Empress Dowager, ordered Hong to deliver orders to Wang Mang to attend court for receipt of the title of Anhan Gong ^ gg — HS 99A, p. 4047; identified

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Hou Cang 157 in Dubs, HFHD vol. Ill, p. 143, as Wang Hong Hong Chengzi ^ is named as a master who gave instruction, possibly in the Changes (Yi | | ) , to Wulu Chongzong fgs —XJZJ 1.4a Hong Gong ^ see under Shi Xian Hf Hong Ru jg JU (1), incorrectly given sometimes as Hong Ruji gg JU |g ; as a favourite of Huidi Hong Ru was persuaded to plead for the release of Shen Yiji ^ —HS 43, p. 2117 Hong Ru ng Jg (2) As Governor (Taishou }K \ j :) of Hedong before 75, Tian Yannian EE1 ^ gave Hong Ru administrative responsibility for half of the twenty-eight counties that were in the northern part of the Commandery. Rising to be Chancellor of Guangling, Hong Ru had won himself a high reputation for efficient government. — HS 76, pp. 3207, 3209 Hong Ruji J f Jg, see J f (1) Hong Tan fj|, of Pei As Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu ^ ^ Hong Tan was appointed Metropolitan Superintendent of the Right ( You Fufeng 'h JrgJ in 2 BC, to be promoted Superintendent of the Guards (Weiwei gf gif) after a few months and Superintendent of Agriculture (Da Sinong g] H ) in 1 BC. — HS 19B, p. 848 Hongyang hou Li f l £§ fg Yj, i.e. Wang Li ^ (2)

Hongyang zhangzhong xiongdi |j; m m # a jb may be identified as two of the sons of Wang Li (2), noble of Hongyang 27 to AD 4, who both engaged in criminal activities in Chang'an towards the end of Chengdi's reign (see under Yin Shang Ji­ ff). — HS 90, p. 3673; for different interpretations of the term, see HSBZ 90.18b note Hou Ba fg }jj , of Henan, had been appointed to the staff of the Heir Apparent (Taizi Sheren Jr fJK ) in the time of Chengdi, such a post being filled notwithstanding the absence o f a nominated heir to the throne. O f a somewhat serious or even awesome nature, and a member o f a wealthy family, Hou Ba engaged in no occupation but devoted himself to learning, taking Fang Feng Jg JU, as his master. He studied the Guliang m m interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu f y j and received a training in the legal statutes from Zhong Yuan §jg jq. At the start of Wang M ang's j ;. f f reign, Chen Chong [ijff :JJ-: recommended Hou Ba for service and he became Magistrate (Zai sjz) of Suixian |§g (Nanyang). The area was subject to considerable

disorder and crime on the part of deserters, and Hou Ba took active and successful steps to suppress such activities. At the outbreaks of violence which followed the re-imposition of six types of economic control in AD 17, Hou Ba was chosen, as a capable official, to inspect the work of the agencies. Appointed Governor (Dayin ^ p ) of Huaiping (Linhuai), Hou Ba won a reputation for efficient administration and he remained there after Wang Mang's defeat. He was then summoned to take an appointment under the Gengshi Emperor, but the entreaties of the local population that he should not move elsewhere were so intense that the officials who had been sent to invest him with his new seals of office refrained from doing so. After the defeat of the Gengshi Emperor, in AD 28 Guangwudi appointed him Director of the Secretariat (Shangshu Ling f£f | J ). At the time there were few or no men of experienced knowledge at the court or in high office, and Hou Ba provided invaluable service thanks to his familiarity with past precedent and his ability to cite previous examples of effective acts of government. It was at his instance that Guangwudi proclaimed acts of grace every spring and took other beneficent measures. In AD 29 Hou Ba was appointed Chancellor (Da Situ ^ , ,J ^ ) , with the honour of a Nobility of the Interior (Guannei Hou |f§ f t fg). He died in AD 37. — HS 99C, p. 4150; HHS 26, p. 901; 1A, p. 40; DGHJ 13.1b Hou Cang jg f t or :f r of Donghai An Academician (Boshi f f [;) who held office as Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury (Shaofu /p jftf) in 72, Hou Cang made a significant contribution to scholarship. He had received instruction in the books on Li jjjg and the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu ^ f)0 from Meng Qing jg j/ftfj and he had been a pupil of Xiahou Shichang fg gaining a familiarity with the Book o f Songs (Shi jin g §=J | 8f). His own pupils included several prominent officials such as Yi Feng j f | | , Xiao Wangzhi and Kuang Heng g fgf for the Book o f Songs, and Wenren Tonghan [if] }K jg j ||, Dai De J|g ^ , Dai Sheng j|£ Ig and Qing Pu |g U for the books on Li. He is described as the most intelligent of the masters of the Li in Xuandi's reign. As an Academician he explained the ritual to Xuandi when that emperor was attending the archery ceremonies. A record of such comments, known as the Qutai j i |ffj J J f g , was known to Liu Xiang glj |p].

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158 Hou Chang The catalogue of the imperial library includes three entries for works which are associated with Hou Cang: (a) Qi Hou shi gu f f ft , in twenty juan % and (b) Qi Hou shi zhuan f f Jfy •jE|, in thirtynine juan, being collections of his comments on the Qi version of the Book o f Songs, assembled by his pupils; and (c) Hou shi shuo Jg f t in one pian jgg, being explanations o f the Book o f Filial Piety (Xiao jing sp: |g ). — HS 88, pp. 3599, 3613, 3615; 30, pp. 1707, 1710, 1718; H SB Z 30.9anote; 88.21anote Hou Chang fg ^ As a general serving Chen Xi |5|j . or possibly named as his Chancellor (Xiang fg), Hou Chang was defeated by forces led either by Guan Ying j f §g or Jin Xi fjf (196). — SJ 8, p. 388; 95, p. 2672; //5 4 1 ,p .2 0 8 4 Hou De { ^ ff| In his attempts to persuade Liu He (4), king of Changyi 86—74, to reform his conduct, Gong Sui | | fg. warned him of the dangers of entertaining flattery. As an example he cited the misleading services that Hou De had rendered to the king of Jiaoxi, presumably Liu Duan glj (1), reigned 154 to 108; or Liu Ang glj Cfl , reigned 164—153. — HS 89, p. 3637 Hou Diao g f f In commenting on a passage whose meaning is by no means clear, Ying Shao ffff. {JJj (AD 140 to before 204) named Hou Diao as a musician who made an instrument that was used when musical performances were introduced into the cults of state, c. 114. - S J 12, p. 472; 28, p. 1396; Takigawa 12, p. 31; 28, p. 71 ; HS 25A, p. 1232; HSBZ 25A.34b note Hou Feng jjrf is named as the sole example of a man categorised as a harsh official during the time of the Empress Lii, known for his oppressive behaviour towards both members of the imperial family and senior officials. At the elimination of the Lii family, Hou Feng was either imprisoned or put to death. — SJ 122, p. 3132; HS 90, p. 3646 Hou Fu fzg As Commandant, Cavalry (Ji Duwei | f U[$ i,'.f) Hou Fu was ennobled as Mingtong hou Uj] in AD 5, by virtue of his understanding of the principles of hereditary succession and unification. Bearing the honorary title of Palace Attendant (Shizhong ^ cjn) and appointment as Dazhui ^ j f , he was appointed Ningshi Jiangjun sp ^ ||[ in AD 12 to be dismissed in 15. — HS 18, p. 718; 99B, pp. 4128, 4139; for the Dazhui, an office established in AD 9 with responsibility for the care of imperial carriages and other equipment, see Yang Shuda, Han shu kui guan p. 642

Hou Gang g pj]|J, of Xinfan ^fr (i.e. Fanxian, renamed Xinfan xian after Han times; in Shu) As a Gentleman (Lang gp), Hou Gang chose to feign madness and to refuse to serve under Wang Mang, who had him put to death. — HYGZ 10A.8a Hou Gong -g- Following Lu Jia’s gg j f abortive mission on behalf of Liu Bang glj f.j' to request Xiang Yu jg| ^ to restore his family, Liu Bang sent Hou Gong to negotiate a settlement with Xiang Yu (203). As a reward for the successful outcome, whereby the two leaders agreed to divide the rule of the world between them, Liu Bang conferred the title of Pingguo jun zp |g g on Hou Gong, who, however, chose a life of seclusion. — SJ 7, p. 330; HS 1A, p. 46 Hou Jia ;.V, of Jiyin Recommended for appointment by Gong Sheng g j (j# in Aidi’s reign, Hou Jia was one of two men who became Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu §|i ^ ^ -).— HS 72, p. 3080 Hou Ming UJ] Attached to the staff of Wudi's Heir Apparent as a Sheren ^ \ ,c . 96—91 Hou Ming was sent on a mission from Chang'an to collect entertainers to join his household. These included Wang Wengxu g |, who was to be the mother of Xuandi. - H S 9 1 A , p. 3962 Hou Mupi fH fg In 26 Hou Mupi, male of adult age without orders of honour, of Chiping (Dongjun), and his brothers took to armed robbery, setting official buildings alight, tying up officials and stealing their seals and sashes, he himself taking the title of general. — HS 26, p. 1310 Hou Pa fz| [Vi, style Puzi §jfj y ; of Julu, was regularly in the company of Yang Xiong g§ towards the end of the latter's life. He received his Tai xuan p and Fa yan jj; | J and was responsible for having the text of the former work circulated and for writing a commentary, which had been lost before Sui times. The depth of his friendship with Yang Xiong is shown by the part that he took in his funeral arrangements and by his maintenance of mourning for for three years. — HS 87B, p. 3585; Lunheng 29 (83 'An shu' U ), p. 1167; Sui shu, 34, p. 998; HSBZ 87B.23a note Hou Sheng {H ^ (or Hou Gong \>f. In 215 the First Emperor sent Hou Sheng on an expedition to find the immortals and their elixir. He took to flight in 212, after discussions with Lu Sheng )j| *n which they criticized the Emperor's despotic use of his powers. — S J 6, pp. 252, 258; for a fuller,

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HoushiW u 159 anecdotal account in which Hou Sheng criticized the Emperor's extravagance at some length, see Shuo yuan 20 ('Fanzhi' jg Jf).3a Hou Sheng fg As Imperial Messenger (Yezhe fjg ft) under the Gengshi Emperor, Hou Sheng was sent to invest Hou Ba fg j j with the seals of an office to which he had been summoned. — DGHJ 13.1a Hou Sheng jg jjg As Chancellor (Xiang |g ) Hou Sheng served the king of Qi immediately prior to its annexation by Qin (221), advising him to surrender rather than offer battle. —S J 6, p. 235; 46, p. 1902 Hou Wen fg yr, o f Baling [g?, had served on the staff of Sun Bao j | , who, on appointment (11) as Governor of the Capital (Jingzhao Yin g ^ p ) named him Investigator, Eastern Section (Dong bu duyou jfr g|$ ig), with orders to stamp out crime. Hou Wen's insistence that his first victim should be Du Zhiji ^ ag, also of Baling, caused Sun Bao considerable embarrassment and anxiety. For Du Zhiji, a man of personal power but no official standing, was friendly with Chunyu Zhang Jjp: j'Sun Bao himself had lost the support that he had had from Wang Yin J and had fallen out with Wang Li |-_ i'£ (2), and was hoping to strengthen his position thanks to his friendship with Chunyu Zhang; the latter, however, had entrusted Du Zhiji to his protection. By skilful contrivance Hou Wen managed to have Du Zhiji mend his ways, without involving antagonistic action by Sun Bao. Du Zhiji died of illness, to be outclassed by his son Du Cang ^ j f (Aidi, Pingdi’s time). - HS 77, p. 3259; 92, p. 3719 Hou Ying fg j(S On the occasion of his third visit to the Han court and his marriage to Wang Qiang |: jjjg (Zhaojun [$ tf) , Huhanye Shanyu lif jp proposed that he would himself assume responsibility for security at the borders between Han and the Xiongnu fa) I/J. and that the Han government would be free to withdraw its garrisons. Hou Ying, a Gentleman of the Palace (Langzhong g[' r.fi) who was familiar with conditions on the borders put forward ten reasons for rejecting the proposal and his views prevailed. He stressed the unpredictable nature of the long-term intentions of the Xiongnu, the role of the garrisons in controlling crime and preventing desertions from the Han side, and the need to maintain the defences in a good state of repair, so as to be ready to meet all contingencies. — HS 94B, p. 3803 Hou Yuan fg jfjjj , uncle of Hou Ba fg jpf, served

with distinction as a eunuch during Yuandi's reign, assisting Shi Xian 5 | g in his direction of the work of the Palace Writers (Zhongshu c(=i J:), and known under the title of Da Changshi ^ f^. — HHS 26, p. 901 Houshi W u fg ^4 had been a junior official, of 300 shi 5 grade, serving as a subordinate of Sang Hongyang m At the time when Liu Dan glj [ 1 (1) king of Yan, Sang Hongyang, Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu ^ J^) and others had been on trial on a charge of plotting rebellion, Sang Hongyang's son Sang Qian jg had managed to escape detection and in his journey he had been in contact with Houshi Wu. Later, when Sang Qian was arrested and faced a legal sentence, an amnesty saved him from punishment. In the course of investigating the case of rebellion, Wang Ping zp, Superintendent of Trials (Tingwei ££ gof), and Xu Ren f~, Superintendent of the Lesser Treasury (Shaofu P jft), took the view that Houshi Wu had not been guilty, in so far as he had not given asylum to an active participant or ringleader but to a man who had been no more than a passive accomplice. They therefore concluded that Houshi Wu should be freed from any censure. However, when the case was re-opened, Sang Qian was regarded as being a willing participant, in so far as he had been aware of his father's intentions but had failed to register a protest. Houshi Wu was therefore to be judged to have concealed an active participant in the revolt and he should not be entitled to benefit from an amnesty. It was therefore proposed that the case should be tried again, with an indictment of Wang Ping and Xu Ren for allowing a rebel to go free. The case had wide repercussions. Xu Ren was the son-in-law of Tian Qianqiu [Jj J- f^ , the Chancellor (Chengxiang yji |[j), and therefore spoke repeatedly on behalf of Houshi W u's innocence. Suspecting that Huo Guang |g )n the time of Chengdi, and author of a work entitled Ri pang zhan yan 0 ^ ^ which included a reference to Deng Ruo g§, otherwise unknown. — HS 16, p. 595; two

works of a similar title are listed under Tian wen f in HS 30, p. 1764, HSBZ 30.65b, 66a Hua Cheng -tfi jjg was a subordinate official of Wang Wenshu At the time of the expedition against Da Yuan ^ (104), a decree ordered the enrolment of officials known for their martial qualities. Wang Wenshu, who was performing the duties of the Superintendent of the Capital (Zhongwei cf: g;f) enabled Hua Cheng to avoid the draft. This action was one of the reasons for the proceedings that ended in his suicide. — SJ 122, p. 3150; HS 90, p. 3658 Hua Dang ijg '$• succeeded as third noble of Chaoyang ijrfj in 166. In 127 he was charged with instructing a person unknown to submit a memorial which contravened the laws and was sentenced to three years hard labour, with the closure of the nobility. - SJ 18, p. 931; HS 16, p. 583 Hua Dingguo ijg Jg gg As a descendant of Hua Ji ijg , Hua Dingguo was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 62. — HS 16, p. 583 Hua Gao ijg As a descendant of Hua Wuhai ijg jg % Hua Gao was granted exemption from certain statutory duties in 62. — HS 16, p. 570 Hua Ji Ijg As a She ren -fiy JK attached to Liu Bang glj f f , Hua Ji rose up at Xue jg and made his way into Han gg. As a Commandant (Duwei gj ) he attacked Xiang Yu Ig ^ and, later, Han Wang Xin @ f= . Ennobled as Chaoyang hou fjj ^ fg in 200, he died in 187. —S718, p. 931; //S 16, p. 583 Hua Jieyu =|g gg f f As one of Xuandi's lesser consorts, Hua Jieyu was the mother of Xuandi's daughter Guantao Gongzhu (if? m & ± (2). - HS 97A, p. 3969 Hua Long 3jg | | Summoned to await appointment to office in Xuandi's time, probably owing to his literary and musical accomplishments, Hua Long was denied office owing to certain practices described as evil. Refused acceptance as a client o f Zhou Kan Jgj jg he made common cause with Zheng Peng gp J],Ej against both him and Xiao Wangzhi jjf g | ^ (suicide 47). For the part that he played in denouncing Xiao Wangzhi, see under Zheng Peng. The catalogue of the imperial library includes an entry for fu jgj; in two pian | | which are ascribed to Hua Long, Assistant to the Commandant (Duwei cheng f (5 g f ^ ) of Hanzhong. — HS 78, p. 3286; 30, p. 1752; 64B, p. 2821 Hua Lu ijg jjj§ succeeded as third noble of Jiangling

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Huan Qi 163 |g| ||g in 160. Charged in 153 for leaving the bounds of his nobility, he was sentenced to two years' hard labour, with the deprivation of his nobility and its closure. — SJ 18, p. 922; HS 16, p. 570 Hua Wuhai ijg -jg (or 4ee) |S joined Liu Bang glj f-\'j and took part in the occupation of the old area of Qin, the attack against Zang Tu (202), the fighting at Mayi Jg g and the attack on Ying Bu f t (196). Ennobled as Jiangling hou fgfc ||g fg in 201, he died in 196. — SJ 18, p. 922; HS 16, p. 570; for the title of the nobility as Yuling see HSBZ 16.28a note; for a preference for Jiangling as against Jiangyang |'s| |^§, as given in the Shiji, and Zhongling ||g, as given in the Han shu, see Wang Guowei 3 a, Wang Shumin, Shiji jiao zheng p. 789 Hua Wushang lj| jjj: (or) lffi |gi had been posted by the king of Qi, together with Tian Jie gj in defence against Han forces led by Han Xin fj| -f||; he was defeated by Guan Ying -/|g §g in 204. — SJ 94, p. 2646; 95, p. 2669; HS 33, p. 1849; 41, p. 2081 Hua Yao gg succeeded as second noble of Chaoyang f j |i§ in 187, dying in 166. — SJ 18, p. 931; HS 16, p. 583 Huai Wang '[fg of Chu, see Chu Huai Wang ag jfg Huaineng '|fg (}[;, see under Zengzhi fjt Huaiyang Xian Wang jffr ■m; ^ title of Liu Qin Huaiyin Hou |Sgf fg, title of Han Xin ff[ f= (Huan) £g, see under Zhou Pi JgJ Huan Chu jg ig A military man of Wu, in 209 Huan Chu was named by Yin Tong jpg, Governor (Shou \ ‘j;) of Kuaiji, as a potential leader of the movement against Qin. He was sent to report Xiang Yu's iff 33 murder of Song Yi |g to Chu Huai Wang fg 5 . —S /7 , p. 297; H S 3 1, p. 1796. Huan Fa fg see Ji Fa fg |) o f Yangzhou. Three years later a special decree nominated him Governor of Yingchuan, with certain privileges. It was in this capacity that he is said to have shown his best qualities by promulgating imperial decrees widely, providing relief for those in distress, suppressing crime and promoting agriculture. In carrying out these tasks he possessed a detailed knowledge of events and conditions in the commandery. Huang Ba's period in office saw a reduction of crime and an increase in the registered population, and in 63 he was summoned to become Acting Governor of the Capital (Jingzhao Yin rjr Jfc JI-). Charged with infringement of military regulations he was demoted and shortly ordered to return to his post as Governor of Yingchuan. His efficient administra­ tion for some eight years earned him a Nobility of the Interior (Guannei Hou gg pg f||) in 58, followed by appointment as Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent (Taizi Taifu Jx j ’- -JK -fftj), Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu 0 ^ ^ ) in 56 and Chancellor with ennoblement as Jiancheng hou g j jjg in 55. Mortified by a memorial of Zhang Chang Hunye Wang p J i (or Kunye Wang j j J|$ =R; see Hulsewe, CICA, p. 75, note 36) was the king of a group or tribe whose habitat lay in the area where Zhangye jun or Jiuquan was founded; his surrender to Han in 121 marked an important stage in the extension of Chinese influence in Central Asia. By 121 the Shanyu jp J 1 o f the Xiongnu fa] ffj, to whom Hunye Wang's relation is not clear, had been angered at the scale of losses that Hunye Wang and Xiuchu Wang g J i had been suffering as a result o f Huo Qubing's |g 5k campaigns. These losses had included the capture of Hunye Wang's son, but in response to the summons of the Shanyu the two kings determined to break away from his control. In the event Hunye Wang had Xiuchu Wang killed and took control of his people, with the result that when he made over to Han he led a very large number of tribesmen with him. Five Dependent States (Shu guo H IS) were established by the Han government as a means of settling them and retaining them under Chinese supervision. Hunye Wang's surrender had been made certain by the forceful action of Huo Qubing, who put to death a number of Xiuchu Wang's adherents who showed signs of refusing to defect with him. Hunye Wang was rewarded by the conferment of a nobility as Tayin hou $4 with an exceptionally large estate o f 10,000 households (in Pingyuan); four of his subordinate leaders also received nobilities. He died in 116. - SJ 111, p. 2933; 110, p. 2909; HS 94A, p. 3769; 55, p. 2482; for the Dependent States, see Loewe, RHA, vol. I, pp. 61—4; for the title of Hunye Wang's nobility, see HSBZ 17.12a note, and Chen Zhi, Han shu xin zheng, p. 75 Huo Chengjun |g jjg g , daughter of Huo Guang |g and Huo Xian |j; |g Having brought about the murder o f Xuandi's Empress Xu ff, Huo Xian had her daughter introduced to the court. Duly nominated Empress (71 or 70) herself, Huo Chengjun found herself in the somewhat anomalous position of being senior, as aunt, to the Empress Dowager (Zhaodi's Empress Shangguan p pf). Her style of life was markedly more luxurious than that of her predecessor the Empress Xu, and she enjoyed exclusive rights to Xuandi's bedchamber. A year after Huo Guang's death in 68, Xuandi

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170 Huo Guang established the son of the Empress Xu as his Heir Apparent and conferred a nobility on her father Xu Guanghan f f jg| Jf|. Furious at these honours, Huo Xian attempted to have her daughter poison the young boy, but she was unable to find opportunity to do so. With the disclosure o f the conspiracy o f the Huo family and others and the elimination of their members in 66, the empress was ordered to withdraw from the court and to surrender her seals, being regarded as guilty of attempted murder. She was in fact the sole surviving member of the Huo family, and committed suicide in 54. —HS 91 A, p. 3968 Huo Guang -)^ (style Zimeng f - ^ ) , married first to a member of the Donglu ^ fg family and secondly to a slave named Xian m For some twentyfive years up to the time of his death in 68, Huo Guang stood in a commanding position in imperial history. As a member of the family of one of Wudi's consorts, he survived the violent fate that overcame many of his kinsfolk. Taking a dominant place in palace and government he was yet able to avoid personal involvement in dynastic crisis and exercised his influence in the interests of imperial stability. He was a trusted advisor, if not always a cordial friend, of emperors, one of whom was married to his grand­ daughter, one to his daughter. On several occasions when the imperial succession was beset by problems and dangers it was probably due to Huo Guang that an acceptable solution was forthcoming. The years when Huo Guang was beginning to take his place in government saw the occasion when imperial power and pride had reached its highest point, in 104, to be followed by the retrenchment and retreat that were unavoidable. Controversial measures, including major proposals for the control or co-ordination of economic activities, that had been introduced were now criticized and brought under review. An expansionist foreign policy was perforce replaced by the less ambitious and less expensive plans that the government could afford. In internal matters, the importance o f the chancellor as the senior and most powerful official of government was reduced, perhaps sometimes to be no more than that of a cipher. That in all these varied and somewhat hazardous circumstances Huo Guang was able to survive intact in public life and to die with full honours may well have been due to his personal character and selfdiscipline. He took every care to conduct himself

with the utmost circumspection. He is described as a man o f short stature with a fine beard who was extremely regular in his habits; in his walks to and from the palace he never deviated by the slightest footfall from his usual path. Younger than his half-brother Huo Qubing 'g Jpf , Huo Guang was a nephew o f Wudi's Wei flg empress. At the age o f some ten sui gg, Huo Qubing took him to Chang'an where he was nominated a Gentleman (Lang gp), rising, perhaps c. 120, to acquire the honorary title o f Palace Attendant (Shizhong rji). After the death of Huo Qubing (117) he was appointed Commandant, Imperial Carriages (Feng ju Duwei 4? ffi ) and Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu )£ ,[]-£ -p'):-)In constant attendance in the palace he behaved with the utmost care, never committing a fault, and winning Wudi's liking and trust. Nothing is reported of positive suggestions that Huo Guang put forward or of constructive activity that he undertook during these decades, and it was in the dynastic crisis of 91, when he was perhaps forty years old, that he features with some importance in public life. After the death by violence of Liu Ju glj Jg| the Heir Apparent, the only surviving sons of Wudi were Liu Dan glj J3 (1) and Liu Xu glj (2), kings of Yan and Guangling since 117, but both shown to have been gravely at fault. Determined to nominate Liu Fuling glj ^ |§|, infant son of his favourite consort Zhao Jieyu |§ f f , as his successor Wudi signified his intention by sending a present to Huo Guang. This took the form of a painting that showed Zhou Gong |fj great-grandson of Wudi, aged eighteen, trained in some of the approved works such as the Book o f Songs (Shi jin g =:J jg ) and endowed with suitable virtues should be enthroned. Following the due rites a decree ordered a reward for Huo Guang in the form of an increase in the extent of his nobility by no less than 17,000 households. Liu Bingyi thus acceded as emperor (Xuandi) in 74. It was with some dismay that Huo Guang later learnt of the manner in which his wife, Huo Xian |g !g, had succeeded in bringing about the death of Xuandi's empress Xu with a view to having her own daughter nominated as empress in her place. He chose to take no action and was to court censure for his silence. His daughter duly took her place at Xuandi's side in 70. By now Huo Guang's wealth was enormous, and his position was supported by a number of members o f his family who held high appointments. Xuandi was willing to leave major decisions in his hands. Falling ill in 68 he was honoured by a visit from the emperor in person; and at his request part of his landed estate was detached to form a nobility for his great nephew Huo Shan |g [j_|. His son Huo Yu was appointed General of the Right (You Jiangjun jj) . Xuandi and the Empress Dowager attended his funeral, and by order he was buried in a highly privileged style, which included the provision of a jade-suit and a tomb built of fresh timber in barricade style. A decree ordered that in view of the extraordinary services that he had rendered and which

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Huo Guang 173 were comparable with those of Xiao He | f jnj, his descendants should be exempted from tax and service and his estate should be free from the reduction that normally attended the death of each incumbent. The importance of the place taken by matrimonial relations in the struggle for political power is illustrated only too clearly in Huo Guang's career. It was perhaps in the hope of securing the support of his immediate colleagues Shangguan Jie and Jin Midi that he had his eldest daughter married to Shangguan An and another daughter to Jin Shang ^ j f (Jin Midi's son). Such a step proved to be counter­ productive in the case o f Shangguan An; but at the accession crisis of 74, with Jin Midi, Shangguan Jie and Shangguan An safely dead, Huo Guang may well have been in a specially strong position to exert pressure on the Empress Dowager, his teenage grand­ daughter. During Zhaodi's lifetime he was particularly anxious to ensure that no heirs would be bom to him by other women, and he took steps to prevent such an occurrence. Other daughters of Huo Guang were married to Fan Mingyou fg H£j Deng Guanghan §[' fg and Ren Sheng { \ Jj§. The importance that his wife placed on having a daughter married to Xuandi has featured above. His hope of marrying other daughters to Liu De (7) and Juan Buyi U were frustrated by their refusal of the honour. Wang Mang =£ ff, later hoped to follow Huo Guang's example by marrying one of his daughters to the newly acceded Pingdi, aged nine sui Huo Guang seems to have been on friendly terms with a number of men who rose to prominence, including Li Ling ^ ||g, Su Wu § | and Zhang Anshi jM 2 : • Respecting Zhang Anshi, after the suppression of the plot o f 80 Huo Guang had him appointed General of the Right and Superintendent of the Palace (Guangluxun) ^ jjjffc %)}■ He was ready to accept the advice of Du Yannian which may have led to the major discussions of state policies of 81. He treated Yang Chang, who had served on his staff, generously and once saved Hu Jian ^ |g from facing indictment. It was due to Huo Guang that Yu Dingguo ^ jg |g was appointed Counsellor o f the Palace (Guanglu Dafu f t jj$ ^ ^ ) . Despite all of his shrewd judgement and the honours heaped upon him, within two years of his death Huo Guang’s family had been virtually eliminated. The histories include a variety of assessments, by way either of praise or criticism. The

decree that was proclaimed immediately after his death in 68 compared his services to the dynasty with those of Xiao He. In writing of the long-lasting rule founded by Huangdi |jf fjf and maintained by his descendants, Chu Shaosun p (?104— ?30) argued that these included Huo Guang. Shortly after Xuandi's accession, Zhuang Yannian iiT JU *f- (2). who had made a study of Han laws, accused Huo Guang of immoral conduct (Budao TfC jH ), on the grounds that he had wielded the power of deposal and enthronement without due authority, but the charge was dropped. He was able to shrug off a further charge of having his own creatures, rather than men of proven ability, appointed to high office. Criticism of a different type came from Gong Yu j§r Tgj (2) shortly after the accession of Yuandi. To his bitter protest against the unjustifiable expenditure on luxuries in Wudi's time he added that, oblivious of the correct principles of government, Huo Guang had laid by a vast store of valuables. The views of Liu Xiang's glj jnj (1) are included in his interpretation of a disaster, in the form of a fire which broke out in the shrine dedicated to Wendi in 77. He accorded Huo Guang full praise for his role as regent for the young Zhaodi. At that stage he could be justifiably compared with Zhou Gong, but he forfeited such a comparison by continuing in that role too long. He should have handed over his authority when Xuandi came of age (c. 73). Liu Xiang blamed him for pride and lack of moderation, as seen in his compliance with his wife's murder of the Empress Xu. Ban Gu's g£ g] own remarks are somewhat ambivalent. He wrote that, having inherited the aftermath of the expenditure and military expeditions of Wudi's reign, Huo Guang had been in power to see the adherence of the Xiongnu -gjj and the general prosperity of the population; he had recruited men of ability to public service and instituted an enquiry into the sufferings o f the people. Elsewhere Ban Gu noted that, following the suppression of the bid for power that was made by Shangguan Jie and Liu Dan, Huo Guang had come to respect the institutions of Wudi's reign and had the punishments o f state applied with some rigour; as a result the severity which an official showed was seen as a mark of his capability. In yet a third reference, Ban Gu praised Huo Guang for his services in supporting and guiding a young emperor, suppressing his own rivals, using his power with

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174 Huo Hong complete loyalty and maintaining stability in the empire in a manner that was in no way less commendable than that o f Zhou Gong. But his failure to reveal his wife's evil actions and the establishment of his daughter as empress showed how ambition had finally triumphed and would lead to the ruin of his family. — H S 68, p. 2931; 8, p. 247; 27A, p. 1335; 66, p. 2899; 68, p. 2967; 72, p. 3070; 75, p. 3154; 89, pp. 3624, 3628; 90, p. 3667; 97A, p. 4009; SJ 13, p. 506; HSBZ 68.13a note; Jongchell, Huo Kuang och Hans lid (not available to the present writer); Loewe, Crisis and Conflict, chapter 4; Wagner, A Classical Chinese Reader: The Han shu biography o f Huo Guang, provides notes to guide readers through Han shu Chapter 68; for the situation of Huo Guang's tomb, probably comparable with the tomb described in Beijing Dabaotai Han mu, see HSBZ 68.12a note Huo Hong |g j'jfi, see under Zhao Ming H/j Huo Huanghou |g Q. f,l, see Huo Chengjun fg gg fl Huo Jum eng 'fg | i see under Huo Qubing 'fg Jiij ipdfin.) Huo Qubing | t ^ ^ Wei Qing ^ ^ and Huo Qubing are known as the two most effective and successful military leaders who were responsible for the expansion of Han influence and imperial strength during Wudi's reign. While Wei Qing's main successes were directed in the first instance at delivering China from the threat of attacks by the Xiongnu Ijjp Huo Qubing's campaigns were the first venture in Han's penetration into the recesses of Central Asia. In the campaign o f 123, Zhang Qian gg =(S had provided information on local conditions of the far west, and it may perhaps be surmised that it was with the benefit of such advice that Huo Qubing embarked on his expeditions of 121. In at least one passage, Ban Gu jg g] hints that the rewards given to the successful leaders in these enterprises contrasted with the sufferings that they had imposed on the population in the process. Huo Qubing was bom c. 140 as a son of Huo Zhongru fg -fiji g and Wei Shaoer /j / Q , the elder sister of Wei Qing. Thanks to the favoured position enjoyed by his aunt Wei Zifu - f - p , who was nominated as Empress in 128, Huo Qubing was summoned to receive the title o f Palace Attendant (Shizhong ffp i[i). Being a skilled cavalryman and archer he accompanied his uncle Wei Qing on two of his campaigns. Appointed Colonel, Piaoyao (Piaoyao

Xiaowei ®[J ^ fa ), he was detached from the main body of troops with 800 light cavalry, and fought an engagement in which he killed or captured a disproportionately large number of the enemy. These included members of the Shanyu's jp j - family and some of his high-ranking officers; for his success, Huo Qubing was granted a nobility, as Guanjun hou g r|Y fg (123). In time he would eclipse Wei Qing in court favour; but it seems that the two men long remained friendly. Appointed General of Cavalry on the Alert (Piaoji Jiangjun §« § | tp.) in 121, Huo Qubing set out on the campaigns which brought him his greatest renown. Commanding a large force of cavalry, he advanced from Longxi through five independent communities, sparing those who surrendered, and making his way beyond Yanqi g J (or -if: Karashahr). As previously, he killed or captured some of his enemies' leaders; and on this occasion he took possession of a golden statue in human form, sometimes, but not necessarily with accuracy, explained as a Buddhist image. The size of his nobility was increased considerably in recognition of his success. The second campaign on which Huo Qubing embarked in 121 took Chinese forces to the furthest point to which they had yet penetrated in Central Asia. At the same time, Zhang Qian and Li Guang )f| had set out on a somewhat unsuccessful venture, further east, from Youbeiping; as a result Zhang Qian was reduced to commoner status. Huo Qubing however advanced from Beidi; he reached as far as the Qilian jfp jig mountains (i.e. the Tian shan z) l |JJ by way of the watercourses of Juyan g and the habitations of the Yuezhi f t . Once again he captured large numbers of prisoners, including some of the local leaders, and again he received a generous reward from a grateful emperor. In Chang'an he began to enjoy a measure of prestige that was hardly inferior to than that o f Wei Qing, whose title, as General-in-Chief (Da Jiangjun jj[), amounted to little less than that o f commander o f all armed forces. Meanwhile two of the local leaders, Hunye Wang ?¥ !f[j \: ancl Xiuchu Wang ^ Jg- :f^, had been alarmed by the Shanyu's intention of punishing them by death for the defeat o f their forces, and were making overtures with a view to defecting to the Chinese. Huo Qubing boldly put to death a large number of their company whose loyalties were

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Huo Shan 175 undetermined, and accepted the surrender of Hunye Wang and many of his followers. Three, or perhaps four, results that were of long-term significance ensued from this highly successful action, for which Huo Qubing was again rewarded with an increase in the estates of his nobility. These were: (1) Nobilities were conferred on a number o f surrendered leaders; hitherto such a bestowal had been exceptional, raising questions of its propriety. (2) Surrendered tribesmen were settled outside the defence lines of five commanderies, where they were partly under Chinese supervision and control; south of the Yellow River, Dependent States (Shu guo J§§ gg) were established, where inhabitants who had previously been outside Chinese dominion could continue practising their traditional way o f life. (3) Further west, the commanderies of Wuwei and Jiuquan were founded (the statement that this took place in 121 may be subject to doubt); and (4) the strength of the garrisons manned by conscript servicemen in Longxi, Beidi and Shangjun was reduced. Despite these accomplishments the Xiongnu were able to renew their raids into Chinese territory further east (Youbeiping and Dingxiang). In the major offensive of 119 which was intended to deter such action, Huo Qubing and Wei Qing were given separate commands, each comprising a force of 50,000 cavalry and large infantry units, with the most daring and resolute forces being among Huo Qubing's men. The decree which proclaimed the rewards for success in this campaign praised the results of Huo Qubing's leadership, and his performance of the Feng and Shan /jjlp rites; it also revealed that he had been able to take command of some of the enemy officers who had surrendered. Wei Qing received no increase in his nobility; the title of Marshal of State (Da Sima nj l§) was bestowed on both men, thus placing them on the same level. It was in this capacity that Huo Qubing initiated a proposal requesting the nomination of three of Wudi's sons as kings, such action duly following in 117, shortly before Huo Qubing’s death. The statement of the histories that no offensives were undertaken against the northerners after Huo Qubing's death is not to be taken to imply that this event was the sole cause of the suspension o f such activities. Huo Qubing was a man of few words, well able to keep a secret, and without any interest in traditional theories of warfare. It is reported that he refused even

to look at a residence which Wudi had had built for him, on the grounds that he had no taste for a domestic life while some of the Xiongnu remained to be destroyed. Other details suggest that, intent on reaching his objective as he was, he had little thought for the welfare or comforts of his men. In one campaign he refused to use the large supplies of food that Wudi had sent to him, although, once outside the defence lines, his forces had been sadly in want. At his death in 117, the emperor ordered troops from the Dependent States to line the route whereby his coffin was conveyed from Chang'an to Maoling |§g, near the site chosen for Wudi's own burial. Huo Qubing's tomb, which was built to resemble the Qilian Mountains, is situated in Shaanxi Province (Xingping M zp County); remains of stone animals and figures that survive there presumably derive from those that Yan Shigu jfg fjfjj ^ (581—645) reported to be at the summit of the funerary mound. —SJ 111, p. 2928; 60, p. 2105; 109, p. 2876; HS 55, p. 2478; 27B(2), p. 1409; 54, p. 2450; Zurcher, Buddhist Conquest, p. 21; Loewe, RHA, vol. I, pp. 59, 62; Hulsewe, CICA, p. 177; for Huo Qubing's tomb, see Chen Zhi, Han shu xin zheng, pp. 321—2; of two inscriptions on stone that were found near the tomb, one reads Zuo Sikong W] 2g; the second records the names of Su Boy a fyj fg (or nian ^ ) , of Pingyuan, and Huo Jumeng 'W- f l if£, otherwise unknown (WW 1964.5, pp. 2—3, KGYWW 1993.1, p. 14); for accounts of the stone sculptured animals, see WW 1955.11, pp. 12—8 and KGYWW 1992.1, p. 67 Huo Shan g [ , style Zihou son of Huo Qubing -£ JU succeeded as second noble of Guanjun g j|[ (alternatively entitled Nanyang j^j £§) in 116. Winning Wudi's favour, he was appointed Commandant of Imperial Carriages (Fengju Duwei 4*4 iJj; |*|$ gif), and it was in that capacity that he accompanied Wudi on his expedition to mount Tai He was the only person who escorted him on his ascent to perform the ceremony, and falling ill while there, he died very suddenly, without a successor to his nobility (110). It was later suggested that he had been killed by Wudi; or alternatively that he had succeeded in finding the immortals. — SJ 12, p. 475; 20, p. 1038; 28, p. 1398; HS 18, p. 687; 55, p. 2489; Takigawa, 28, p. 77 note; HSBZ 25A.38a note Huo Shan |g |Jj, grandson of Huo Qubing m £ m Following the lapse o f the nobility granted to Huo Qubing that followed from the death of Huo Shan |g

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176 Huo Xian in 110, in 68 Huo Shan |g |Jj was ennobled as Leping hou 2p f||, by virtue of Huo Guang's U % services and achievements, and following the latter's dying request that this step should be taken in order to maintain services to Huo Qubing. For his involvement and consequent fate in the events that followed Huo Guang's death, see under Huo Yu g g . - SJ 20, p. 1064; HS 18, p. 687; in the Shiji the nobility is given as Lecheng ^ fjg Huo Xian |g Kg, maiden name unknown Information about Huo Xian's origin derives not from the Han shu, but from an early source named as Han yu Jj| jfg and quoted by Jin Zhuo f f -jpj (fl. AD 208). According to this citation, as a slave Xian had had relations with Feng Yin /jg |j§ (Zidu -f- f|$). It is inferred by Zhou Shouchang jg] = j | (1814—84) that she became Huo Guang's fg ^ second wife following the failure o f his first wife, of the Donglii i|i g family, to bear him a son. Huo Xian was the mother of Huo Yu |g g . In the Han shu, Huo Xian is painted as an arch planner on behalf of the Huo family. Ruthless in pursuit of her ambitions, she had had Xuandi's empress Xu f f murdered in a particularly gruesome way and had had her own daughter Chengjun j;J£ g nominated as empress in her place. After Huo Guang's death (68) she is said to have behaved in an ostentatious and extravagant manner, and to have resumed her relations with Feng Yin. Faced with the threats to the future o f the Huo family she took a leading part in the attempt to secure their survival, in conjunction with Huo Yu, Huo Yun g [ j j and Huo Shan |g | [ j, meeting her death by execution in public. For details see under Huo Yu. — HS 68, p. 2950; 97A, p. 3966; HSBZ 68.13a note; Wilbur, Slavery, p. 368, note 3 Huo Xin |g j, see under Huo Zhengshi :g{f ip Huo Yang |g ^ of Longle | | |jj, of the status of shiwu fg (deprived of orders of honour as a punishment for crime) At a time (AD 2) when nobilities were conferred on the descendants of several of the heroes of earlier times, such as Zhang Ao gg Zhou Bo jg] (1), Fan Kuai and Li Shang |g[5 g , Huo Yang was nominated noble of the restored nobility of Bolu jij gj. He was a great grandson of a paternal cousin o f Huo Guang fg and was deprived of his nobility under Wang Mang 12, p. 353 Huo Yu p |, son of Huo Guang g ^ and Huo

Xian f |gj At the time of his death in 68, Huo Guang was in effect master o f the Han empire. He enjoyed the full confidence of his emperor; his grand­ daughter, the widow o f Zhaodi, held the highly respected and powerful title o f Empress Dowager (Taihou -fc jg ); his daughter had been nominated to be Xuandi's second empress. Onerous civil and military responsibilities devolved on members of his family; a man of considerable wealth, his nobility extended to 17,000 households, perhaps the largest ever to be recorded in Former Han history. But within two and a half years o f his death his family had been exterminated. As it is recorded, the account of the incidents in which their ruin came about reads like a tale of hubris followed by its inevitable nemesis. Rivalries between the Huo and other families, such as those of Xu f f and Shi take their due place in the ambitions, intrigues and plots of the day. Since Zhaodi's time (died 74), Huo Yu, son of Huo Guang, and Huo Yun jjj, grandson of Huo Qubing |g and Huo Guang's great nephew, had borne the titles of Leader of the Gentlemen of the Palace (Zhonglang Jiang rjn g[' ); Huo Shan fg [Jj, younger brother of Huo Yun, was Commandant, Imperial Carriages (Fengju Duwei i|c with the honorary title of Palace Attendant (Shizhong j J cfj) and command o f certain units of troops. In his last illness Huo Guang had successfully asked that a nobility should be formed for Huo Shan from 3,000 households of his own estates, to enable him to maintain the religious dues for his grandfather, Huo Qubing. Very shortly afterwards Huo Yun received a nobility, by virtue of the services and achievements of Huo Guang. At Huo Guang's death, for the first time Xuandi began to take an active part in the government of the empire. Huo Yu succeeded as the second noble of Bolu Jif gg and was appointed General of the Right (You Jiangjun Jfff if ) , shortly to receive the highest of the honorary titles of Marshal of State (Da Sima ^ W] H ) in 67. Huo Shan was placed in control o f the Secretariat (Shang shu f£j jg:), but the powers o f that organ were severely curtailed by the order that in future documents submitted by officials should be transmitted directly to the throne, sealed, and without passing through its hands; at the same time, it was ordered that officials should have the right of direct access to the emperor. It was soon apparent that some of the members of

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Huo Yu 177 the Huo family were bent on behaving in a highly independent and ostentatious manner. Huo Xian |g Ig, widow of Huo Guang, commissioned major works to enhance the grandeur o f his tomb. She extended and embellished her own residence and embarked on an opulent style of living; and she engaged in sexual relations with Feng Yin #§ §£ (Zidu J- |fp,), who had been inspector of Huo Guang's slaves (Nu jian g£) and had become his confidential adviser. Huo Yu and Huo Shan likewise improved their estates and houses, and took to riding at will within some of the imperial precincts. Pleading illness, Huo Yun refused to attend court, setting out on hunting expeditions as he best pleased. Political considerations entered in. Wei Xiang g | fg, who had been appointed Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu ^ in 71, was promoted Chancellor (Chengxiang fg) in 67. Aware of the dangers that might beset and weaken the Huo family, Huo Xian warned Huo Yu, Huo Yun and Huo Shan that they must needs look to their own safety. A brawl that broke out between parties of slaves of the two families perhaps accentuated the mutual animosity that had started at an earlier encounter between Wei Xiang and Huo Guang. But there was a greater and more alarming cause to arouse alike the fears of the Huo family and the apprehensions of the emperor. Immediately after his accession, Xu Pingjun f'f zp g , a daughter of Xu Guanghan J|g jig, had been nominated empress (74). Anxious to supplant her in favour of her own daughter Chengjun fjg g , Huo Xian had the empress Xu poisoned, choosing to do so with particular cruelty, but for reasons that are only too clear, at a time when she was pregnant. It was only after the nomination of Chengjun as empress (70) and when the nurse who had accomplished the deed was being subjected to rigorous interrogation that Huo Xian feared that the whole story would break and felt obliged to inform Huo Guang of the facts. Astonished, Huo Guang prevented prosecution of the nurse. But the rumours that started circulating after his death reached the ears of Xuandi. Unable to determine the truth, Xuandi took the major precautionary step of demoting a number of high ranking officials who were associated with the Huo family or related to them by marriage. A number of these were given provincial posts. Huo Yu's authority was weakened; for although he retained the

title of Marshal of State he lost control of the forces that had been under his command as General of the Right. Ren Xuan ff: J j, his former Chief Clerk (Zhangshi J | gjj), warned him not to hope for a revival of the Huo family's fortunes. A further source of danger to the Huo family lay in the enmity of the Shi family, Xuandi's own ancestral kin, on whose help he had relied while he was still living in obscurity. At the time when Huo Yu lost the power of effective military command, it was the units which were known to be on friendly terms with the Xu and the Shi families that were stationed in Chang'an. General allegations of Huo Guang's misuse of his powers were now circulating, together with rumours of the way in which the empress Xu had met her death. Huo Xian felt that she had no option but to inform her three principal relatives of the facts, and rather than await action against them they determined that they must needs take the first steps themselves. But events overtook their intentions. Xuandi made the first move, by ordering Huo Yun and Huo Shan to leave Chang'an and to take up residence in the estates of their nobilities; he also issued a series of rebukes to those whose sympathies lay with the Huo family. A number of portents now intensified their fears. Huo Xian had experienced some strange dreams; the odd behaviour that had been reported on the part of rats, or birds of ill omen, had not been verified; tiles were said to have been dislodged from the roof of Huo Yun's house; and the gates of Huo Yu's house had collapsed, apparently spontaneously. To incriminate the Chancellor, Huo Shan tried to invoke an old ordinance which forbade arbitrary consultation concerning the imperial shrines. But more drastic measures were needed. The Huo family planned to have Wei Xiang and Xu Guanghan murdered at a banquet held by the Empress Dowager; and with her authority behind them they would depose Xuandi and enthrone Huo Yu. Once again the Huo family were pre-empted. It would seem that neither Huo Yun nor Huo Shan had obeyed the order to leave Chang'an, and were thus subject to Xuandi's immediate control. Huo Yun was ^ f) of the remote appointed Governor (Taishou commandery o f Xuantu. Huo Shan was charged with making copies of confidential documents for circulation, but Huo Xian's plea to ransom him from crime by making over her residence and 1,000 head of

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178 Huo Yun horse failed to receive approval. At the disclosure of establishment of Wei Zifu as the Wei Empress (128) that Huo Qubing learnt that it was Huo Zhongru who the plot that they had hatched, Huo Yun and Huo was his father. The two men met for the first time Shan committed suicide; Huo Yu was arrested and when, as General of Cavalry on the Alert (Piaoji executed at the waist; Huo Xian was beheaded in Jiangjun g | | ‘tjf) Huo Qubing was passing public, togther with other members o f the family. through Hedong on his way to a campaign against the Exceptionally Huo Guang's daughter, who had been Xiongnu fai] Following a touching scene of nominated empress in 70, was allowed to survive, recognition, the son bought a landed estate on which stripped of her titles. Several thousand families, as it he settled his father. On a subsequent occasion when is reported, who were implicated were exterminated. Huo Qubing was passing through Hedong, he took his By way of hindsight, the events of 66 were invoked as an explanation or verfication of young half-brother Huo Guang back with him, to embark on his official career in Chang'an. — HS 68, astronomical phenomena that had taken place in 69. In his comment to the ruin o f the Huo family, Sima p. 2931; 55, p. 2478 Guang if] Jg, f t blames Xuandi first for his gift of Huo Zihou |g ^ {z|, name and style of Huo Shan excessive power to Huo Guang and secondly for his see under Liu Dongzi §?[J J ® ruthlessness in destroying the entire family. — HS 68, (Husheng) Husulei jjjg JpL, see Wuliwendun H Jg p. 2948; 26, p. 1308; 17B(1), p. 1376; 74, p. 3134; Hutuwusi Bf- Hf ttff, personal name of Zhizhi 97A, p. 3966; HSBZ 68.13a,b note; ZZTJ 25, p. 821; Wilbur, Slavery, p. 366; according to ZZTJ 25, p. 819 Shanyu ^ ig ^ Hutuzheng Fp J|§ see under (Wannian) £[-. (1) it was tens rather than thousands of families who were exterminated Huwu Sheng g ] [}j (or [;} ) i f of Qi, who was one of Huo Yun J f jj:, younger brother of Huo Shan |g [[ j, the earliest known proponents of the Gongyang interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals was ennobled as Guangjun hou g tfi in 67. For (Chunqiu f^), was an Academician during the his involvement and consequent fate in the events that reign of Jingdi, to be selected for praise in one of followed Huo Guang's death, see under Huo Yu Dong Zhongshu1s jg -frfi fff. writings. When old, he S / 20, p. 1064; HS 18, p. 688 (given incorrectly as Guanyang hou i l i see HSBZ retired to Qi to teach and was much respected by 18.9b note) those who spoke of the Chunqiu in Qi. His pupils included Gongsun Hong — SJ 121, p. 3128; Huo Zhengshi |g ofHedong As a reward for denouncing Huo Zhengshi, his son Huo Xin fg fg HS 88, p. 3615 and others for plotting to rebel, Liang Xi was Huyandi Shanyu g | H W succeeded Hulugu Shanyu j|g $£ jp =f- in 85, after a plot contrived by ennobled as Heyang hou f j in 62. For possible his mother and Wei Lii '{ft. During his tenure of relationship to Huo Guang's |g f t family, see Han the title, the Xiongnu fa] IJH were at times willing to shu buzu 76.6a note. — HS 8, p. 258; 17, p. 671 resume friendly relations with Han, and for this Huo Zhongru jip jsg, o f Pingyang ¥ m purpose they restored some of the Han prisoners or (Hedong), was the father of two men, Huo Qubing |g defectors who were in their hands, such as Su Wu Jand Huo Guang !J| f t , who respectively and Ma Hong |g jg , to Chang'an. Renewed played major parts in extending the Han empire and attacks by the Xiongnu on the north-western maintaining the continuity of the dynasty. As an commanderies were on the whole unsuccessful owing official in the county, he had been detached to attend to the effective way in which the Han defence lines in the household of the noble o f Pingyang (i.e. Cao were being manned. A large scale expedition which Shi | J ||if, also possibly named Cao Shou | f = |, who Han mounted in concert with Wusun ££ in 72 left held the nobility from 153 until 130). Huo Qubing the Xiongnu weakened. was bom as a result of his relations with Wei Shaoer An attack which Huyandi Shanyu led personally t$J P 5£’ younger sister of Wei Zifu ^ - f- p - At the against Wusun failed disastrously owing to excessive close of his period of duty Huo Zhongru returned rain and snow, and by the time of his death in 68 the home, where his marriage with another woman, Xiongnu had suffered further severe casualties and unnamed, resulted in the birth o f Huo Guang. loss of livestock, forfeiting their authority over some It was only after a long interval, and the

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J i A n 179 of their subordinate tribes. — HS 94A, p. 3782 Huyuqi By f ^ was a leader of one o f the nonChinese groups who was captured with his son by Gao Bushi gj during the campaigns led by Huo Qubing Jg £ f f in 121. —57 111, p. 2931; HS 55, p. 2481 J (Ji) ,'f As the Royal Messenger ( Yezhe =§ ;g) serving Liu Jian glj |g (3), king of Jiangdu 127—121, Ji was sent on a visit to the king's grandmother, who had previously warned her grand-daughter Liu Zhengchen glj Jgjr gf to discontinue her incestuous relationship with the king her brother. Returning to Jiangdu to re-iterate this warning, Ji incurred the anger of Liu Jian who thereupon dismissed him from his court. — HS 53, p. 2415 (Ji) was a Counsellor of the Palace (Zhong Dafu [ft X .j-J serving Liu Jian glj (3), king of Jiangdu 127—121, and was known as a man of strength and a master of horsemanship and archery. At the time when the kings of Huainan and Hengyang were planning to revolt (122), Liu Jian was taking precautionary action of a military nature; Ji was nominated Lingwu Jun j{ g , without any specification of responsibilities or duties. — HS 53, p. 2417 (Ji) $£ (1) As a younger brother o f (Bao) gi| (2), who died without an heir, Ji was nominated to succeed to the nobility of Kailing H |§g in 12; date of death unknown. —HS 17, p. 662 (Ji) (2) is identified as Hu Ji g ] jjg Ji An succeeded as second holder of the title of Zhou Cheng xiu hou jg] 7fic fp {;£ in 36, dying in 23. — HS 18, p. 688 Ji An Sg. style Changru j j fg§, of Puyang $g g§, was a man of character for whom the histories provide considerable, and perhaps exceptionally outspoken, detail. He is mentioned once as Ji Zhi g j [j| on account of his probity. Clearly out o f sympathy with a number of the measures taken to implement the positive policies o f W udi's government after 135, he rarely withheld his criticism, which was sometimes voiced in person to the emperor. But forthright, or even intimidating, as his manner was he nonetheless won the respect not only o f Wudi but also of members of the Wei family o f imperial consorts, including Wei Qing ^ f f , and that o f Liu An gl] ^

(2), king of Huainan 164—122. Embittered by being overtaken in his career by contemporaries who had at one time been his juniors, he criticized some of them severely. Ji An was an effective provincial governor whose ambitions lay in serving in a commanding position in the central government; such hopes were thwarted, perhaps thanks to his own capacity for argument and the reaction that this evoked from his rivals. Although Ji An never achieved the position to which he aspired, or the reward of a nobility, he died without disgrace. His services and merits were rewarded posthumously, when they had gained some recognition, by the appointments that were given to some of his immediate relatives. The Shiji contrasts his integrity with his lack of true friends and adherents and the poor circumstances in which he passed his last years. He took Yuan Ang ^ a s one o f his models and supported the causes of Dou Ying m m and Guan Fu -/g p ' Ban Gu g] praised his honesty. During Jingdi's reign, Ji An served on the staff of the Heir Apparent as Taizi xian ma E%. At Wudi's accession he was appointed one of the Imperial Messengers ( Yezhe gg ^§f) and as such he was sent to observe conditions among the Dong Yue Jg who were engaged in civil warfare. On return he reported that the imperial government need not and should not concern itself, in so far as such fighting was the usual way o f life o f those peoples. He was also sent to inspect the aftermath of serious fires that had destroyed some thousand families in Henei. Returning by way of Henan he found a far more serious situation there that had been caused by both floods and drought. Without specific orders, he had supplies brought out from official granaries to relieve the far larger number of persons who were in dire need there, and on return submitted himself for punishment for exceeding the limits of his authority. Such candour impressed Wudi, who offered him the post of Magistrate (Ling ^ ) o f Xingyang |g , which he was able to refuse. Appointed Counsellor o f the Palace (Zhong Dafu c(3 ^ ^ ) , he soon showed himself to be a frequent critic of current policies, to the point that, unwelcome as a member of the court, he was promoted to be Governor (Taishou ^ ^f) of Donghai. Due partly to his careful selection and treatment of his subordinates, Ji An was a markedly successful

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180 JiA n governor of the commandery. Owing to ill health he rarely left his official residence, but after about a year the fine state of his administration became well known. In 135 he was recalled to be Commandant, Orders of Honour (Zhu jue Duwei f; PI ffii B K and shortly afterwards he was sent out with his friend Zheng Dangshi @(5 [J.'f, to call out a force of convicts with which to repair the breaches in the banks of the Yellow River (132). There followed a number of incidents in which he showed himself to be in conflict with the Emperor, Gongsun Hong -£• ^ (Imperial Counsellor, Yushi Dafu {Jj] 'Ji from 126 to 124, and Chancellor, Cheng-xiang jf ° f Donghai A proponent of reformist views, Kuang Heng made a number of contributions that influenced political

opinion and decisions during the reigns of Yuandi and Chengdi. O f a poor family he had been obliged to work, possibly as a hired labourer, to supply their needs, and anecdotes recall his difficulties in acquiring facilities to pursue his love of learning. Being not entirely successful in the tests that were imposed upon him, he was appointed Recorder of Precedent (Taichang zhanggu j K 1% ) and thereafter transferred to a scholarly post in Pingyuan. The view that his superior talents merited something more than a provincial position reached Xiao Wangzhi J f g | , Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent (Taizi Taifu j K --f-jx f#; 56—49), who was however unable to secure his advancement. Kuang Heng's qualities and interests appealed more to Yuandi than to his father and he embarked on a new stage in his career after Yuandi's accession. At the time Shi Gao 5 held the prominent titles of Marshal of State (Da Sima j r n-j jg ) ar|d General of Chariots and Cavalry (Juji Jiangjun 4? g f 'if/), with direction of the Secretariat (Shang shu fif 1}). Xiao Wangzhi, his deputy, enjoyed Yuandi's confidence but was not on good terms with Shi Gao; and it was thanks only to the representations of Yang Xing ff§ a that Shi Gao agreed to have Kuang Heng's name brought forward, to be created a Gentleman of the Palace (Langzhong g|$ iji) and promoted Academician (Boshi j i | ^ ) with the honorary title of Jishizhong :jj cjx At the request made by Zhizhi Shanyu ^ ¥ i' for the return of his hostage from Chang'an (45), Kuang Heng argued against escorting him as far as Zhizhi's own headquarters and suggested that it would be quite in order to deliver him no further than the borders of Zhizhi's sphere of activity. By the time of the defeat and execution of Zhizhi by Gan Yanshou t J 'jtiand Chen Tang |!^ |JJ (36), Kuang Heng was Chancellor (Chengxiang fg). He expressed the view that it would not be right to expose Zhizhi's head by way of warning to other potential dissidents. He also argued that as the two officers had fabricated the orders needed to achieve their results they should not be rewarded by a display of honours. In the first of his memorials to be recorded, after the occurrence of a solar eclipse and earthquake in Yuandi's reign, Kuang Heng drew attention to the principle that different times called for different measures. He pointed to the continuance of crime despite a succession of amnesties; and invoking

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214 Kuang Heng incidents of the past he called on those in high positions and official posts to give an example of ethical behaviour rather than pursue their ambitions. He also called for a reduction in the extravagant expenditure of the palace, the appointment of honest rather than corrupt men to office and the promotion of traditional values. As a result, Kuang Heng was appointed Counsellor of the Palace (Guanglu Dafu )\f ,|jj ) -_J^) and Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent (Taizi shaofu ^ 'P fig). As such he reacted angrily against the suggestion that Zhu Yun ^ ® , a junior official, should be promoted quite out of turn to be acting Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu '0 fr p ). Yuandi was favourably inclined to traditional learning and was changing some of the policies of his predecessor. One of his secondary consorts, Fu Zhaoyi fig gg -fj|, and her son Liu Kang glj |gj (1), king of Dingtao, were enjoying greater prominence than the Empress and the duly nominated Heir Apparent, and it was in such circumstances that Kuang Heng presented a second memorial. He referred to the exemplar of rule left by the early kings of Zhou, seeing this as a means of restoring stability of government. Citing the Book o f Songs (Shi jing jg ) and the Book o f Filial Piety (Xiao jin g jjg ) he enjoined Yuandi to examine his own motives and to take warning from some o f the malpractices of the day. In particular he stressed the need to demonstrate the prime position of the Heir Apparent by compliance with the correct codes of practice which discriminated between the son of an empress and the sons of other consorts. O f particular note is his reference in this memorial to the reliance of imperial sovereignty on its Mandate from Heaven, so far hardly cited in Former Han thought. Appointed Superintendent of the Palace (Guangluxun fj]) in 38, Kuang Heng was promoted Imperial Counsellor in 37 and Chancellor in 36. A third memorial, presented after Chengdi's accession, included much the same sort of advice, giving warning of the care needed in matrimonial arrangements and advising a study o f the traditional writings with a view to retaining harmony between the realms of heaven and man. Dominated as they had been by the power exercised by Shi Xian J f |g during the reign of Yuandi, Kuang Heng and others had not felt strong enough to express their opposition. At the accession of Chengdi both he and Zhang Tan g | §jj, Imperial

Secretary 33 — 30, brought forward an indictment listing the evil activities of Shi Xian and his supporters. In his own turn Kuang Heng was then accused by Wang Zun J f ^ on a number of counts. These included accommodation to Shi Xian, and failure to bring his practices to light at an earlier stage. Although a decree prevented prosecution of such a case, Kuang Heng sought retirement on the grounds of ill health, believing that Wang Zun had received considerable support. Chengdi replied by expressing his trust in Kuang Heng's integrity and refused to accept his plea, repeated as it was on several occasions. A further mark of Chengdi's generosity towards Kuang Heng was seen when he saved him from punishment in an incident in which his son Kuang Chang g g was required to answer a charge of murder. Kuang Heng’s career was bought to a close by dismissal from his post as Chancellor and deprivation of his nobility either in 30 or 29, when he was accused of collecting dues from lands to which he was not entitled. Although the indictment was accepted, Kuang Heng was not brought to trial, and reduced to commoner status he died at home in 30 or 29. Instructed in the Book o f Songs and the Li jjjg by Hou Cang Jg |g , Kuang Heng himself taught Shi Dan gU fg-, Fu Li gg and Man Chang g , and he expressed his views on a number of matters of intellectual and religious importance. In Yuandi's time he argued against a proposal to seek surviving members of the pre-imperial royal house of Song 5j5 with a view to according them honours but he favoured recognition of the later generations of Kongzi's J i ^-fam ily as the descendants of the royal family of Yin §£. Shortly after Chengdi's accession, presumably for ideological reasons he proposed a change of the titles of two of the nineteen hymns sung at the cults of state. Together with Zhang Tan he proposed major reforms in those very services, whereby the worship conducted to the Five Powers (Wu di j f {(j), the Lord of Earth (Hou tu jg -j-) and Grand Unity (Tai yi Jr — ) at Yong 0 , Fenyin ■ft gk and Ganquan [J were replaced by services directed to Heaven and Earth at Chang'an. They also included proposals for changes in the rituals, and for the abolition of a large number of rites which were conducted in the provinces. Kuang Heng was also anxious to maintain a

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Lao Ai 215 reduction in the scale of services rendered at the large number of shrines dedicated to the imperial ancestors. Despite some hesitations that were forced upon him he supported proposals to dismantle some of the shrines of the less deserving members o f the Liu family. Xia Yan J [ | J cited Kuang Heng's views in a memorial of 1530 which concerned the conduct of ancestral rites. — HS 81, p. 3331; 18, p. 706; 19B, p. 824; 22, p. 1057 (for the titles of hymns); 25B, p. 1253 and 73, p. 3121 (for state cults and services); 67, pp. 2913, 2926; 76, p. 3231 (for the indictment of Shi Xian); 88, p. 3613; X i jin g za j i 2.4a; Ming tongjian, 55, p. 2052; Loewe, Crisis and Conflict, pp. 158—64; DMM, pp. 291—4; for the improbable suggestion that Kuang Heng's style was Ding i^], see HSBZ 81.1a note; for the question of the date of Kuang Heng's dismissal as either 30 or 29, see HSBZ 81.10b note, and Shi Zhimian, Han shu buzu bian zheng, p. 312; for details of the case, see under Zhao Yin Jg Kuang Wang } f: I . sobriquet o f Nimi Jgs, Kunmo Jjl J | of Wusun P; c. 64. — HS 96B, p. 3906 Kuang Xian g , son of Kuang Heng g and a man of learning, held the post of Metropolitan Superintendent of the Left (Zuo Pingyi j£ };fg gj) from AD 3 to 4. — HS 81, p. 3347; 19B, p. 856 Kuanzi jg i f , see Yuanzi Jg i f (Kui) m (given in one passage as Yi jg ) is named as the Acting Superintendent o f the Guards (Weiwei f f ) with whom Mu Tong ff, jg was accused of plotting rebellion (88). — HS 17, p. 663; 19B, p. 791 Kunye Wang J | J[5 EE >see Hunye Wang j || fj] '~p L Lai Chong 3)5 Jtfj, see Lai Zhong 5(5 -frja Lai Han gg As Counsellor of the Palace ('Guanglu Dafu )*£ jj^ Lai Han served as one of the deputies to Yang Pu |§ -gf in his attacks on Nan Yue j^f and Chaoxian £JJ fff (112—109). — HHS 15, p. 585 Lai Xi ^ of Nanyang Lai Xi's younger sister was married to Liu Jia glj (22), king o f Hanzhong, and as a relative by marriage with the Liu glj family, Lai Xi, who had studied the Zuo amplification of the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu fa fj() was arrested by Wang Mang 3 ^ f f . Enabled to escape he was appointed to a junior post by the Gengshi Emperor whom he accompanied into the metropolitan

area. At the defeat o f the Gengshi Emperor, Lai Xi persuaded Liu Jia to join the cause o f Guangwudi. Lai Xi was appointed Leader o f the Gentlemen of the Palace (Zhonglang Jiang cfn g[$ jj§ ) in AD 35. — HHS 15, p. 585; DGHJ 11.1a Lai Xuan 5(5 jg; was a skilled horseman who was capable of riding the nine named most famous horses of the empire that were owned by Wendi. — XJZJ 2.2a Lai Zhong {eJj (or Chong yiji) The father of Lai Xi 3)5 Ijfoi- Lai Zhong was the husband of one of Guangwudi's great aunts and served as Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu =$ j z ) during the reign of Aidi. — HHS 15, p. 585 Lai Zihou 5^ fg This name, which is subject to various interpretations, is seen in an inscription dated AD 16. — WW 1964.5, pp. 8—9, 40; Shoseki II, 58; Shodo zenshu, pp. 60—1 Laidan f f As Heir Apparent of Wumi ff- ijfjf, in the Western Regions, Laidan had been received as a hostage in Qiuzi fjj ££ (Kucha). In the course of one of his campaigns against Da Yuan (c- 100), Li Guangli ^ jgg ^IJ had upbraided the leaders of Qiuzi for accepting him as such, on the grounds that Wumi owed suzerainty first and foremost to Han rather than to Qiuzi. Brought back to Chang'an by Li Guangli, Laidan was given the Han title of Colonel (Xiaowei fa j^.f) with responsibility for the sponsored colonies set up at Luntai in Zhaodi's reign. Regarding his presence there as a threat, Guyi f | , a nobleman of Qiuzi, persuaded the king to have Laidan put to death. At the time Han was unable to exact punishment for such action, but shortly after 70 Chang Hui ^ gr (2) took Guyi from the king of Qiuzi and beheaded him. —HS 96B, p. 3916; 70, p. 3004 Lao Ai ig: is described as a man given to sexual proclivities. Some time before 240 he was insinuated by Lii Buwei g ^ into the company of the Queen Dowager o f Qin, with whom he himself had had such relations, as a means o f gratifying her desires. To conceal her pregnancy, she removed to Yong accompanied by Lao Ai, who was presented with large landholdings and became responsible for managing many matters in which the domestic life of the palace was concerned. To obtain a recognised position in the queen's company, Lao Ai had been passed off as a eunuch. It became known, however, not only that this was not so, but also that he had had relations with the queen; that she had given birth to

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216 Lao Liang two children and that he was alleged to have claimed that one of their children would succeed as king of Qin. In 238 he forged the royal seals needed to raise troops, in the hope of seizing power, only to be overcome and executed, along with many of his adherents. —SJ 6, p. 227, 85, p. 2511; Bodde, China's First Unifier, pp. 61—2 Lao Liang ^ As Supervisor of the Palace Writers (Zhongshu Puye cjn | J § | fsf), Lao Liang was a member of the group led by Shi Xian { jg|, at whose fall (33) he was dismissed, along with Chen Shun |5if? IHJj (status and position not specified). — HS 93, pp. 3727, 3730 Laoshang Shanyu j ; jp -f-, personal name Jiyu I# 'II'!’ succeeded Maodun early in Wendi's reign, at a time when relations between the Xiongnu -gjj and Han were regulated by a treaty of amity (Heqin /(,,!). Wendi responded to the accession of the new Shanyu by sending a minor imperial princess to be his bride, accompanied by the eunuch Zhonghang Yue t [ i f jwho defected to the Xiongnu and encouraged them to adopt a superior attitude towards Han. It was during Laoshang Shanyu's time that the Xiongnu launched a major invasion into China, their patrols reaching Ganquan | f ^ (166). The renewal of the treaty of amity was subsequently affirmed (162); Laoshang died, probably in 161. — HS 110, p. 2898; HS 94A, p. 3758; for the date of Laoshang Shanyu's death, see Shi Zhimian, Han shu bu zhu bian zheng, p. 337; the statement (SJ 1213, p. 3162; HS 94B, p. 3801; 96A, p. 3891) that Laoshang Shanyu had defeated the Yuezhi j j JT^, killed the king and turned his skull into a drinking vessel is somewhat doubtful, the same feat being attributed, perhaps more accurately, to Maodun Shanyu U lit I | ~p (for the suggestion that these passages refer to action taken by Wusun , see Hulsewe, CICA, p. 120, note 284). Le ag (1) As an official described as Commandant (Duwei ) of the Xiongnu fajj IJH who surrendered to Han, Le was ennobled as Teyuan jjg (alternatively Chi yuan jpg) hou {z| in 129 or 128, dying without a successor, and with the closure of the nobility, in 116. — SL/ 20, p. 1028; HS 17, p. 642; HSBZ 17.7a note Le ^ (2) was the fourth son of Da Yanzhi j z M R and Huhanye Shanyu ny f |$ jp ^ and was appointed Zuo Xian Wang J j 3: by his elder brother Wuzhuliu % fg, at his accession as

Shanyu jp ^ o f the Xiongnu fa] in 8 BC. Angered at the plans and steps whereby Wang Mang f f was trying to divide the Xiongnu between fifteen leaders, in AD 11 the Shanyu sent Le and others with an armed expedition into Yunzhong, where they put a large number o f officials and civilians to death. —HS 94B, p. 3807 Le Feng ^ ^ As a Gentleman in Attendance (Shilang fj= g|5), Le Feng was sent to escort the daughter of a princess o f Wusun | | back home, after the visit that she had paid to Chang'an during Xuandi' s reign to study lute playing. — HS 96B, p. 3916 Le H ou or fjj or title of Liu Biguang fgij ® ft Lechang H ou | | {H title of Wang Wu 3^ (2). - H S 36, p. 1961 Lecheng H ou ^ ]fl refers to Ding Yi "j" j | (2). — SJ 12, p. 462; 28, p. 1389; HS 25A, p. 1222; for exclusion of the name Deng as in HS 25A, see HSBZ 25A.27a note Lei Pi U ^ Serving as a Gentleman of the Palace (Langzhong gp cja) at the court of Liu An glj 3? (2), king of Huainan, shortly before 122 Lei Pi inadver­ tently struck Liu Qian glj gg, the Heir Apparent, when they were engaged in practice swordsmanship. In revenge for his discomfiture, Liu Qian persuaded the king to prevent Lei Pi from proceeding to volunteer for service against the Xiongnu fa] Lei Pi's consequent flight to Chang'an and his report of the whole matter alerted the central government to the possibility that Liu An was planning to rebel. — SJ 118, p. 3083; HS 44, p. 2147 Leian Fan \ f- g , of Suiyang (Iff: ji§ (Liang) During the period 127—123 an unnamed man who had insulted Leian Fan's father was riding in the same carriage as the Governor (Taishou -Jr 4]’) of Huaiyang. While seated in that position of honour he was murdered by Leian Fan who fled. The governor lodged angry complaints with the authorities of Liang, who conducted a search with some urgency, arresting his relatives. Acquainted with a number of undisclosed happenings in Liang, Leian Fan submitted a report of seditious undertakings there, with an account of the dispute regarding possession o f a valuable goblet that had arisen between Ren Hou /g , queen of Liu Xiang glj j | (3), who had been king of Liang since 136, and Li Taihou ^ ^ jg , queen of his

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Li Cai (1) 217 grandfather Liu Wu 5giJ g ; (2). The matter was referred to Wudi, who ordered an investigation of the case. He refused the recommendation that Liu Xiang should be deprived o f his kingdom with reduction to commoner status, on the grounds that Li Taihou had certainly indulged in immoral conduct and that, in the absence of guidance from teachers of probity, Liu Xiang had lapsed into evil ways. He was punished by the reduction of his kingdom by perhaps as many as ten counties; his queen Ren Hou was put to death and her head exposed in public. A man named (Hu) ^ and others who had assisted the king in silencing the complaints of Li Taihou were put to death. — SJ 58, p. 2088; HS 47, p. 2215; Leian Fan is also given as An Fan; see HSBZ 47.7a note; for details see Liu Xiang (3) Leichiman was a Xiongnu fa] general who was attacked by Ren Pohu ft: ® i!ilj at an unknown date (before 112). — HS 17, p. 654 Leng see Ling ;*£ (Li) 5piJ is erroneously named as Superintendent of State Visits (Da Honglu Jy jjpj Jjg), in place of Tian Guangming gg j|f H£j. — H S 44, p. 2157; H SB Z 44.17a note Li ;*£, see under Shi (Li) gg As Advisory Counsellor (Jian Dafu Li was sent on a mission with others in 20, to report on cases of injustice that were outstanding in the three divisions of the metropolitan area (Henan, Henei and Hedong) and Hongnong . — HS 10, p. 315 (Li) '/[ (1) who is described as Colonel, Archers under Training (Shesheng Xiaowei f f ^ ^ ) is named as possessing a copy of the Guanzi fg in eleven pian Jg that was examined by Liu Xiang glj |nj during his collation of literature. — Guanzi, Preface (Li) j£ (2), see under Chen Li Li Bao As Zhu tian Jiangjun f j; ^ US » > Li Bao received orders from the Gengshi Emperor to bring about the surrender o f Wuyin |g| (in Nanyang) but refused to do so. — HHS 26, p. 912 Li Bi ^ and Luo Jia jfg fcjl were skilled cavalry officers of Qin who, by 206, were serving with the rank of Colonel (Xiaowei fa ) in Liu Bang's glj f\I forces, when they were attacked by Xiang Y u's Jg ^ cavalry. When the names of both of these officers were proposed to Liu Bang for appointment as the commander of his own cavalry, they declined the commission, on the grounds that, as former officers of

Qin, they would not inspire the necessary trust among their colleagues. Guan Ying -jg §g was appointed to the position, and they served him in the subordinate capacity as colonels. For the questionable identifica­ tion of Li Bi with Ji Bi ^ see HSBZ 41.12a,b note and 56.16b note. — S J 95, p. 2668; H S 4 \,p . 2080 Li Bo f|$ succeeded as the second noble of Gaoliang in 132; date of death unknown, before 122. There are two inconsistencies in the records: (a) he is incorrectly named in Han shu 43, p. 2110 as Li Sui f§S ; (b) according to the Shiji he was brought up on a charge of falsifying a decree and thereby taking gold from the king of Hengyang, and deprived of his nobility with its closure; this item should properly refer to Li Ping g|$ zp. — SJ 18, p. 972; HS 43, p. 2110; Takigawa 18, pp. 117—8 note Li Bokao ^ fg ^ According to a genealogy which may have been compiled in order to serve the purposes of a family which rose to prominence in the north-west c. AD 400, Li Bokao, grandfather of Li Guang ^ J j (died 119) and son of Li Zhongxiang ^ fpfi migrated to the north-west on the death of his father. — Jin shu 87, p. 2257 Li Buchang ^ jp | | The catalogue of the imperial library includes an entry for a collection of fu jg of two pian gg under the name of Li Buchang, of Xuandi’s time. In a further entry for eight pian of works under Rujia fS | he is described as a supernumerary official attached to the Imperial Palace Gardens (Goushun rongcong $4jJ jg % ftf:)- ~~ HS 30, pp. 1727, 1751 Li Cai ^ m (1), of Longxi, was a cousin of Li Guang ^ JU, the two men both serving as Gentlemen (Lang gfl) at Wendi's court. Achieving merit and high ranking office during Jingdi’s reign, he was subsequently appointed Chancellor (Xiang fg) of Dai. As General, Light Chariots (Qingju Jiangjun jg jjl J|^ '[{i') Li Cai was one of a number of senior officers who were subordinated to Wei Qing 'fy Fi|- in the campaign that he led against the Xiongnu -&J 1/^ in 124, and he set out by way o f Shuofang. At the end o f the campaign he was granted a nobility in recognition of his services. He had taken part in two attacks and captured one of the enemy leaders known as You Xian Wang ^ J J . He became Imperial Counsellor (Yushi Dafu $f| ^ ^ ) in 122. In 121 Li Cai was appointed Chancellor (Chengxiang Jj< fg) in succession to Gongsun Hong & W ijA- As such he does not appear to have shown

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218 Li Cai (2) particular merit, being described as a man of inferior qualities and as having failed to establish his own coterie. Li Cai's reputation was considerably lower than that of Li Guang, who, however, was never given a reward for his services in the form of a nobility. Li Cai's years as Chancellor were marked by intense military activity and imperial expansion, which included Wei Qing's campaign of 119. Li Cai committed suicide in 118, after being brought up on a criminal charge. It was alleged that he had improperly taken land which had been made over by decree for attachment to the shrine dedicated to Jingdi (Yang ling |i§ |5g); to have sold this for a large sum of cash; and to have made improper use of lands that lay outside the Spirit Path (Shen dao Jg ) of the imperial tomb. — SJ 109, p. 2873; 111, p. 2925; HS 54, p. 2446; 55, p. 2474; 58, p. 2623; Li Cai's nobility was that of Lean ^ , incorrectly given in HS 17, p. 644 as Anle Li Cai ^ H (2) is entered as Commandant, Orders of Honour (Zhu jue Duwei fjSf $ j) for the years 124 to 122, probably in error for Zhao Yiji |§ - HS 19B, p. 772; HSBZ 19B. 17a,b note Li Cang see Li Zhu Cang ^ ^ ^ Li Chang ^ J | The catalogue of the imperial library includes an item entitled Yuan shang jn IrJ *n one pian , under the category of Xiao xue /J\ fji. The work is ascribed to Li Chang, Court Architect (Jiangzuo da jiang ^ g ), during Chengdi's reign. - H S 30, p. 1720 Li Changzong ^ ^ According to a genealogy which may have been compiled in order to serve the purposes of a family which rose to prominence in the north-west c. AD 400, Li Changzong was a greatgreat-grandson of Li Guang ^ Jgf (died 119); he served as assistant (Cheng g- Having become Assistant to the Imperial

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Li Xian 231 Counsellor (Yushi zhongcheng ^ rji yjk) at the time when Zhang Tang held that title ( Yushi Dafu St A 120— 115), Li Wen sought means of harming him, and such intentions were known to Lu Yeju H fg g , one o f Zhang Tang's favourite clerks. To repay Zhang Tang’s friendship, Lu Yeju forwarded a report that Li Wen was engaging in treachery. Ordered to investigate the matter, Zhang Tang prevaricated when asked if he knew whence the charge had originated, and had Li Wen killed. Shortly afterwards Lu Yeju fell ill and received a visit from Zhang Tang. Such behaviour, whereby a senior official showed care for his junior, lay both men open to the suspicion that they were engaged in conspiracy, and such an accusation was duly brought forward by Liu Pengzu glj g j jjf[, king of Zhao from 151 to 92, who had his own reasons for wishing harm to Zhang Tang. Lu Yeju died before any action had been taken, but his younger brother, who is not named, was implicated and placed under arrest. Failing to recognise a friendly gesture on the part of Zhang Tang, the young man denounced both him and Lu Yeju for conspiring to take action against Li Wen. —SJ 122, p. 3142; HS 59, p. 2643 Li Wen ^ (2), see under Wang Kuang [h (4) Li Weng ^ f | As Zhen yuan Jiangjun jg 1J[, Li Weng was one of twelve generals named by Wang Mang fj, to take part in the campaign against the Xiongnu {/,] l/;l in AD 11. He was to set out from Xihe. - H S 9 9 B , p. 4121 Li Wu H and Zhao Xiu ff] ■§§ were subordinate members of the staff of Zhuang Yannian ££ ^ (2) Governor of Zhuojun (64). At a time of severe disorder in the commandery, they were sent on a mission to apprehend criminals who, worthy of the death penalty, had been seeking asylum with one of the Gao ,bJ families. —HS 90, p. 3668 Li Xi ■*/-. n, (1), of Beidi, entered service in an unknown capacity during the reign of Jingdi. As Grand Counsellor of the Palace (Taizhong Dafu i |j ■Jz Ji) he was appointed General of Infantry (Caiguan Jiangjun fyf 'g ^ 1|[) in 133 to take part in a concerted attack on the Xiongnu fcj that began with the establishment o f a garrison at Mayi J§ g . As a general he was sent out on counter-offensives against the incursions of the Xiongnu in 128, 127 and 124, apparently without achieving any particular personal merit. Li Xi had been appointed Superintendent of the

Capital (Zhongwei rji g f ) in 126 and became Superintendent of State Visits (Da Xingling ^ f f ^ ) in 124, probably until 115. In the latter capacity, while engaged in building fortifications above the Yellow River, he received messengers stating the intention of some of the Xiongnu leaders to surrender to Han, and he conveyed such information back to Chang'an. In 122 he was sent with Sima An W] ^ '4^ to interrogate Liu Ci glj Jjg (1), following disclosure of suspicions that he was harbouring subversive ideas. At one time between 120 and 115 Ji An jg ig had urged Li Xi to warn the emperor of Zhang Tang's Jg -j§| capacity for deceit and flattery, but he declined to take any action. Following Zhang Tang's fall from power, Wudi learnt of his conversation with Ji An, and blamed Li Xi for criminal dereliction of duty. Li Xi was one of the signatories of a memorial of 117, suggesting nomination of three of Wudi's sons who had been bom of lesser consorts as kings. — SJ 111, p. 2942; 60, p. 2105; 118, p. 3097; HS 55, p. 2491; 50, p. 2322 Li Xi Jf. H (2) A collection offu ig in nine pian gg is listed in the contents of the imperial library under the authorship of Li Xi, Gentleman in Attendance of the Yellow Gates (Huangmen Shilang jlr gp), with the honorary title of Jishi i||. — HS 30, p. 1749; for the distinction from Li Xi (1), see HSBZ 30.54a note. Li Xi ^ g j As a member of the commission of eight men who were ordered in AD 4 to tour the empire and observe the customs of the people, Li Xi was ennobled as Yixiang hou g i^[' f>f. in AD 5. — HS 18, p. 717 Li Xi H or ^ 1] ||j5 succeeded as second noble of Da in 185, dying in 164. - SJ 19, p. 978; HS 16, p. 618; for the possibility that he is to be identified as the occupant of tomb no. 3 Mawangdui Jg iff , who died in 168, see WW 1999.1, p. 96 Li Xian -f-. f t According to a genealogy which may have been compiled in order to serve the purposes of a family which rose to prominence in the north-west c. AD 400, Li Xian was a descendant of Li Guang jj| (died 119) in the fourth generation; he served as Governor (Taishou ^p) o f Shujun and [Youjbeiping at times which are not specified. — Jin shu jiao zhu 87.1 a note Li Xian ^ o f Yingchuan, served in the capacity of Commandant (Shuling j§g TJ* ) of Lujiang under

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232 Li Xin (1) Wang Mang :f: fp. At the rise o f insurgents in the Yangzi River area under Wang Zhougong ^ 'Jf| Wang Mang appointed Li Xian a Detached General (Pian Jiangjun {g, 'iff). At the defeat of Wang Zhougong, Li Xian entrenched himself in the commandery, styling hmself Huainan Wang in AD 23, and emperor in 27, appointing his own establishment of officials. Succumbing to attacks by Guangwudi, he met his death in 30. — HHS 12, p. 500 Li Xin ^ -fH (1) As a General of Qin, Li Xin was sent to pursue Dan -pj., Heir Apparent of Yan, and succeeded in capturing him (227). As against the advice of Wang Jian Jg, wh° believed that a large force would be needed to conquer Chu, the king of Qin accepted Li X in's recommendation that a smaller force of 200,000 [sic] men would be sufficient. Li Xin was duly sent on such a campaign, but after initial successes, he suffered a defeat and his army was put to flight. Wang Jian was appointed in his place and successfully overcame Chu (223). — SJ 73, p. 2339; 109, p. 2867; HS 54, p. 2439 Li Xin ^ {H (2) was a candidate awaiting appointment who was engaged with Zhang Shouwang jjj i in discussions regarding the accuracy of the calendar in 78. As a specialist in the Huangdi tiaoli !ii ;‘fj J),1,] (f*, his calculations, along with those of Zhang Shouwang, were regarded as being inaccurate, — HS 21 A, p. 978 Li Xincheng ^5 fff (1) is named as Metropolitan Superintendent of the Right (You Neishi /{i [A] ^ ) in 113. — HS 19B, p. 779 Li Xincheng ^ fff jjg (2), see under Ji Xincheng ^ Li Xing Af. ffi , see under Lu Fang 'fj Li Xiong ^[J Jff, see under Yang Fu fg Li Xu -f: |K had served as a Commandant (Duwei |f|$ gy) outside the Han defence lines. Surrendering to the Xiongnu -gj if-J during the course o f their attacks, he had been treated well by the Shanyu jp J -, being regularly accorded a more honourable position than Li Ling ^ |§g, who surrendered in 99. Han envoys who were subsequently sent to the Xiongnu informed Li Ling o f the rumour that he had been instructing them in the conduct of warfare against Han. Li Ling insisted that it was not he but Li Xu who had been doing so. Believing that it was due to Li Xu that members of his own family had been put to death, he sent to have him murdered, thereby incurring the anger of the Shanyu's mother. — HS 54,

p. 2457 Li Xun ^ , of Pingling zp |§g, was a man of high intellectual calibre whose interests led to his involvement in the dynastic and political problems that were due to the absence of an heir for Chengdi and Aidi. Together with Zhang Wugu and Zheng Kuanzhong 'j j l)j he had been trained in the Book o f Documents (Shang shu fjVf HO by Zhang Shanfu after Liu Bang had adopted the title of emperor (202); this was raised to the dignity of Zhaoling Hou Hg jg Jg in 181. The shrines erected for her memorial devotions featured among those whose maintenance was brought into question towards the end of the dynasty, partly owing to the expense that was involved. They were dismantled following the proposal of Gong Yu Jjf ^ (2) of 48, to be restored in 34 but dismantled once more in 33. — 57 8, p. 341; HS IB, p. 52; 73, pp. 3116,3117,3125; Loewe, DMM, pp. 275—93 Liu Ao glj fg (Chengdi; reigned 33 to 7 BC) The chapter of imperial annals for Chengdi's reign is one of the few parts of the Han shu which are known or thought to derive from Ban Biao J J j)g. In the appreciation he observes that he had received information from his relatives such as his aunt Ban Jieyu gE #j| p f, and others who were in close attendance on the emperor. Elsewhere we learn that Fu Li g |, a descendant o f Fu Sheng