A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk 9781407356921, 9781407356938

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Of Related Interest
Acknowledgements
Contents
List of Figures
List of Plates
List of Graphs
List of Tables
List of contributors
1. Introduction
2. A note on terminology
3. The Results of the Excavation
Introduction
Phase 1. Possible Prehistoric features
Phase 2. Romano-British
Phase 3. Anglo-Saxon
4. Dating and cemetery chronology
Results
5. The Burials
Skeleton 1; Grave 1 F2037
Skeleton 2; Grave 2 F2035
Skeleton 3; Grave 3 F2039
Skeleton 4; Grave 4 F2041
Skeleton 5; Grave 5 F2055
Skeleton 6; Grave 6 F2053
Skeleton 7; Grave 7 F2059
Skeleton 8; Grave 8 F2061
Skeletons 9a & 9b; Grave 9 F2063
Skeleton 10; Grave 10 F2069
Skeleton 11; Grave 11 F2073
Skeleton 12; Grave 12 F2075
Skeleton 13; Grave 13 F2077
Skeleton 14; Grave 14 F2079
Skeleton 15; Grave 15 F2081
Skeleton 16; Grave 16 F2083
Skeleton 17; Grave 17 F2085
Skeleton 18; Grave 18 F2089
Skeleton 19; Grave 19 F2087
Skeleton 20; Grave 20 F2091
6. Cemetery layout
7. Grave orientation
8. Grave structures and morphology
Construction and dimensions of graves
Coffins and other grave furniture
9. Burial position
10. The Cemetery population
Methodology for Human Skeletal Remains analysis
Demography
Life expectancy
Metrical and morphological analysis
Stature
Cranial indices
Non-metric traits
Dental analysis
Pathology
Congenital and developmental anomalies
Arthropathies and degenerative disease
Trauma and stress indicators
Deficiency disease
Infections
Neoplasm
Miscellaneous lesions
Stable Isotope Analysis
Introduction
Materials and methods
Results
Section 1. Population diet
Migration
Section 2: Individual bone collagen and dentine collage profiles.
Lifestyle
11. The Grave Goods
Catherine Hills, Ian Riddler, Sam Lucy, Penelope Walton Rogers
Weapons
Spearhead
Seax
Organic remains of the seax handle and sheath (Penelope Walton Rogers)
Horse harness fittings
Pendant
Copper alloy gilded disc
Gold and silver jewellery
Cabochon Pendants
Gold and silver beads
Copper alloy and silver dress fasteners and jewellery
Copper alloy safety pin brooch (Catherine Hills)
Copper alloy bracelet (Catherine Hills)
Copper alloy buckle (Catherine Hills)
Iron buckles (Sam Lucy)
Silver rings (Catherine Hills)
Glass beads (Catherine Hills)
Amulet (Ian Riddler)
Glass vessels
Piece of blue glass (Catherine Hills)
Palm cup (Catherine Hills)
Two fragments of pale blue translucent glass (Catherine Hills)
Glass fragment (Catherine Hills)
Weaving and textile equipment
Iron woolcomb spikes (Penelope Walton Rogers and Margrethe Felter)
Pin-beaters (Ian Riddler)
Other grave-goods
The Knives (Ian Riddler)
Organic remains with the knives (Penelope Walton Rogers)
Knife handles
Knife sheaths
Spatulate Implement (Ian Riddler)
Comb (Ian Riddler)
Bell (Sam Lucy)
Gaming Pieces (Ian Riddler)
Costume and textiles
Penelope Walton Rogers
12. Pottery from the graves
Peter Thompson
13. Faunal Remains from the graves
Julia E. M. Cussans
Animal bone
Shell
14. Wealth, status and roles in society
15. Religion, beliefs and symbolism
Grave-goods and religious symbolism
Further meaning and symbolism of grave-goods
Beliefs, symbolism and the history of the site
16. Anglo-Saxon burial evidence in the surrounding area
17. Exning, Ely, and Æthelthryth
Bibliography
Appendix 1. Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains
Notes
Articulated skeletons
Sk. 1: Male, c.25–30 years
Sk. 2: Child, c.8–10 years
Sk. 3: Child, c.6–7 years
Sk. 4: Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)
Sk. 5: Child, c.2 years
Sk. 7: ?Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)
Sk. 8: Child, c.10–12 years
Sk. 9A: Female, middle-aged or older (>35 years)
Sk. 9B: Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)
Sk. 10: Female, middle-aged (c.35–45)
Sk. 11: Female, middle-aged (c.35–45)
Sk. 12: Child, c.10–11 years
Sk. 13: Child, c.7 years
Sk. 14: Male, middle-aged or older (>35 years)
Sk. 15: Male, c.25–30 years
Sk. 16: Male, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)
Sk. 17: Male c.16–17 years
Sk. 18: Male, c.17–18 years
Sk. 19: Child, c.15 years
Sk. 20: Male, c.18–20 years
Skeleton Diagrams
Measurements
Non-metric traits
Back Cover

Citation preview

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Andrew A. S. Newton BAR BRITISH SERIES 655

2020

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Andrew A. S. Newton BAR BRITISH SERIES 655

2020

Published in 2020 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR British Series 655 A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk isbn  

978 1 4073 5692 1 paperback isbn   978 1 4073 5693 8 e-format doi  https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407356921

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library © Andrew A. S. Newton 2020 cov er i m age Grave 9 F2063 SKs 9a and 9b; Chalk spindlewhorl SF38 from Grave 10 F2069; Turquoise glass melon bead SF36.3 from Grave 8 F2061; Decayed bone bead SF36.4 from Grave 8 F2061; Copper alloy gilded disc SF43 from Grave 13 F2077; Glass palm cup SF29 from Grave 8 F2061; Amber bead SF15 from Grave 5 F2055 (Photographs: Kathren Henry)

The Author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. Links to third party websites are provided by BAR Publishing in good faith and for information only. BAR Publishing disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.

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Acknowledgements AS would like to thanks Persimmon Homes/Charles Church for funding the archaeological excavation. AS also gratefully acknowledges the input and advice of Drs Jess Tipper, Matthew Brudenell and Richard Hoggett of the Suffolk County Council Archaeology Service Conservation Team (SCC ASCT). Thanks are due to Professor Mark Robinson of Oxford University Museum of Natural History for assistance with shell identification and to Jo Caruth and Jezz Meredith of Suffolk Archaeology for providing information on the Aldeburgh and Lakenheath cowrie shells. AS would also like to thank Dr Sam Lucy of the University of Cambridge for providing academic support. Excavation was supervised by Mariusz Gorniak and Vincent Monaghan. The project was managed on behalf of AS by Jon Murray. Roman pottery was analysed by Andrew Peachey. Post-Roman pottery was analysed by Peter Thompson. The quern stones were analysed by Nicholas J. Cooper. Small finds were analysed by Catherine Hills, Ian Riddler, Sam Lucy and Penelope Walton Rogers with additional identification carried out by Steve Allen and Margrethe Felter. Animal bone and shell were analysed by Julia E. M. Cussans. Environmental samples were analysed by John Summers. Human skeletal remains were analysed by Sue Anderson. Stable Isotope analysis was conducted by J. Beaumont. Samples for Radiocarbon dating were submitted to Scottish Universities Environmental Research Centre (SUERC; University of Glasgow/University of Edinburgh). Author: Andrew A.S. Newton. Archaeological Solutions Ltd. PI House, r/o 23 Clifton Road, Shefford, Bedfordshire SG17 5AF. Graphics and illustrations: Kathren Henry. Archaeological Solutions Ltd. 6 Brunel Business Court, Eastern Way, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk IP32 7AJ

Contents List of Figures..................................................................................................................................................................... ix List of Plates....................................................................................................................................................................... xi List of Graphs.................................................................................................................................................................... xv List of Tables.................................................................................................................................................................... xvii List of contributors.......................................................................................................................................................... xix 1. Introduction................................................................................................................................................................. 1 2.

A note on terminology................................................................................................................................................. 5

3.

The Results of the Excavation.................................................................................................................................... 7 Introduction................................................................................................................................................................... 7 Phase 1. Possible Prehistoric features........................................................................................................................... 7 Phase 2. Romano-British............................................................................................................................................... 7 Phase 3. Anglo-Saxon.................................................................................................................................................. 11

4.

Dating and cemetery chronology.............................................................................................................................. 15 Results......................................................................................................................................................................... 15

5.

The Burials................................................................................................................................................................. 18 Skeleton 1; Grave 1 F2037.......................................................................................................................................... 18 Skeleton 2; Grave 2 F2035 ......................................................................................................................................... 20 Skeleton 3; Grave 3 F2039 ......................................................................................................................................... 23 Skeleton 4; Grave 4 F2041 ......................................................................................................................................... 24 Skeleton 5; Grave 5 F2055 ......................................................................................................................................... 26 Skeleton 6; Grave 6 F2053 ......................................................................................................................................... 30 Skeleton 7; Grave 7 F2059 ......................................................................................................................................... 32 Skeleton 8; Grave 8 F2061 ......................................................................................................................................... 34 Skeletons 9a & 9b; Grave 9 F2063 ............................................................................................................................. 41 Skeleton 10; Grave 10 F2069...................................................................................................................................... 44 Skeleton 11; Grave 11 F2073...................................................................................................................................... 47 Skeleton 12; Grave 12 F2075 ..................................................................................................................................... 48 Skeleton 13; Grave 13 F2077...................................................................................................................................... 50 Skeleton 14; Grave 14 F2079 ..................................................................................................................................... 52 Skeleton 15; Grave 15 F2081 ..................................................................................................................................... 54 Skeleton 16; Grave 16 F2083 ..................................................................................................................................... 56 Skeleton 17; Grave 17 F2085 ..................................................................................................................................... 58 Skeleton 18; Grave 18 F2089...................................................................................................................................... 62 Skeleton 19; Grave 19 F2087...................................................................................................................................... 64 Skeleton 20; Grave 20 F2091...................................................................................................................................... 66

6.

Cemetery layout......................................................................................................................................................... 69

7.

Grave orientation....................................................................................................................................................... 71

8.

Grave structures and morphology........................................................................................................................... 73 Construction and dimensions of graves....................................................................................................................... 73 Coffins and other grave furniture................................................................................................................................ 75

9.

Burial position............................................................................................................................................................ 77

10. The Cemetery population......................................................................................................................................... 81 Methodology for Human Skeletal Remains analysis.................................................................................................. 81 v

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Demography................................................................................................................................................................ 81 Life expectancy........................................................................................................................................................... 82 Metrical and morphological analysis........................................................................................................................... 83 Stature..................................................................................................................................................................... 83 Cranial indices........................................................................................................................................................ 83 Non-metric traits..................................................................................................................................................... 84 Dental analysis............................................................................................................................................................. 84 Pathology..................................................................................................................................................................... 85 Congenital and developmental anomalies.............................................................................................................. 85 Arthropathies and degenerative disease.................................................................................................................. 85 Trauma and stress indicators................................................................................................................................... 85 Deficiency disease.................................................................................................................................................. 86 Infections................................................................................................................................................................ 88 Neoplasm................................................................................................................................................................ 88 Miscellaneous lesions............................................................................................................................................. 88 Stable Isotope Analysis................................................................................................................................................ 88 Introduction............................................................................................................................................................. 88 Materials and methods............................................................................................................................................ 88 Results......................................................................................................................................................................... 88 Section 1. Population diet....................................................................................................................................... 88 Migration............................................................................................................................................................ 89 Section 2: Individual bone collagen and dentine collage profiles.......................................................................... 92 Lifestyle..................................................................................................................................................................... 104 11. The Grave Goods..................................................................................................................................................... 107 Catherine Hills, Ian Riddler, Sam Lucy, Penelope Walton Rogers............................................................................ 107 Weapons .................................................................................................................................................................... 107 Spearhead ............................................................................................................................................................. 107 Seax....................................................................................................................................................................... 107 Organic remains of the seax handle and sheath (Penelope Walton Rogers)......................................................... 108 Horse harness fittings.................................................................................................................................................111 Pendant..................................................................................................................................................................111 Copper alloy gilded disc........................................................................................................................................111 Gold and silver jewellery .......................................................................................................................................... 112 Cabochon Pendants ......................................................................................................................................... 112 Gold and silver beads....................................................................................................................................... 112 Copper alloy and silver dress fasteners and jewellery .............................................................................................. 114 Copper alloy safety pin brooch (Catherine Hills)................................................................................................. 114 Copper alloy bracelet (Catherine Hills)................................................................................................................ 114 Copper alloy buckle (Catherine Hills).................................................................................................................. 114 Iron buckles (Sam Lucy)...................................................................................................................................... 114 Silver rings (Catherine Hills)................................................................................................................................ 114 Glass beads (Catherine Hills) .............................................................................................................................. 115 Amulet (Ian Riddler)............................................................................................................................................. 115 Glass vessels.............................................................................................................................................................. 115 Piece of blue glass (Catherine Hills).................................................................................................................... 115 Palm cup (Catherine Hills)................................................................................................................................... 116 Two fragments of pale blue translucent glass (Catherine Hills)........................................................................... 116 Glass fragment (Catherine Hills).......................................................................................................................... 116 Weaving and textile equipment................................................................................................................................. 116 Iron woolcomb spikes (Penelope Walton Rogers and Margrethe Felter)............................................................. 116 Pin-beaters (Ian Riddler)....................................................................................................................................... 116 Other grave-goods..................................................................................................................................................... 117 The Knives (Ian Riddler)...................................................................................................................................... 117 Organic remains with the knives (Penelope Walton Rogers)............................................................................... 120 Knife handles................................................................................................................................................... 120 Knife sheaths.................................................................................................................................................... 120 Spatulate Implement (Ian Riddler)....................................................................................................................... 120 Comb (Ian Riddler)............................................................................................................................................... 122 Bell (Sam Lucy).................................................................................................................................................... 123 vi

Contents Gaming Pieces (Ian Riddler)................................................................................................................................ 123 Costume and textiles.................................................................................................................................................. 125 Penelope Walton Rogers.................................................................................................................................. 125 12. Pottery from the graves............................................................................................................................................ 129 Peter Thompson......................................................................................................................................................... 129 13. Faunal Remains from the graves............................................................................................................................. 131 Julia E. M. Cussans................................................................................................................................................... 131 Animal bone.............................................................................................................................................................. 131 Shell........................................................................................................................................................................... 131 14. Wealth, status and roles in society........................................................................................................................... 133 15. Religion, beliefs and symbolism............................................................................................................................... 137 Grave-goods and religious symbolism...................................................................................................................... 137 Further meaning and symbolism of grave-goods...................................................................................................... 137 Beliefs, symbolism and the history of the site........................................................................................................... 139 16. Anglo-Saxon burial evidence in the surrounding area.......................................................................................... 141 17. Exning, Ely, and Æthelthryth.................................................................................................................................. 145 Bibliography.................................................................................................................................................................... 147 Appendix 1. Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains................................................................................................... 159 Notes.......................................................................................................................................................................... 159 Articulated skeletons................................................................................................................................................. 160 Sk. 1: Male, c.25–30 years.................................................................................................................................... 160 Sk. 2: Child, c.8–10 years..................................................................................................................................... 160 Sk. 3: Child, c.6–7 years....................................................................................................................................... 160 Sk. 4: Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)...................................................................................................... 161 Sk. 5: Child, c.2 years........................................................................................................................................... 161 Sk. 7: ?Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35).................................................................................................... 162 Sk. 8: Child, c.10–12 years................................................................................................................................... 162 Sk. 9A: Female, middle-aged or older (>35 years).............................................................................................. 162 Sk. 9B: Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)................................................................................................... 163 Sk. 10: Female, middle-aged (c.35–45)................................................................................................................ 163 Sk. 11: Female, middle-aged (c.35–45)................................................................................................................ 164 Sk. 12: Child, c.10–11 years................................................................................................................................. 165 Sk. 13: Child, c.7 years......................................................................................................................................... 165 Sk. 14: Male, middle-aged or older (>35 years)................................................................................................... 165 Sk. 15: Male, c.25–30 years.................................................................................................................................. 166 Sk. 16: Male, young–middle-aged (c.25–35)....................................................................................................... 166 Sk. 17: Male c.16–17 years................................................................................................................................... 167 Sk. 18: Male, c.17–18 years.................................................................................................................................. 167 Sk. 19: Child, c.15 years....................................................................................................................................... 168 Sk. 20: Male, c.18–20 years.................................................................................................................................. 168 Skeleton Diagrams..................................................................................................................................................... 169 Measurements............................................................................................................................................................ 173 Non-metric traits........................................................................................................................................................ 178

vii

viii

List of Figures Figure 1. The Site.................................................................................................................................................................. 2 Figure 2. Phase plan.............................................................................................................................................................. 4 Figure 3. Four-post structure................................................................................................................................................. 8 Figure 4. Ring-ditch and associated features........................................................................................................................ 9 Figure 5. Cemetery area...................................................................................................................................................... 13 Figure 6. Age and sex distribution plan.............................................................................................................................. 14 Figure 7. Anglo-Saxon pottery............................................................................................................................................ 17 Figure 8. Grave 1 F2037: Grave plan and grave goods...................................................................................................... 18 Figure 9. Grave 2 F2035: Grave plan and grave goods...................................................................................................... 20 Figure 10. Grave 3 F2039: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 23 Figure 11. Grave 4 F2041: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 24 Figure 12. Grave 5 F2055: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 26 Figure 13. Grave 6 F2053: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 30 Figure 14. Grave 7 F2059: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 32 Figure 15. Grave 8 F2061: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 34 Figure 16. Grave 8 F2061: Grave goods............................................................................................................................. 35 Figure 17. Grave 9 F2063: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................... 41 Figure 18. Grave 10 F2069: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 44 Figure 19. Grave 11 F2073: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 47 Figure 20. Grave 12 F2075: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 48 Figure 21. Grave 13 F2077: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 50 Figure 22. Grave 14 F2079: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 52 Figure 23. Grave 15 F2081: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 54 Figure 24. Grave 16 F2083: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 56 Figure 25. Grave 17 F2085: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 58 Figure 26. Grave 17 F2085: Grave goods........................................................................................................................... 59 Figure 27. Grave 18 F2089: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 62 Figure 28. Grave 19 F2087: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 64 Figure 29. Grave 20 F2091: Grave plan and grave goods.................................................................................................. 66 Figure 30. Saxon cemeteries within a 10km radius.......................................................................................................... 141

ix

List of Plates Plate 1. Skeleton (SK) 1. Grave 1 F2037............................................................................................................................ 19 Plate 2. Skeleton (SK) 2. Grave 2 F2035............................................................................................................................ 21 Plate 3. Beaded silver necklace (SF 7) from Grave 2 F2035.............................................................................................. 21 Plate 4. Linked copper alloy pins (SF 8) from Grave 2 F2035........................................................................................... 21 Plate 5. Chalk spindlewhorl (SF 3) from Grave 2 F2035................................................................................................... 21 Plate 6. Skeleton (SK) 3. Grave 3 F2039............................................................................................................................ 23 Plate 7. Skeleton (SK) 4. Grave 4 F2041............................................................................................................................ 25 Plate 8. Fragmentary antler composite comb (SF 11.1; above) and iron spatulate implement (SF 11.2; below) from Grave 4 F2041..................................................................................................................................................................... 25 Plate 9. Skeleton (SK) 5, Grave 5 F2055............................................................................................................................ 28 Plate 10. Bone/antler gaming pieces (SF 55) from Grave 5 F2055.................................................................................... 28 Plate 11. Bone/antler gaming pieces (SF 55) from Grave 5 F2055.................................................................................... 28 Plate 12. Amber bead (SF 15) from Grave 5 F2055........................................................................................................... 29 Plate 13. Biconical glass bead (SF 16.1; above) and iron firesteel with copper alloy suspension loop (SF 16.2; below) from Grave 5 F2055................................................................................................................................................ 29 Plate 14. Iron bell (SF 18) from Grave 5 F2055................................................................................................................. 29 Plate 15. Iron bell (SF 18) from Grave 5 F2055................................................................................................................. 29 Plate 16. Undecorated globular or baggy bowl (SF 63) in situ within Grave 5 F2055...................................................... 29 Plate 17. Skeleton (SK) 6. Grave 6 F2053.......................................................................................................................... 31 Plate 18. Copper alloy gilded pendant (SF 12), probably part of horse harness, decorated with Style II zoomorphic chip-carved ornament, from Grave 6 F2053....................................................................................................................... 31 Plate 19. Biconical bead in opaque yellow glass (SF 13) from Grave 6 F2053................................................................. 31 Plate 20. Opaque white glass bead with crossing red trails (SF 14) from Grave 6 F2053................................................. 31 Plate 21. Complete pair of iron shears (SF 21.1; below), found together with the fragmentary iron chatelaine (SF21.2; above) in Grave 6 F2053...................................................................................................................................... 31 Plate 22. Skeleton (SK) 7. Grave 7 F2059.......................................................................................................................... 33 Plate 23. Cattle tooth (SF 56) from Grave 7 F2059............................................................................................................ 33 Plate 24. Skeleton (SK) 8. Grave 8 F2061.......................................................................................................................... 37 Plate 25. Gold cabochon pendant with garnet inlay (SF 57; left) and gold biconical bead (SF 58; right) from Grave 8 F2061............................................................................................................................................................................... 38 Plate 26. Iron knife (SF 33) from Grave 8 F2061............................................................................................................... 38 Plate 27. Fragmentary set of small iron shears (SF 32) from Grave 8 F2061.................................................................... 38 Plate 28. Pale blue-green glass palm cup (SF 29) from Grave 8 F2061. View from above............................................... 38 Plate 29. Pale blue-green glass palm cup (SF 29) from Grave 8 F2061. Side view........................................................... 38

xi

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Plate 30. Palm cup (SF 29), cowrie shell (SF 36.11 & 36.12; to right), Roman coin (SF 36.14; far left), fragmentary iron woolcomb (SF 36.16/36.16; centre left) and bone pinbeaters (SF 36.8 & 36.9; also centre left) in situ within Grave 8 F2061................................................................................................................................................... 39 Plate 31. Piece of blue glass (SF 36.1) from Grave 8 F2061.............................................................................................. 39 Plate 32. Fragments of pale blue translucent glass (SF 36.2), parts of the body of a glass vessel, perhaps similar to SF 29, recovered from Grave 8 F2061................................................................................................................................ 39 Plate 33. Opaque turquoise glass Roman melon bead (SF 36.3; left) and decayed bone bead (SF 36.4; right) from Grave 8 F2061..................................................................................................................................................................... 40 Plate 34. Complete antler or bone double pointed pin-beater (SF 36.8) from Grave 8 F2061........................................... 40 Plate 35. Complete antler or bone double pointed pin-beater, surviving in abraded condition (SF 36.9), and the lightly curved root section of a canine incisor, surviving in poor condition, with most of the surface detail missing (SF 36.10) from Grave 8 F2061.......................................................................................................................................... 40 Plate 36. Cowrie shell, probably Panther Cowrie, originating in the Red Sea (SF 36.11 & 36.12) from Grave 8 F2061..................................................................................................................................................................... 40 Plate 37. Scratched Roman coin, a possible amuletic item, (SF 36.14) from Grave 8 F2061............................................ 40 Plate 38. Skeletons (SK) 9a and 9b. Grave 9 F2063........................................................................................................... 42 Plate 39. Silver wire ring with interlocking twisted spiral terminals, part of a necklace (SF 31) from Grave 9 F2063.... 43 Plate 40. Beads which would have adorned the necklace formed by the silver wire ring (SF 31) from Grave 9 F2063 shown in Plate 37..................................................................................................................................................... 43 Plate 41. Skeleton (SK) 10. Grave 10 F2069...................................................................................................................... 45 Plate 42. Large iron key (SF 39), still attached to its iron suspension ring, from Grave 10 F2069................................... 45 Plate 43. Iron knife (SF 37) from Grave 10 F2069............................................................................................................. 45 Plate 44. Chalk spindlewhorl (SF 38) from Grave 10 F2069............................................................................................. 45 Plate 45. Skeleton (SK) 11. Grave 11 F2073...................................................................................................................... 47 Plate 46. Skeleton (SK) 12. Grave 12 F2075...................................................................................................................... 49 Plate 47. Copper alloy bracelet (SF 41) from Grave 12 F2075.......................................................................................... 49 Plate 48. Complete iron key (SF 42) from Grave 12 F2075............................................................................................... 49 Plate 49. Ceramic spindlewhorls (SFs 44.1 & 44.2; left and centre) and translucent blue glass vessel fragment (SF 44.3; right) from Grave 12 F2075....................................................................................................................................... 49 Plate 50. Skeleton (SK) 13. Grave 13 F2077...................................................................................................................... 51 Plate 51. Copper alloy gilded disc (SF 43), originally part of a horse harness, found in Grave 13 F2077........................ 51 Plate 52. Copper alloy gilded disc (SF 43) in situ within Grave 13 F2077........................................................................ 51 Plate 53. Skeleton (SK) 14. Grave 14 F2079...................................................................................................................... 53 Plate 54. Iron knife (SF 45) from Grave 14 F2079............................................................................................................. 53 Plate 55. Skeleton (SK) 15. Grave 15 F2081...................................................................................................................... 55 Plate 56. Sheep/goat upper first or second molar (SF 60) from Grave 15 F2081............................................................... 55 Plate 57. Skeleton (SK) 16. Grave 16 F2083...................................................................................................................... 57 Plate 58. Copper alloy buckle (SF 48) from Grave 16 F2083............................................................................................ 57 Plate 59. Iron knife (SF 47) from Grave 16 F2083............................................................................................................. 57 Plate 60. Skeleton (SK) 17. Grave 17 F2085...................................................................................................................... 60 Plate 61. Spearhead SF 49 from Grave 17 F2085............................................................................................................... 60

xii

List of Plates Plate 62. Iron spearhead (SF 49) in situ within Grave 17 F2085........................................................................................ 61 Plate 63. Iron seax (SF 50a) from Grave 17 F2085............................................................................................................ 61 Plate 64. Iron seax (SF 50a) and copper alloy elements of its sheath/scabbard (SF 50b-f) in situ in Grave 17 F2085...... 61 Plate 65. Copper alloy fittings (SF 50b-f) from the sheath/scabbard associated with seax SF 50a from Grave 17 F2085................................................................................................................................................................... 61 Plate 66. Skeleton (SK) 18. Grave 18 F2089...................................................................................................................... 63 Plate 67. Iron knife (SF 51) from Grave 18 F2089............................................................................................................. 63 Plate 68. Skeleton (SK) 19. Grave 19 F2087...................................................................................................................... 64 Plate 69. Iron knife (SF 52) from Grave 19 F2087............................................................................................................. 65 Plate 70. Skeleton (SK) 20. Grave 20 F2091...................................................................................................................... 67 Plate 71. Iron buckle (SF 54) from Grave 20 F2091.......................................................................................................... 67 Plate 72. Lumbar spine and sacrum of SK 14 (Grave 14 F2079), showing large ?ankylosed osteophytes. Photo by C. Van Selman..................................................................................................................................................................... 86 Plate 73. Femoral heads of SK 14 (Grave 14 F2079) showing large osteophytes. Photo by C. Van Selman.................... 87 Plate 74. Both innominates of SK 14 (Grave 14 F2079) showing slightly flattened acetabulums with rough exostoses and lipping. Photo by C. Van Selman................................................................................................................. 87 Plate 75. Close-up of the handle of the seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a, showing mineral-preserved horn. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory............................................................................. 109 Plate 76. Close-up of the handle of the seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a, showing edge of horn handle. Blade to right, tang to left. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory................................................ 109 Plate 77. Three perforated fragments of mineral-preserved leather in association with seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a. Dimensions of largest fragment 10 x 9 mm. ©The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory.................................................... 110 Plate 78. Threads found with seax sheath from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a. Longest thread 12 mm long. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory.................................................................................................................................................. 110 Plate 79. Photomicrograph of flax fibres taken from threads shown in Plate 78. Taken at x200 magnification with eye-piece camera fitted to polarising (transmitted) light microscope. Smooth profile, fine central lumen, wellspaced cross-markings that brighten as polariser is rotated. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory..........................................111 Plate 80. Photomicrograph of flax fibres taken from threads shown in Plate 78. Taken at x200 magnification with eye-piece camera fitted to polarising (transmitted) light microscope. Naturally long pointed end of fibre end. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory............................................................................................................................................111 Plate 81. Close-up of the broken tang of knife from Grave 1 F2037, SF 6, showing the mineral-preserved remains of the horn handle. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory.............................................. 121 Plate 82. Close-up of the knife from Grave 8 F2061, SF 33: tang to right, blade to left. The transverse line represents the edge of the horn handle. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory.............. 121 Plate 83. Close-up of linen tabby on iron fire-steel SF 16 from Grave 5 F2055. Magnification not recorded. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory.................................................................................................................................................. 127 Plate 84.............................................................................................................................................................................. 127 Plate 85. Plates 84 & 85 Photomicrographs of semi-mineralised plant-stem fibres taken from textile on knife SF10 from Grave 2 F2035. Plates 84 and 85 represent two different areas of the mount, with the polariser rotated to different angles. Taken at x200 magnification with eye-piece camera fitted to polarising (transmitted) light microscope. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory................................................................................................................... 128

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List of Graphs Graph 1. Calibration plot for sample from SK12............................................................................................................... 15 Graph 2. Calibration plot for sample from SK17............................................................................................................... 16 Graph 3. Orientation of burials represented by position of the head. Length of line represents total number of individuals in each orientation............................................................................................................................................ 72 Graph 4. Grave length versus Stature in adult burials at Exning........................................................................................ 74 Graph 5. Comparisons of average adult grave lengths with average adult statures for male and female burials at Exning................................................................................................................................................................................. 74 Graph 6. Grave length in comparison to age of children within the Exning cemetery....................................................... 75 Graph 7. Summary of burial positions................................................................................................................................ 78 Graph 8. Plot of carbon and nitrogen stable isotope ratios for Exning bone collagen and mean dentine collagen compared with bone collagen from 4 contemporary sites (Haydock et al 2013; Mays and Beavan 2012)........................ 89 Graph 9. Plot of carbon vs nitrogen isotope ratios for bone collage and mean dentine..................................................... 90 Graph 10. Plot of Exning crown dentine collagen δ13C vs enamel carbonate using the equations of Kellner and Schoeninger (2007): all samples are close to the 100% terrestrial C3 line......................................................................... 90 Graph 11. Plot of carbon and nitrogen bone collagen isotope ratios vs enamel carbonate oxygen isotope ratios............. 91 Graph 12. Bone collagen and dentine collage profiles for SK 1......................................................................................... 92 Graph 13. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK2........................................................................................ 93 Graph 14. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK4........................................................................................ 94 Graph 15. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK7........................................................................................ 95 Graph 16. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK9a...................................................................................... 96 Graph 17. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK9b...................................................................................... 97 Graph 18. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK12...................................................................................... 98 Graph 19. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK14...................................................................................... 99 Graph 20. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK15.................................................................................... 100 Graph 21. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK17.................................................................................... 101 Graph 22. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK18.................................................................................... 102 Graph 23. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK19................................................................................... 103 Graph 24. Lengths of early Anglo-Saxon double pointed pin-beaters.............................................................................. 117 Graph 25. Knife Types from East Anglian 7th century Cemeteries.................................................................................. 118 Graph 26. Exning Knife Blade and Tang Lengths............................................................................................................ 119 Graph 27. Scatter Diagram of Blade Length against Overall Length for Exning and East Anglian 7th century Cemeteries......................................................................................................................................................................... 120 Graph 28. Quantity of Gaming Pieces from early Anglo-Saxon cremation and inhumation graves, and from contemporary Merovingian graves (figures for Merovingian graves taken from Stauch 1994)....................................... 124 Graph 29. Scatter Diagram of the diameter and height of the gaming pieces from Exning............................................. 125

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List of Tables Table 1. Radiocarbon dating results.................................................................................................................................... 15 Table 2. Dates of Hines and Bayliss’ (2013) alternative chronological framework for furnished inhumation in Anglo-Saxon England (after Scull 2015, fig. 1. and Hines and Bayliss 2013, fig. 8.16).................................................... 16 Table 3. Grave alignment: deviation from West/East alignment........................................................................................ 72 Table 4. Grave size in comparison to age, stature and sex................................................................................................. 73 Table 5. Burial positions..................................................................................................................................................... 77 Table 6. Summary of graves and skeletons......................................................................................................................... 81 Table 7. Distribution of adult age at death.......................................................................................................................... 82 Table 8. Calculations of average age at death by sex......................................................................................................... 83 Table 9. Dental disease frequencies at Exning and contemporary sites............................................................................. 84 Table 10. Results of the stable isotope analysis.................................................................................................................. 88 Table 11. Anglo-Saxon Knife Typologies......................................................................................................................... 118 Table 12. Percentage of Graves with Knives in East Anglian 7th century Cemeteries.................................................... 118 Table 13. Blade Length, Sex, Gender and Age Category................................................................................................. 119

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List of contributors Steve Allen York Archaeological Trust Sue Anderson Spoilheap Archaeology J. Beaumont University of Bradford Nicholas J. Cooper University of Leicester Julia E. M. Cussans Former animal bone specialist, Archaeological Solutions Ltd Margrethe Felter York Archaeological Trust Kathren Henry Graphics Manager, Archaeological Solutions Ltd Catherine Hills Newnham College, Cambridge Sam Lucy Newnham College, Cambridge Andrew A. S. Newton Post-Excavation, Archaeological Solutions Ltd Andrew Peachey Pottery, Flint and CBM Researcher, Archaeological Solutions Ltd Ian Riddler Independent Researcher Peter Thompson Post-Roman Pottery Researcher, Archaeological Solutions Ltd John Summers Environmental Specialist, Archaeological Solutions Ltd Penelope Walton Rogers The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory, York

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1 Introduction with the excavated evidence as no structural or other evidence to suggest the presence of settlement activity was recorded during the excavation. No nearby settlement has, so far, been identified in association with the elite cemeteries at Sutton Hoo and Snape. If this is not just an artefact of archaeological retrieval, it might be argued that burial at a distance from their place of residence might have been a mechanism for elite family groups to convey a claim to authority over an extended area (Scull 2019, 132). The carbonised plant remains from the grave fills, which consisted of occasional charred cereal grains and small charcoal fragments, are likely to represent accidental inclusions as re-deposited material or background scatters of carbonised remains. The sparse recovery of carbonised plant remains suggests that the excavated area was peripheral to areas of cereal production and processing during the site’s use as a cemetery. Until the late 6th century, most Anglo-Saxon settlements tended to be fairly dispersed and to lack obvious boundaries or signs of planning. Towards the end of the 6th century, however, a small number of settlements with a markedly different appearance from those earlier settlements emerged. Central to these new settlements were one or more exceptionally large buildings that can be considered to be the “Great Halls” referred to in Anglo-Saxon literature (Hamerow 2010b, 59-60). An Anglo-Saxon Hall and pottery have been recorded in the core of the village (Suffolk Historic Environment Record EXG052 & EXG0101) and it is possible that this represents the settlement with which the cemetery is associated. The high status of the settlement postulated from historical sources and hinted at by the character of some of the grave assemblages might be considered to suggest, however, that further, and perhaps richer, evidence of settlement should be present within Exning.

The village of Exning (Fig. 1) in the most westerly part of Suffolk is a small settlement appended to the northwest of the larger town of Newmarket. Despite its modern inferiority to Newmarket, it is understood to have been an important location in the Anglo-Saxon period. It lies close to the Devil’s Dyke, an obstruction to the Icknield Way, and it is postulated that it was the site of a royal palace. The suggestion that such a household was present in Anglo-Saxon Exning is derived from statements in the Liber Eliensis or ‘Book of Ely’ that St Æthelthryth, or Etheldreda, the daughter of King Anna, who would become Abbess of Ely, was born here. ‘The Book of Ely’, states that: “The blessed and glorious virgin Æthelthryth was born among the East Angles at a well-reputed place called Exning, of the noblest parents, as Bede, the venerable teacher and most truthful writer of history testifies. She was the daughter of Anna, King of the East Angles, born of a mother called Hereswith...” (Fairweather (trans.) 2005, 15-16). Anna’s seat of power, however, appears to have been in eastern Suffolk, possibly at Rendlesham, and it has been suggested that the presence of a royal seat at Exning is unlikely and that the importance of the settlement at this time is the result of continual elaboration of the story (May 1986, 28). While the high status burials recorded during the excavation here cannot be proven to be members of the East Anglian royal family and do not contradict the suggestion that Anna’s centre of power was further to the east, they do demonstrate that a wealthy, and therefore presumably powerful and influential, group of people was active in and around Exning in the 7th century. It is possible that Exning was one of several royal residences in the East Anglian kingdom at this time or that it was the seat of slightly lower-ranking members of the aristocratic classes.

King Anna appears to have been a serious threat to the rising power of Penda of Mercia. He was temporarily expelled from East Anglia following a serious attack by the Mercians in c. 650 and a later attack, c. 653-654, resulted in Anna’s death (Yorke 1990, 63). Æthelthryth was born around AD 630 (Farmer 2003, 138). She was married initially to Tondbehrt, princeps of the South Gyrwe, and after his death to Ecgfrith, king of Northumbria. She was much admired by Bede for remaining chaste throughout her 12 years of marriage to Ecgfrith, after which she became a nun at Coldingham under her aunt, Ebbe (AD672), before becoming Abbess of Ely in the following year (Foot 2018, 38). She died at Ely in AD 679 (Attwater 1980, 119).

Much of the population of England in the 5th to mid 7th centuries were buried in ancestral cemeteries, which often remained in use for over a century, and which were located close or adjacent to settlements. From the mid 7th century onwards, however, settlement space and burial space had become more integrated and even began to merge (Hamerow 2010a, 71, 73). The later 7th century date assigned to the cemetery therefore suggests that settlement activity may have occurred in very close proximity. However, the cemetery at Exning does not display the aligned inhumations and high proportion of unfurnished burials that Hamerow (2010b, 73) suggests are typical of these later cemeteries. Settlement might, therefore, be considered to have occurred nearby but distinct and separate from the cemetery; this would fit

Despite the historical sources indicating the importance of Exning in the early Anglo-Saxon period, the area has not produced an overwhelming amount of physical evidence 1

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk and the site is therefore positioned just to the west of the main core of the settlement. The site itself comprised an irregularly shaped parcel of land forming part of an arable field of some 6.05ha.

of this date. An Anglo-Saxon Hall and pottery have been recorded in the core of the village (HER EXG052 & EXG0101), while a 6th century bronze wrist clasp was recovered to the south of the site (HER EXG029). Medieval settlement at Exning is recorded in the Domesday Book, and an extensive scatter of Saxo-Norman and medieval pottery, floor tile and metalwork (HER EXG051) suggests that occupation may have been distributed quite widely beyond the core of the village.

The investigations commenced with a geophysical survey of the proposed development site (Smalley 2012). Geophysics recorded no anomalies that were identified as of ‘probable’ archaeological origin but some anomalies of ‘possible’ archaeological origin were identified. Positive linear and area anomalies were recorded across the survey area, possibly representing pits and ditches, although the possibility remained that they were of natural origin. Amongst the anomalies were two large circular features in the central and eastern part of the site. A large circular anomaly was also recorded in the western part of the site,

From late 2012, Archaeological Solutions Ltd (AS) became involved in archaeological investigation of a site at Burwell Road, Exning (Fig. 1) in support of a planning application for residential development at this location. The site lies to the south of properties fronting Burwell Road. Burwell Road leads away from Exning to the west

Figure 1. The Site

2

Introduction which was considered to perhaps relate to an earthwork rather than a ditch. Magnetic ‘spikes’ indicating ferrous objects were also recorded, and it was considered most likely that these were modern debris. Other anomalies included two swathes of magnetic variation, thought to be of geological/pedalogical origin, close-centred linear anomalies thought to relate to modern ploughing, and linear anomalies on the northern and eastern perimeters of the area, thought to be modern vehicle tracks. In January 2013, an archaeological trial trench evaluation of the site was conducted (Gorniak 2013). Twenty-nine trenches (c. 1167 linear metres), representing a 3.5% sample of the c. 6ha site, were excavated. The majority of the evaluation trenches contained no archaeological features but some archaeology was recorded in the northwestern, north-eastern and central parts of the site. The majority of features contained no archaeological finds and were therefore undated. Two features contained a small number of sherds of 11th – 13th century pottery. This material was, however, abraded and therefore possibly residual; as such the dating of these features was not secure. Each of these features also contained residual Roman pottery. Of the recorded features, most were ditches or gullies although two pits were also recorded. Interpretation of the features was uncertain as the majority were undated and isolated although some spatial relationships between linear features hinted at enclosures or field systems. There was limited correlation of the archaeological features with the geophysical survey data. On the basis of the site’s potential to contain Roman and medieval archaeology, as suggested by the results of the trial trench evaluation, an open area archaeological excavation was conducted by Archaeological Solutions Ltd during October and November 2014. The work was carried out in accordance with a brief issued by Suffolk County Council Archaeological Service Conservation Team (dated 15th August 2014) and a Written Scheme of Investigation produced by AS (dated 15th August 2014). The preceding trial trench evaluation (Gorniak 2013) identified archaeological features of medieval date and undated features in the north-eastern and central parts of the site (within Evaluation Trenches 14, 16, 19 and 21). In accordance with the brief issued by SCC AS-CT, archaeological excavation was focussed on area of 0.9ha within this part of the site (Fig. 2). During excavation, this area was extended slightly to the north-west due to the identification of inhumations within, and extending beyond the original limits of, this part of the excavation area.

3

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

4

Figure 2. Phase plan

2 A note on terminology As is clear from the above introduction, this volume uses throughout, the term ‘Anglo-Saxon’ or ‘Anglo-Saxon period’ to refer to the period of time during which the site at Burwell Road, Exning was used as a location for the burial of the dead. The use of this term is now falling out of favour with some scholars. As Harland (2019) notes, the notion that the diverse peoples who migrated to Britain in the 4th to 6th centuries shared a coherent, ‘Germanic’ cultural ethos can no longer be supported. However, the complete rejection of this term denies us a useful shorthand for the period between the end of Roman rule and the Norman Conquest. It is certainly a more accurate term than ‘Early Medieval’ which can be confused with, and has traditionally referred to, the period immediately after the Norman Conquest (and later), in terms of pottery studies. Although the term is obviously derived from the names of only two of the groups considered to have migrated to Britain in this period, its use some time ago transcended the cultural/ethnic implications of this to simply form an overarching term for that particular period in the eastern part of the British Isles. Its use in this way, either in this manuscript or in general, does not imply that the cultural/ ethnic make-up of ‘England’ at this time was any less diverse than it is now known to have been.

5

3 The Results of the Excavation Introduction

assumed prehistoric date is accurate then this suggests further, contemporary evidence in the vicinity, while the postholes may be considered to represent a four-post structure of the kind that may have been used as a granary (Reynolds 1979, 80), a rick, in which corn or barley, that had been cut damp, could be stored and allowed to dry prior to threshing (Cunliffe 1986), or as a drying rack for grain or skin (Megaw and Simpson 1981, 382). Platforms for other purposes, including excarnation, a form of body disposal widely practised by the middle Iron Age (Carr and Knüsel 1997), may be represented by such four-post configurations. In addition, Reynolds (1979, 81) suggests that barns, byres, sheds for wagons or carts, chicken houses, and stables are all possible alternative interpretations for four-post structures such as this but in reality they could represent an even wider variety of structures used for all manner of activities. The proximity of this structure to the Anglo-Saxon funerary activity, however, could potentially suggest that it represents a mortuary structure of some kind, similar to those recorded at Apple Down, East Marden, Sussex (c.f. Meyers Emery and Williams 2018).

The original trial trench evaluation (Gorniak 2013) indicated the potential of the site to contain Roman and medieval archaeology; the principal research aims of the excavation project were associated with remains of this date. In the south-western part of the site, however, excavation revealed a group of four postholes, representing a possibly prehistoric four-post structure (Fig. 2). This most significant discovery, however, was an AngloSaxon cemetery, in the north-western part of the excavated area, comprising 20 graves containing the skeletal remains of 21 individuals (Fig. 2). Interred with these human remains were notable assemblages of small finds, representing grave goods. It was immediately apparent from the quality and character of the finds that there were high-status burials amongst the individuals represented here. This was considered significant due to the historical/ literary links between Exning and the royal household of King Anna. With the exception of Grave 17 F2085, which was mostly cut into the backfill of Ditch F2071, the graves were mostly cut into the natural substrate which varied across the site from a grey-white firm cretaceous chalk (L2003) to a yellow brown firm sand with occasional small pieces of angular chalk (L2004). In a small number of cases (F2087, F2091, and partially F2041) the burials were observed to cut L2002, a layer of periglacial mid orange brown to mid red brown friable silty clay that overlay the natural.

Phase 2. Romano-British Andrew A. S. Newton, Nicholas J. Cooper, Andrew Peachey, John Summers and Julia E. M. Cussans

The condition of the skeletal material was assessed as varying from ‘very poor’ to ‘good’ but overall there was a high degree of surface erosion, which may be considered to be typical of bone buried in chalky soils (Brothwell 1981, 7). Phase 1. Possible Prehistoric features Andrew A. S. Newton

Roman pottery was present in ring-ditch F2033. This consisted of only a single sherd (5g) and was the only artefactual material present in the feature. Its Roman, or later, date was confirmed by its stratigraphic relationship with pit F2057. Spatial relationships with other RomanoBritish ditches in this part of the site, all of which appear to respect the position of F2033, suggest that all of the features in this part of the site were broadly contemporary.

A group of four postholes (F2043 (GS C3), F2045 (GS D3), F2047 (GS D3) and F2049 (GS C3)) identified in the south-western part of the site (Figs. 2 & 3) represent potential prehistoric activity, although it is equally possible that they were contemporary with the Romano-British activity recorded in the eastern part of the site or the AngloSaxon activity recorded to the north. These features were arranged in a slightly irregular square formation and were all of similar dimensions (0.4 to 0.6m diam.). With the exception of a single piece of struck flint (1g) recovered from F2045, and from which the prehistoric date assigned to these features is derived, no finds were present. If the

Adjacent to the southern terminus of F2033 was pit F2065 (Figs. 2 & 4). This was a fairly small feature containing two heavily mixed fills. One of these was charcoal-rich and this led to the initial interpretation that the feature represented a cremation pit but later analysis of the deposits from F2065 has indicated that no bone was present. A sub-sample of the charcoal from F2065 was fractured to produce transverse sections. Vessel patterns indicated the presence of oak (Quercus sp.), possible hazel (cf. Corylus sp.), and other diffuse porous wood types. The range of wood taxa recorded indicates the gathering of locally available fuel resources.

Located in the south-eastern part of the excavated area was a ring-ditch, F2033, of slightly more than 20m in diameter (Figs. 2 & 4). This was up to 2m in width and extended to a maximum depth of 0.5m. It displayed moderately steep sides and a flat base.

7

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Figure 3. Four-post structure

Circular or penannular enclosures of Romano-British date are not common. However, such features have been recorded across Britain. At Frankton in Warwickshire, a circular enclosure with an internal diameter of 8.5m has been interpreted as being of Roman date, although this could represent a domestic structure (Palmer 2006, 97). The diameter of F2033 is too great to represent a roundhouse. At Brigstock, Northamptonshire, a penannular trench, between 11.5 and 13m in diameter and similar in appearance to the eavesdrip gully of an Iron Age roundhouse, has been interpreted as forming part of a Romano-British shrine (Greenfield and Taylor 1963; Drury 1980, fig. 3.7). It is possible that it represents the remains of an agricultural enclosure. Its size and form is similar to circular sheepfolds of medieval date found in north-eastern England. In parts of Weardale, County Durham, there remain extant examples of such enclosures. At Reels Head in Swaledale, North Yorkshire, excavation of what was thought to be an Iron Age roundhouse identified instead an enclosure of this type (Fleming and Laurie 1985). In the parish of Whitton and Tosson, close to the Simonside Hills, Northumberland, a circular earthwork has been identified as a sheepfold of this type of medieval or post-medieval date (Anon. 1999). Wacher (1978, 111) has suggested that Romano-British agriculture in south-eastern Britain may have been operated on a ranch-like system similar to the kind of upland grazing

that these medieval enclosures in north-east England were associated with and which is still in operation there today. If the enclosure represented by F2033 did function in this way, its Roman, or later, date suggests that it may have been similar to a sub-circular enclosure recorded by Evans (2010) at Penmaen, Swansea, which was defined by a stone-built bank and from which Roman finds have been recovered, and which has been interpreted as an enclosure used in the late Roman period for sheltering animals and people during times of insecurity. Unlike the enclosure at Penmaen (and the medieval enclosures in Yorkshire and the north-east), in this location its construction is likely to have taken the form of a bank and ditch, possible augmented with a fence or a hedge. Varro, in De Re Rustica I.14.1 indicates that such an arrangement of bank and ditch is one of four types of ‘fencing’ commonly used by Roman farmers; he terms this ‘military-type’ fencing (White 1970, 434). An alternative interpretation is that ring-ditch F2033 represents a Roman funerary barrow. Such features are quite rare in Roman Britain with around 100 known and their distribution mainly occurring in the south-east, with a small number in the vicinity of Hadrian’s Wall, in the tribal areas of the Cantiaci, Catuvellauni, and Trinovantes. Most date to the 1st to 3rd centuries and generally contained cremation burials placed in wooden boxes or tile cists 8

The Results of the Excavation above or at ground level. They vary greatly in size ranging from around 7m to more than 40m in diameter (Eckhardt 2009, 66; Struck 2000). Ring-ditch F2033 would fit into this size range and the association with burnt material in pit F2065 could be interpreted as being connected to a cremation rite, perhaps representing the burial of pyre debris separately from the cremated human remains. This, however, remains open to speculation.

alignment from Grid Square (GS) K8 to Grid Square M4, terminating a short distance from ring-ditch F2033 (Fig. 2). A combined total of 32 fragments (344g) of pottery recovered from the length of this ditch indicate a Romano-British date. It was notably more regular in plan than the linear features to the east, which might be considered to be indicative of a difference in date. F2020 was cut by Pit F2030 (GS M5), which contained an even greater quantity of Roman pottery (222 sherds; 1807g). In addition, CBM (126g), animal bone (187g), burnt bone (1g), burnt flint (1g), and struck flint (1; 12g) were also recovered from this feature.

Ditch F2020, one of a small number of features in the north-eastern part of the site to contain dateable artefactual evidence, ran on a north-west to south-east

Figure 4. Ring-ditch and associated features

9

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk suggest a function as cooking pots. Other locally produced coarse wares, probably produced in the west Suffolk area, comprise Romanising/Black-Surfaced grey ware and micaceous sandy grey ware. These fabrics formed jars or cooking pots similar to those in Horningsea reduced ware. The regionally produced coarse wares, Romano-British shell-tempered ware and Lower Nene Valley white ware, also appear to have been limited to jars. All of the fine ware fabrics are scarce, though most notable is the presence of New Forest (Metallic) colour-coated ware, which is rare in East Anglia largely due to competition from the similar colour-coated ware industry of the Lower Nene Valley. Other fine wares were limited to sherds from a single fine grey ware bowl, which appears to have been an imitation of samian form Dragendorff type 30/37, and a very small body sherd of East Gaulish samian ware.

F2030 was the first of two pits with stratigraphic relationships with Ditch F2020 (Fig. 2). The second was F2057, which was truncated by the south-eastern terminus of the ditch and which was also cut by the adjacent ringditch F2033. F2057 was a moderately large feature (3.8 x 2.9 x 0.4m) and contained 59 sherds (498g) of pottery and 30g of animal bone. Partially overlying F2020, and slightly impressed into the upper surface of its fill, L2021, was an irregularly shaped layer of dark grey brown loose silt with occasional small to medium sub-rounded to sub-angular stones, occasional flint and very occasional charcoal flecks (Fig. 2). This deposit, L2032 (GS M5), contained a small quantity of Roman pottery and a fairly rich archaeobotanical assemblage which was dominated by glume wheat (Triticum dicoccum/spelta), hulled barley (Hordeum sp.) and oat (Avena sp.). Approximately 14% of the wheat grains were germinated but it seems more likely that this simply represents spoilage of the wheat crop rather than deliberate attempts at malting.

The distribution of Roman pottery across the site is limited with a single concentration contained in Pit F2030, small groups in Layer L2027, Ditch F2020 and Pit F2057. The concentration in Pit F2030 is predominantly comprised of Horningsea reduced ware, including jars and a dish, supplemented by Lower Nene Valley colour-coated ware indicating a date in the mid-late 2nd century AD. The smaller groups in Ditch F2020 and Pit F2057 are also predominantly comprised of Horningsea reduced ware, with the former containing New Forest (Metallic) colourcoated ware and East Gaulish Samian ware that suggest a mid 3rd century AD date, and the latter Lower Nene Valley colour-coated ware indicative of an early to mid 4th century date; while the pottery from Layer L2027 could potentially span all three of these groups. The dating of these various pottery groups is potentially problematic in light of the stratigraphic evidence, but due to the small size of some of them, it is possible that any such discrepancies are associated with issues of residuality or intrusiveness.

Layer L2027, which overlay a possible floor surface (L2026), lay a short distance to the east of F2057 (Figs 2 & 4). This too appeared to be of Romano-British date, containing 128 sherds (620g) of pottery of 2nd to 4th century date, 188g of animal bone, and the abraded remains of two Roman rotary querns. The first is a badly damaged fragment from the upper stone of a Hertfordshire Puddingstone quern, manufactured in the distinctive flintrich conglomerate (60-70% well-rounded flint pebbles in a fine grey silica matrix) from quarries near Puckeridge and Colliers End (Lovell and Tubb 2006). About 15% of the stone is preserved, of plano-convex section, and with a worn lower surface. The circumference is damaged but has a diameter of about 340mm, and a height of 60mm. The second is the fragmentary and abraded remains of the upper stone of a lava quern manufactured from Niedermendig basalt from the Eifel region of Germany and imported from the early Roman period through centres such as Colchester and London (Buckley and Major 1983, 73; Gluhak and Hofmeister 2011). Only the edge of the upper stone is preserved with the characteristic raised lip and a concave lower surface largely worn through. The diameter is 360mm based on about 40% of the surviving circumference, and the stone has a skirt thickness of 50mm.

Animal bones from Romano-British contexts were generally in a poor state of preservation and were heavily root etched and eroded, removing any potential evidence of butchery or pathology from the bone surfaces. Identified taxa in order of abundance were cattle and sheep/goat, horse and pig, however, the vast majority of the bone fragments could only be recorded as large (cattle or horse sized) or medium (sheep or pig sized) mammal. Cattle bones included teeth, mandible fragments, and a scapula. Sheep/goat and pig were represented only by teeth and horse was represented by tibia and atlas fragments.

The pottery assemblage recovered from these features is predominantly composed of locally-produced coarse wares, in particular Horningsea reduced ware, but also includes very low quantities of samian ware and regionally-imported fine ware. Diagnostic rim or decorated sherds are scarce, and indicate that none of the assemblage pre-dates the mid 2nd century AD. Horningsea reduced ware, produced by a significant pottery industry located c.13km to the west, accounts for c.80% of the assemblage by sherd count (c.82% by weight). Vessel types in this fabric are limited to jars (Horningsea J10.5 & J10.7) and dishes (Horningsea D6.2); utilitarian form types with soot on the exterior

Revealed in the far north-eastern corner of the site were intercutting gullies F2014, F2016 and F2005 (Fig. 2). The stratigraphically earliest of these was F2014, which extended from beyond the eastern limit of excavation, followed a curving course, changing alignment from north-west/south-east to north/south as it progressed across the site, and terminated in Grid Square (GS) P7. This was cut by F2016, which followed a similar course before cutting F2014 in Grid Square P6 before terminating a short distance to the north. The terminus of F2016 was, however, obscured by F2005 (GS P6-P8) which extended 10

The Results of the Excavation Phase 3. Anglo-Saxon

from beyond the eastern limit of excavation and continued beyond the northern limit of excavation, running broadly south-east to north-west. Running parallel and immediately adjacent to this was the narrow gully F2007; this entered the excavated area from the north and ran towards the south-east for a distance of approximately 9m. No dateable evidence was recovered from any of these features and, indeed, the only finds recovered at all comprised 22g of animal bone from Ditch F2005.

Twenty features recorded in the north-western part of the site were assigned an Anglo-Saxon date on the basis of artefactual evidence and which has been confirmed through radiocarbon dating. These features comprised 20 graves containing the remains of 21 individuals (Fig. 5). It is likely that the identified graves do not represent the entirety of the cemetery and that the distribution of graves continued further to the north, extending into areas that were previously developed in the later 20th century, and even to the north of Burwell Road.

To the north-east of this group of intercutting linear features lay Pit F2011, a moderately large feature (GS P6P7; 2.6 x 2.05 x 0.38m) which, like the features close by to the south-west, contained no finds. Also located nearby was F2009, which appeared to run on a similar alignment to F2005, perhaps suggesting a direct relationship between the two, although F2009 terminated in Grid Square Q7 rather than continuing further to the north-west. Like the other features in this part of the site, finds were minimal from F2009 consisting of only 20g of lava stone.

With the exception of the double burial in Grave 9 F2063, all of the graves contained single inhumations. Although there was some variation in alignment, with Grave 11 F2073 being aligned south to north, most of the graves were aligned broadly east to west. There was some variation to this with some graves positioned on distinct south-west to north-east alignment and others aligned slightly off a true west to east alignment. In all cases, except Grave 11 F2073, the head was at the western end of the grave, so that the body would have faced the east.

Approximately 20m to the west of F2005 were parallel ditches F2022 and F2024 (GS L8-P4). Like F2005, these features traversed the site, running on a north-west to southeast alignment, and extending beyond the northern and eastern limits of the excavated area. They were similar in both width and depth and ran immediately adjacent to one another for most of their observed length. From Grid Square N5 south-eastwards, however, they appeared to merge and become a single feature, although in excavated Segment D it was recorded that F2022 cut F2024, suggesting that this was the later of the two. A slight change in alignment at the point at which the two features appeared to merge might have been deliberately intended so that they avoided ring-ditch F2033, to the south. Just to the north-west of this point, F2022 was cut by the small pit/posthole F2028 (GS N5). Finds were again sparse, limited to 3g of animal bone recovered from F2022A. A short length of undated gully (F2018; GS L8) was recorded adjacent to the east of F2022. This entered the excavated area from beyond the northern boundary and ran on a north-north-west to southsouth-east alignment for 1.2m.

There was some patterning in the distribution of graves (Fig. 6), which formed a moderately tight group. Males were more prevalent in the western part of the group and females in the eastern part, although Grave 1 F2037, which contained a male (SK 1), was the most easterly of the graves and lay slightly removed from the rest of the group. Eight of the graves were those of juveniles and these were mostly found in proximity to the female graves; Stoodley (2002) has noted that, in multiple burials, infants are usually restricted to burial with an adult female and so the positioning of the graves of infants and children in close proximity to those of adult females may be deliberate. There were, however, two exceptions to this; Grave 13 F2077 (SK 13) and Grave 19 F2087 (SK 19) both contained juveniles (under 16 years old) but were positioned in closer proximity to the male burials. It is notable that overall, the graves appeared to become more regular in profile towards the west, with steep/ vertical sides and flat bases, with Grave 1 F2037 (SK 1), Grave 3F2039 (SK 3), Grave 4 F2041 (SK 4) and Grave 5 F2055 (SK 5) being notably shallow and irregular. The form of the graves in plan varied quite widely with some being nearly perfectly rectangular (e.g. Grave 7 F2059 (SK 7), Grave 8 F2061 (SK 8) and Grave 17 F2085 (SK 17)) while others were more sub-oval in form.

The alignments of these features, broadly parallel to F2022, may indicate that they were directly related to this Roman ditch, although, as noted above, their relative irregularity may suggest otherwise. The presence, however, of a very small quantity of lava in F2009 might be indicative of a Roman date if this comprises the same material from which the lava quern in L2027 was made. This minimal evidence may indicate that this entire group of features were contemporary with F2020 and L2027.

Finds were recovered from all but one of the graves. In almost all cases this included items which can be considered to represent grave goods. The only grave to contain nothing apart from human remains was Grave 3 F2039, which contained SK 3, the remains of a child of approximately 6 to 7 years. Grave 11 F2073 (SK 11; a female of 35 to 45 years) contained a small quantity of finds but none which would appear to represent grave

At the western end of the site was Ditch F2071, a northeast to south-west aligned feature which terminated in Grid Square B9 and, in the other direction, continued beyond the western-most limit of excavation towards the south-west. It was undated but was cut by Grave 17 F2085, indicating that it must have been earlier than the Anglo-Saxon funerary activity that occurred here. 11

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk goods. There appears to be no clear or consistent pattern to the distribution of grave goods There was no intercutting of graves (Fig. 5), suggesting that the position of each one was known to the community that were using this land as a burial ground. Anglo-Saxon inhumation graves have been recorded with single-post markers at other locations (Lucy 2000, 102) and so, despite the lack of postholes associated with these graves, it may be suggested that a similar system was used here. It is not thought that Grave 17 was deliberately cut into ditch F2071. It is worth noting that the placing of Anglo-Saxon inhumation graves cut into filled-in ditches of Iron Age date has been recorded at the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Edix Hill in Cambridgeshire (Malim and Hines 1998, 20, fig. 7.2) and cremation burials cut into Iron Age ditches at The Chalet Site, Heybridge, Essex (Newton 2010). However, despite the alignment of Grave F2085 being similar to that of the earlier ditch, it appears likely that the relationship between the two features was entirely coincidental. It is these graves, the presence of which was not anticipated from the results of the preceding geophysical survey (Smalley 2012) and trial trench evaluation (Gorniak 2013), which are the focus of this report. Their presence provides the first irrefutable physical evidence for a high status Anglo-Saxon community at the “loco famoso Exninge”.

12

13

The Results of the Excavation

Figure 5. Cemetery area

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

14

Figure 6. Age and sex distribution plan

4 Dating and cemetery chronology Radiocarbon dating of samples of bone taken from SK 12 (Grave 12 F2075) and SK 17 (Grave 17 F2085) returned dates whose probabilities suggest the mid to late 7th century. Radiocarbon dating of samples taken from certain skeletons recovered from the site was based on the research value of their associated grave goods, geographical spread within the cemetery area (in order to help establish if the chronological development of the cemetery could be determined), and their suitability for this technique and for stable isotope analysis in order to gain as much scientific data from these individuals as possible. The samples were submitted to the Scottish Universities Environmental Research Centre (SUERC;

University of Glasgow/University of Edinburgh) for radiocarbon dating. Conventional radiocarbon ages and calibrated dates were calculated by E. Dunbar of SUERC using OxCal 4.2.4 (Bronk Ramsey et al. 2013) and IntCal13 (Reimer et al. 2013). Results These results are entirely consistent with the artefactual evidence which strongly suggests a mid to later 7th century dating for the cemetery. Although some objects within the

Table 1. Radiocarbon dating results Grave

Skeleton Number

Material

Lab. No. (SUERC-)

Radiocarbon Age BP

Calibrated Date/ Date Range 68.2% probability

Calibrated Date/ Date Range 95.4% probability

Grave 12 F2075

SK 12

Human bone

SUERC-65003

1329 ± 35

654-692 calAD and 740-762 calAD

646-725 calAD and 738-769 calAD

Grave 17 F2085

SK 17

Human bone

SUERC-65004

1368 ± 35

640-677 calAD

603-695cal AD; 702-709calAD and 746-764calAD

Graph 1. Calibration plot for sample from SK12

15

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Graph 2. Calibration plot for sample from SK17

cemetery assemblage are noted as having long currencies, such as the undecorated ovoid or baggy pot from Grave 5 F2055 (SF 63; Fig. 7; Plate 16), a number of finds can be more tightly dated. The small iron bell (SF 18; Fig. 12; Plates 14 & 15) found with SK 5 (Grave 5 F2055) is considered to be of 7th to 8th century date. The fragments of blue glass present within Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.1; Fig. 15; Plate 31) and Grave 12 F2075 (SF 44.3; Fig. 20; Plate 49) seem to be later 6th to early 7th century in date. Most of the other artefacts are assigned a date in the 7th century with the most closely dateable artefacts including the copper alloy disc (SF 43; Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52) present with SK 13 (Grave 13 F2077) which is dated to the second half of the 7th century and the glass palm cup (SF 29; Fig. 15; Plates 28, 29 & 30) that was found with SK 8 (Grave 8 F2061) which can be dated to AD610/620 to AD670/680.

Table 2. Dates of Hines and Bayliss’ (2013) alternative chronological framework for furnished inhumation in Anglo-Saxon England (after Scull 2015, fig. 1. and Hines and Bayliss 2013, fig. 8.16)

In terms of artefact typologies, several are identifiable to particular phases in Hines and Bayliss’ (2013, 231–492; see also Scull 2015, fig. 1) revised chronology of the end of furnished burial in England. The spearhead (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plate 61) found in Grave 17 F2085 can be identified to Phases AS-ME to AS-MF and the sheath (SF 50b-f; Figs 25-26; Plate 65) from this grave can also be identified to Phase AS-MF; the seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plate 63) contained within this sheath is identifiable to the earlier Phases AS-MC to AS-MD. The copper-alloy gilded bridle decoration (SF 43; Fig. 21; Plate 51) present in Grave 13 F2077 is identifiable to Phase AS-ME. The linked pins (SF 8; Fig. 9; Plate 4) in Grave 2 F2035 are identifiable

Chronological Phase

Starts between

Ends between

Female burials AS-FB

AD 510-545

AD 555-585

AS-FC

AD 555-585

AD 580-640

AS-FD

AD 580-640

AD 625-650

AS-FE

AD 625-650

AD 660-685

AS-MB

AD 525-550

AD 545-565

AS-MC

AD 545-565

AD 565-595

AS-MD

AD 565-595

AD 580-610

AS-ME

AD 580-610

AD 610-645

AS-MF

AD 610-645

AD 660-685

Male burials

to Phase AS-FE as are the silver rings (SF 31; Fig. 17; Plates 39 & 40) in Grave 9 F2063; the safety pin brooch (SF 40; Fig. 17) found in Grave 9 F2063 may be slightly earlier as this can be identified to Phases AS-FD to ASFE. These identifications help to confirm the dating of the cemetery in the mid to late 7th century (see Table 2). They also help to add to some indications of chronological development to the layout of the cemetery; as Grave 17 F2085 contained a sheath (SF 50b-f; Plates 63-65) identifiable to Phase AS-MF, it can be no earlier than this 16

Dating and cemetery chronology phase while the copper alloy bridle (SF 43) fitting in Grave 13 F2077 indicates that this grave can be no earlier than Phase AS-ME. Therefore, Grave 13 F2077 is potentially earlier than Grave 17 F2085. Few of the finds recovered from the site are, however, sufficiently closely dateable to develop a clear chronology of the deposition of burials within the cemetery.

Figure 7. Anglo-Saxon pottery

17

5 The Burials Skeleton 1; Grave 1 F2037

Shape of Grave  Oval

SK 1; Grave 1 F2037  Plate 1; Fig. 8

Fill  L2038; Mid red brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

Age  c. 25-30 years

Skeletal Position  Extended supine. Right arm folded on hip, left arm folded on abdomen. Legs fully extended with right turned outwards

Sex  Male Stature  1.832m

Bones Present  Skull, spine, clavicular girdle, pelvic girdle, upper ribs, long bones and most of hands and feet

Grave Dimensions  1.96 x 0.84 x 0.22m Orientation  SE-NW

Figure 8. Grave 1 F2037: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

textile folds, although no technical details could be recorded. The arms taper to the tips, which are slightly splayed and broken. A further iron fragment is corroded to the top of the loop. L. 39mm. (Fig. 8)

SF 6  Complete iron knife with a straight and level back edge, the front part of the back angled down to the rounded tip. Slightly sinuous cutting edge and rounded choil, the tang (with a detached fragment) tapering to a flat, lateral terminal. On one face of tang, there are traces of mineralised horn, the grain parallel to the knife back. The horn is better preserved and present on both faces of the detached fragment of tang. On both faces of the blade there are traces of ginger-coloured organic remains, assumed to be the remains of a sheath, although no structural details could be recorded. L. 99mm (Fig. 8)

SF 5  Fragment of a large iron loop (possibly a fragment of a large handle) of circular cross-section, broken at both ends. L. 92mm. Together with the eyelet, this may represent the remains of a wooden box, deposited at the foot of the skeleton. (Fig. 8)

Burial Description SK 1 was a male of 25 to 30 years of age (Plate 1; Fig. 8). He was buried in the most easterly of the identified graves (Grave 1 F2037) and possibly slightly apart from the main concentration of burials. At 1.832m (6ft) in stature he is

SF 5  Small iron fixing or eyelet. The arms are rectangular in section and come together in the middle, leaving a loop at the head which is round in cross-section. The corrosion products on the hoop carry the ghost of

18

The Burials likely to have been a notably large individual. All of the Exning males were of above average height for the period (c. 172cm), however, and so SK 1 may not have particularly stood out within this community (Roberts and Cox 2003, 195). There is some indication that he may have been a well-muscled individual in the form of large medial ends to the clavicles and raised costo-clavicular attachments. This was also observed in SK 18 (Grave 18 F2089) and may indicate a shared characteristic and therefore a potential familial link but could indicate a degree of physical fitness achieved through hard physical work. Physical stress was also suggested by the presence of Schmorl’s nodes on the individual’s spine. Isotope analysis indicated nutritional

stress early in the individual’s life, and then again at around the age of 12. SK 1 was buried in a supine extended position. Metal fittings (SF 5; Fig. 8) recorded close to his feet are suggestive of a wooden box buried in this location, although such boxes are more often associated with female graves in the 7th century. He was also buried with a knife, which may have been part of the suite of dress accessories normally carried. Organic remains representing part of the handle and the remnants of a sheath were observed on this knife.

Plate 1. Skeleton (SK) 1. Grave 1 F2037

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A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 2; Grave 2 F2035

Shape of Grave  Sub-oval

SK 2; Grave 2 F2035  Plate 2; Fig. 9

Fill  L2036; Reddish mid brown friable silty sand with occasional small flints and irregular stones

Age  c. 8-10 years

Skeletal Position  Extended supine. Arms laid flat at sides, legs fully extended

Sex  Stature  -

Bones Present  Skull, spine, clavicular girdle, pelvic girdle, ribs, long bones and most of hands and feet

Grave Dimensions  1.65 x 0.86 x 0.36m Orientation  Broadly E-W

Figure 9. Grave 2 F2035: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

SF 3  Spindlewhorl, plano-convex, Walton Rogers Form A1. Diameter 26mm Height 11mm. Weight 9g. Grey, quite soft and scratched, probably too light for lead, seems to have inclusions suggesting ceramic or soft stone ?chalk. (Fig. 9; Plate 5)

SF 7  Fragmentary remains of a necklace. Two silver wire rings, one complete with two opaque green glass beads threaded onto it, diameter 19mm, the other broken in several pieces, with four opaque glass beads, two red, two green, the largest of which is biconical, the other five beads all small cylinders. (Fig. 9; Plate 3)

SF 10  Complete iron knife, the upper edge of the blade straight and level then curving down to the tip, the cutting edge sinuous and rising to the rounded tip. Tang tapers from the shoulder to a flat lateral terminal and is set low down, the lower edge merging imperceptibly into the cutting edge. Traces of textile are present along the cutting edge of the blade, over an area 12 x 3 mm. The weave structure is not clear, but the yarn is fine, approximately 0.3 mm diameter, and Z-spun in warp and weft. The fibres are also fine, mostly 14-16 microns in diameter, with a central lumen and well-spaced cross-markings: flax/hemp, probably flax, fully processed. L. 104 mm (Fig. 9)

SF 64  Two further beads each in separate bag labelled Context 2036 Sk2: one small opaque green cylinder, one opaque white cylinder. All beads Brugmann (2004) wound spiral phase C. (Fig. 9) SF 8  Copper alloy linked pins and chain. Pair of pins with shieldshaped pierced heads, originally connected by chain, some links of which are still attached to each pin. Pins of different lengths, 33mm and 38mm, diameter of shaft 1mm. Ten complete and three fragments of copper alloy figure-of eight links, each approx 7mm length. (Fig. 9; Plate 4)

SF 4  Complete but broken looped iron staple, driven into tangential board or timber. The wood is a hardwood, but there is not enough present

20

The Burials Despite clearly being from a background that could afford to supply their dead with silver jewellery and being buried in a cemetery group that contained other high status burials, this child appears to have suffered from a poor diet. Cribra orbitalia, suggesting an iron deficiency, was observed during analysis of the skeleton. Isotope analysis has also indicated possible nutritional stress. This also suggested that the individual had a change in diet during childhood with the possible temporary introduction of marine or riverine resources, perhaps suggesting residence in a different location.

to allow species identification. The arms are rectangular in section and come together in the middle, leaving a loop at the head which is round in cross-section. The arms taper to the tips. The ends of the arms are turned outwards. L. 51mm. (Fig. 9) SF 9  Two short square-sectioned iron fragments, probably nails/ hobnails. L. 30mm and 24mm. Their location either side of the head may derive from some manner of coffin. Two iron nails have traces of wood on the shanks, reaching as far as the nail head on the larger of the two. The grain of the wood runs at right angles to the nail shank. Too little structure has survived to allow species identification. (Fig. 9)

Burial Description SK 2 (Grave 2 F2035) was a child of 8 to 10 years of age (Fig. 9; Plate 2). Slightly unusually for the younger individuals present at this site, sufficient skeletal material had survived for the supine extended burial position to be observable. The presence of iron nails (SF 9; Fig. 9) and an iron staple (SF 4; Fig. 9) suggest that this individual may have been buried in a coffin; this, in turn, may explain the position of the body with its arms by its sides and its legs fully extended. The individual was found with the fragmentary remains of a necklace bearing silver wire rings and opaque glass beads (SF 7; Fig. 9; Plate 3). Further beads were found elsewhere in the grave and may have been originally buried within a bag. A pair of linked copper alloy pins were also present (SF 8; Fig. 9; Plate 4), which may represent a veil fastening. Linked pins are typical of female graves of the 7th century and this, along with the necklace and spindlewhorl (SF 3; Fig. 9; Plate 5) that were also found in this grave, suggest that this is the burial of a female child.

Plate 3. Beaded silver necklace (SF 7) from Grave 2 F2035

Plate 4. Linked copper alloy pins (SF 8) from Grave 2 F2035

Plate 2. Skeleton (SK) 2. Grave 2 F2035

Plate 5. Chalk spindlewhorl (SF 3) from Grave 2 F2035

21

The Burials Skeleton 3; Grave 3 F2039

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular

SK 3; Grave 3 F2039  Plate 6; Fig. 10

Fill  L2040; Mid red brown friable silty sand

Age  c. 6-7 years

Skeletal Position  Crouched, lying on right-hand side. Right arm under body, left arm extending away from body. Legs flexed

Sex  Stature  -

Bones Present  Part of skull, left clavicle and scapula, proximal and distal vertebrae, upper long bones of arms, left part of pelvis, femurs and tibiae

Grave Dimensions  1.25 x 0.5 x 0.2m Orientation  E-W

Figure 10. Grave 3 F2039: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods No recorded grave-goods.

Plate 6. Skeleton (SK) 3. Grave 3 F2039

Burial Description This was a child of 6 to 7 years of age. Not all of the skeletal elements were present but it was clear that the body had been laid in a crouched position on its right-hand side (Fig. 10; Plate 6). The grave was small in comparison to other graves but was consistent with the small size of the individual it was intended to contain. No grave goods were recorded with SK 3 but it is possible that organic remains may have been placed in the space in the eastern end of the grave, below the child’s drawn up feet.

23

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 4; Grave 4 F2041

Fill  L2042; Mid orange brown friable silty sand with moderate small to medium sub-rounded to sub-angular stones, moderate to frequent flint and occasional charcoal

SK 4; Grave 4 F2041  Plate 7; Fig. 11 Age  c. 25-35 years

Skeletal Position  Supine. Arms to sides of body with right arm flexed and placed across abdomen and left arm flexed and hand placed at left hip. Legs slightly flexed with knees to left and feet to right

Sex  Female Stature  1.553m Grave Dimensions  1.84 x 0.84 x 0.25m

Bones Present  Skull, spine, clavicular girdle, pelvic girdle, ribs, long bones and most of hands and feet

Orientation  WSW-ENE Shape of Grave  Oval

Figure 11. Grave 4 F2041: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

Burial Description

SF 11.1  Fragmentary antler double-sided composite comb, surviving in poor condition and consisting of three tooth segments and parts of two antler connecting plates. The connecting plates have a shallow D-shaped section and are undecorated, although there are prominent saw marks from the cutting of the teeth. Parts of a few teeth remain, with four per centimetre on one side and five per centimetre on the other. L. 56 mm (Fig. 11; Plate 8)

Grave 4 F2041 (Fig. 11; Plate 7) contained the remains of a woman of 25 to 35 years of age (SK 4). She was buried in a supine position with her right hand over her abdomen, left arm splayed out to the left and the elbow bent with her hand adjacent to her hip, and her legs slightly flexed with the knees to the left and feet to the right. Both SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19), both of which were women of similar or slightly older age to SK 4, were buried in similar positions, possibly suggesting that this was distinctly feminine position in which to be buried, and possibly also that it was associated with a particular age group. It is notable that no males in this cemetery were buried in this particular position.

SF 11.2  Complete spatulate implement, consisting of a strip of iron of rectangular section with a lightly rounded terminal, tapering at the opposite end to a rod of curved section, the end part of which is lightly curved. Across the middle of the object, on both faces, there are imprints of textile, over an area 15 x 10 mm. The weave construction is not clear, but the yarns are 0.8-0.9 mm wide and in one direction S-spun (which looks Z-spun in the imprint). L. 95 mm (Fig. 11; Plate 8)

24

The Burials Evidence for skeletal stress was noted on the spine and ankle/foot of SK 4, perhaps suggesting that she was used to hard physical work. A partial deformity of the thumb is considered to be the result of trauma, perhaps also suggesting hard physical work. In addition, SK 4 had a mild form of spina bifida occulta of the sacrum which probably would not have affected her in life. The bowing of the tibiae that was observed in SK 4 could be rickets but this may be considered unlikely in a rural population as

rickets is typically associated with urbanism and the lack of sunlight, inadequate diet, and atmospheric pollution that comes with this (Roberts and Cox 2003, 189). Stable isotope analysis, however, indicates that SK 4 underwent a dietary shift from a higher grade protein source to a lower grade one (e.g. mixed diet to plant-based) at around 8 years of age. As rickets is caused by a lack of Vitamin D or calcium (NHS 2015) it is quite possible that this dietary shift may have led to this condition in SK 4.

Plate 8. Fragmentary antler composite comb (SF 11.1; above) and iron spatulate implement (SF 11.2; below) from Grave 4 F2041

Plate 7. Skeleton (SK) 4. Grave 4 F2041

25

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 5; Grave 5 F2055

Shape of Grave  Sub-oval

SK 5; Grave 5 F2055  Plate 9; Fig. 12

Fill  L2056; Mid yellow brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

Age  c. 2 years

Skeletal Position  Not observable due to incompleteness of skeleton

Sex  Stature  -

Bones Present  Facial bones, right humerus, both femurs and tibiae

Grave Dimensions  1.65 x 0.8 x 0.3m Orientation  W-E

Figure 12. Grave 5 F2055: Grave plan and grave goods

26

The Burials Grave goods

approximately 2 years of age (Fig. 12). Due to the incompleteness of the skeletal remains little information was obtainable about the child itself. Its suite of grave goods, however, provides some interesting information.

SF 55  An assemblage of seventeen gaming pieces, occurring in four types. Twelve of the pieces have flat bases and shallow plano-convex sections, and are undecorated. They are probably made of antler, and are 16.3 to 19.6mm in diameter. Three gaming pieces have a similar section but are larger (24.4 to 25mm in diameter), and are decorated with ring-and-dot motifs, arranged in cruciform patterns. A domed gaming piece has been cut from an equine tooth and is undecorated (diameter 18.8mm), whilst another gaming piece of the same section, probably made of antler, is decorated with four dispersed ring-and-dot motifs (20.5mm diameter). (Fig. 12; Plates 10 & 11)

Burial Description

At the foot of the burial was the substantially complete, and partially reconstructable, remains of a ‘baggy pot’ (SF 63; Fig. 7; Plate 16) of a type attributable to both the early and middle Anglo-Saxon periods but the organic/chaff tempering of which suggests a 6th or 7th century date. Located in close proximity to this was a group of antler or bone gaming pieces (SF 55; Fig. 12; Plates 10 & 11). Such items are quite regularly found in Anglo-Saxon funerary contexts but are slightly more common with cremations than inhumations. Usually they are found in small numbers so this burial, which falls within a small number of burials with more than seven gaming counters, may be considered to be notable. It is possible that there is significance in both the number of gaming counters that were present and the presence of gaming counters themselves. The number of gaming pieces present within a grave may represent the number of pieces that would be used by just one player, rather than a complete set (Rundkvist and Williams 2008, 95); perhaps suggesting that different numbers of counters represent different games. In terms of their presence within graves, Whittaker (2006, 103) notes that the significance of gaming counters may simply be that playing games is a pleasurable pastime which it is hoped that the deceased might continue to pursue in the afterlife. It is unlikely, however, that the 2 year old child represented in Grave 5 F2055 regularly played board games of any great complexity. It is conceivable, however, that the gaming pieces, or indeed just the game in which they would have been used, was of significance to a parent or loved one and that their presence represents a hope that the child learns to play the game; Williams (2006, 41) suggests that grave goods could have been used as mnemonic devices to create aspired or prospective memories of the future. In Scandinavian Iron Age (broadly analogous to the Iron Age, Roman period and ‘Migration’ period (c. AD300-AD700)) contexts, it has been suggested that gaming pieces may be related to the social status of the deceased (Whittaker 2006, 103) but in Anglo-Saxon contexts they are frequently found in graves of all social levels (Evans 1989, 69). Rundkvist and Williams (2008, 88) note, however, that by the later part of this period in Scandinavia that status may be denoted by the material from which the pieces were made, with bone and antler gaming pieces proliferating from c. 375 AD onwards. If a similar pattern manifested itself in AngloSaxon England, and here it should be noted that the piece from Sutton Hoo was made of sperm whale ivory (Evans 1989, 69), then the pieces present with SK 5 are unlikely to denote high status in themselves. A further possibility is that gaming pieces may be a material expression of eschatological beliefs associated with the concepts that life is a game of chance and that progress through life can be likened to movement across a game board (Whittaker 2006, 108).

The youngest individual identified within the Exning cemetery was SK 5 (Grave 5 F2055), a child of

Further grave goods included an amber bead (SF 15; Fig. 12; Plate 12) and a biconical glass bead in an attractive

SF 15  Amber bead. Irregular flattened barrel. Diameter 19mm (Fig. 12; Plate 12) SF 16.1  Biconical glass bead, opaque blue with red spots. Diameter 19mm. Brugmann (2004): dots regular, phase B. Remains of cord or thong running through the bead could not be examined due to heavy use of a consolidant. (Fig. 12; Plate 13) SF 16.2  Iron firesteel, in two pieces. Small copper alloy loop attached by copper alloy rivet. Inside the copper-alloy suspension loop, visible only in end view, there are remains of an unknown organic material: this resembles a suspension cord more than a metal buckle loop. On one face of the steel, over an area 18 x 7 mm in three layers, probably representing a fold of cloth, textile woven in tabby, approximately 16/Z x 16/Z threads per cm. The fibres are fine, 12-16 microns wide, with a smooth profile, fine central lumen and well-spaced cross-markings: flax/hemp, probably flax. Length of surviving piece 56mm. (Fig. 12; Plate 13) SF 18  Near-complete iron bell, constructed from a single sheet of folded iron, tapering to an oval opening, with broken loop attachment on the top, and fragmentary remains of small clappers still inside. L. 33mm, W. 30mm, D. 17mm. On one face, small area, 4 x 3mm, of textile, weave and spin unclear, but yarn 0.7-0.8mm diameter. Fibres 9-14 microns diameter with central lumen, well-spaced nodes and cross-markings; sometimes still in twos and threes, indicating incomplete processing. (Fig. 12; Plates 14 & 15) SF 19  Complete iron knife, the back edge lightly curved throughout and descending to a rounded tip, the cutting edge straight with a distinct choil leading to a tang that tapers to a flat lateral terminal. L. 112 mm (Fig. 12) SF 20  Small broken iron ferrule, in three fragments. Split socket tapering to blunt point. Two of the fragments are definitely part of the same object, and the third may be. Fragments of L. 41mm, 25mm and 16mm. Traces of a roundwood shaft were preserved in the socket, although not enough wood structure had survived to allow species identification. (Fig. 12) SF 63  Pottery vessel. Undecorated globular or baggy bowl with a simple, slightly out-turned rim in an early Anglo-Saxon fabric with a fine sandy matrix with moderate medium sub-rounded to sub-angular quartz and moderate to common burnt organics. Dateable to mid 5th-7th century. (Figs. 7 & 12; Plate 16)

27

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk dark blue with red spots (SF 16.1; Fig. 12; Plate 13). This blue bead may be of some note as the colour blue, in some later cultures, is assigned an apotropaic meaning and was favoured for glass beads in late Roman and early AngloSaxon graves (Hills and Lucy 2013, 53-54). The amber bead was very similar to beads made from Baltic amber at the Viking-age settlement of Kaupang in county Vestfold, Norway (Resi 2011, fig. 6.5), possibly suggesting a similar origin. A small iron bell (SF 18; Fig. 12; Plates 14 & 15) is also an intrinsically interesting item recovered from this grave. Bells have been recovered from several graves of 7th and 8th century date and do not appear to be associated with a particular gender or age group (Hinton 2000; Geake 1997, 102). It is possible that they had a religious function but, in light of the complexity of their manufacture, a significance as a treasured personal item might be ascribed to them. Wilmot and Daubney (2019) suggest that plain iron bells may have fulifilled a range of profane functions whereas copped-brazed ones, which this one appears not to be, were important objects amongst early Christian communities, especially those linked to the Northumbrian church. Other items recovered from this grave included a firesteel (SF 16.2; Fig. 12; Plate 13) and a knife (SF 19; Fig. 12), everyday utilitarian items which are unlikely to have been used in life by a 2 year old child but possibly that were considered necessary for this child to have in the afterlife or which were used to create an aspired or prospective memory of this child’s future (c.f. Williams 2006, 41).

are archaeologically identifiable. As such materials include metals and glass, this might be considered to imply a certain level of status, above that of a family who could not, or did not, inter their child with such items.

In general, the burials of children contain fewer grave goods and those of very small children often contain no grave goods (Lee 2008, 21). It is suggested that grave goods in child burials are a reflection of the position that children held within their families. Parents with surviving children who could inherit the status of their ancestors may not have felt the need to inter a dead child with the markers of social belonging whereas richly furnished child burials may mark the end of a chain of generations where the wealth represents what would have passed to this individual had they reached adulthood (Lee 2008, 24). If this is accurate then SK 5, who was buried with a variety of good quality items but nothing which suggested great wealth, might be considered to represent either the last or only child of a moderately wealthy family or one of several children, the remainder of whom must have outlived this child, of a much better off family. The problem with this conclusion is that certainty that the parents will produce no more offspring is required in order to identify that a child represents the end of a chain of generations and to therefore endow it with grave goods marking this situation. Exceptional circumstances would have to occur in order to gain such certainty. Furthermore, it is impossible to ascertain archaeologically whether or not a child was in that position. What the archaeological identification of grave goods (which due to the differential preservation of different materials must be considered to be different to the provision of grave goods) with this child demonstrates is that it came from a background that had the financial or material means to supply their deceased child with a variety of grave goods manufactured from materials that

Plate 9. Skeleton (SK) 5, Grave 5 F2055

Plate 10. Bone/antler gaming pieces (SF 55) from Grave 5 F2055

Plate 11. Bone/antler gaming pieces (SF 55) from Grave 5 F2055

28

The Burials

Plate 12. Amber bead (SF 15) from Grave 5 F2055

Plate 14. Iron bell (SF 18) from Grave 5 F2055

Plate 13. Biconical glass bead (SF 16.1; above) and iron firesteel with copper alloy suspension loop (SF 16.2; below) from Grave 5 F2055

Plate 15. Iron bell (SF 18) from Grave 5 F2055

Plate 16. Undecorated globular or baggy bowl (SF 63) in situ within Grave 5 F2055

29

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 6; Grave 6 F2053

Shape of Grave  Oval

SK 6; Grave 6 F2053  Plate 17; Fig. 13

Fill  L2054; Mid yellow brown loose sandy silt with occasional small sub-rounded to rounded stones and moderate small to medium flint

Age  c. 6-7 years Sex  -

Skeletal Position  Not observable due to incompleteness of skeleton

Stature  -

Bones Present  Skull, parts of long bones

Grave Dimensions  1.2 x 0.6 x 0.28m Orientation  E-W

Figure 13. Grave 6 F2053: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

expanded loop (W. 14mm). Traces of organic remains, of uncertain origin, were preserved on the upper face of the shears and some of the chain links. They included traces of spun threads, 0.5mm diameter, running diagonally across the blades of the shears, on both faces: no further details could be recorded. L. 136mm (Fig. 13; Plate 21)

SF 12  Copper alloy gilded pendant, probably part of horse harness, decorated with Style II zoomorphic chip-carved ornament. The gilding is worn off the top of the decoration and the settings are empty, otherwise complete. Axe shaped with beaked head rising from each corner and loop in middle of short side. Four rivets on back of plate. Length from top of loop to base of curve 37mm, width of rectangular edge 13mm, greatest width across from outer edge of each beaked head 35mm. Decoration: Each bird head consists of coiled beak and circular setting for eye, now empty, lacking original glass or garnet. Central setting also empty. Curved edge has zig-zag border, within this are two interlocking quadrupeds, each with backward facing heads, closed jaws interlaced with own body, also front and rear side view three clawed foot. Either side of central setting is a single figure of eight motif. Below the suspension loop is a pair of beasts, each with back-turned head with closed jaw and a single three-clawed foot. The animals are similar but each pair appears different because differently arranged. (Fig. 13; Plate 18)

SF 21.2  Fragmentary iron chatelaine, consisting of at least fifteen fragments of iron chain link, with one possible small girdle-ring, although no keys or latch-lifters were apparent. At least five chain-link connections are visible, suggesting that this may have been a lengthy item when extended, though may have been worn in a bag or similar when buried, as the whole was recovered from a single soil-block. Max L. of individual link 44mm. (Fig. 13; Plate 21)

Burial Description SK 6 (Fig. 13; Plate 17) was recovered from Grave 6 F2053, located c. 4m to the north-west of Grave 4 F2041 (SK 4) and at the very northern edge of the excavated area which had to be extended slightly to allow full excavation of the feature (Figs 5 & 6). F2053 was the smallest grave recorded at the site, measuring only 1.2m in length and seemingly just sufficient to contain SK 6, a child of 6 to 7 years of age. As was the case with SK 5 (Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12), preservation of the skeletal remains was poor and so only limited information was discernible.

SF 13  Opaque yellow glass bead, biconical. Diameter 9mm. Brugmann (2004): wound spiral, phase C. (Fig. 13; Plate 19) SF 14  Glass, opaque white bead with crossing red trails. Diameter 9mm. Brugmann (2004) ??Koch34 phase B2. (Fig. 13; Plate 20) SF 21.1  Complete pair of iron shears (except for one broken tip), found together with the chatelaine at the left waist of the skeleton. Slightly

30

The Burials The presence of a fragmentary iron chatelaine (SF 21.2; Fig. 13; Plate 21) gives the impression that this was a female child. Also present was a biconical yellow glass bead (SF 13; Fig. 13; Plate 19), a white bead with crossing red trails (SF 14; Fig. 13; Plate 20), and a gilded copperalloy pendant (SF 12; Fig. 13; Plate 18). This bore an intricate design and has parallels from a number of sites, including Sutton Hoo. It has been identified as a fitting/ decoration from a horse harness. Its craftsmanship and the gilding present on it suggest that it would have been a prized item and this might imply a level of status for the burial. The lack of any other identifiable elements of horse harness in this grave suggest that it may have been reused as a chatelaine item or a brooch, which is a rare phenomenon also observed in contemporary graves on the continent (Fern 2005, 46). This pendant may simply have been reused in this way because it was an attractive and expensive item but it might also have a deeper meaning. It has been suggested that the provision of horse harness as grave goods might be indicative of individuals of equestrian status (Fern 2005, 44; Geake 1997, 101) and it is not inconceivable that the reuse of elements of horse harness in female graves is related to this. Therefore, this item might, quite apart from the workmanship and material from which it was made, be an indicator of status.

Plate 18. Copper alloy gilded pendant (SF 12), probably part of horse harness, decorated with Style II zoomorphic chip-carved ornament, from Grave 6 F2053

A single sherd of pottery with a fabric consisting of a fine sandy matrix with moderate medium sub-rounded to subangular quartz and moderate to common burnt organics was found within this grave. It is possible that this is a token deposit, intended to represent a whole or complete pot in the grave, a practice which has been observed at Oakington, Cambridgeshire (Taylor, Duhig and Hines 1997, 66, 69-70 and 80).

Plate 19. Biconical bead in opaque yellow glass (SF 13) from Grave 6 F2053

Plate 20. Opaque white glass bead with crossing red trails (SF 14) from Grave 6 F2053

Plate 21. Complete pair of iron shears (SF 21.1; below), found together with the fragmentary iron chatelaine (SF21.2; above) in Grave 6 F2053

Plate 17. Skeleton (SK) 6. Grave 6 F2053

31

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 7; Grave 7 F2059

Orientation  E-W

SK 7; Grave 7 F2059  Plate 22; Fig. 14

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular Fill  L2060; Mid red brown friable silty sand with frequent flint and chalk

Age  c. 25-35 Sex  Probable Female Stature  1.63m

Skeletal Position  Supine extended. Right arm across lower ribs, left arm by side. Legs fully extended

Grave Dimensions  1.96 x 0.58 x 0.27m

Bones Present  Skeleton virtually complete

Figure 14. Grave 7 F2059: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

to support an interpretation as female. She was buried in a supine position with her legs completely extended. This is in slight contrast to most of the other adult females (SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11), SK 9b (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17), SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19)) identified at Exning, who were buried with their legs slightly flexed.

SF 17  Two iron fragments, both bent through ninety degrees (one at flat head, the other on the shaft). They do not appear to join, and are probably fragmentary nails. L. 36mm and 19mm (Fig. 14) SF 56  Cattle tooth, upper D4. (Fig. 14; Plate 23)

Burial Description

Only fragmentary possible nails (SF 17; Fig. 14), a cattle tooth (SF 56; Fig. 14; Plate 23), two small sherds of pottery and five pieces of struck flint were present in this grave. The pottery was probably intrusive, perhaps as a result of later ploughing, as it is of 10th to 12th century date and consisted of just two small sherds. The lack of grave goods might be consistent with Saxo-Norman period Christian funerary rites but the date of the dateable burials appear consistently c. 7th century suggesting that it is unlikely that the pottery is contemporary with the burial and that this burial cannot represent a significantly later addition to the cemetery.

Grave 7 F2059 (Fig. 14; Plate 22) was located towards the eastern end of the cemetery group (Figs. 5 & 6). It was positioned on a true west/east alignment with the head of the burial at the western end of the grave. The burial that it contained was that of a 25 to 35 year old probable female (Plate 22). Her skull displayed masculine traits, as did those of SK 9a, 9b (both Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17) and 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18), but her gracile body and the dimensions of her femoral head were considered sufficient

32

The Burials

Plate 22. Skeleton (SK) 7. Grave 7 F2059

Plate 23. Cattle tooth (SF 56) from Grave 7 F2059

33

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 8; Grave 8 F2061

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular

SK 8; Grave 8 F2061  Plate 24; Figs. 15 & 16

Fill  L2062; Mid red brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

Age  c. 10-12 years

Skeletal Position  Skull crushed and lying on left hand side. Remainder unobservable due to incompleteness of skeleton

Sex  Stature  -

Bones Present  Skull, left ulna, long bones of left leg and left foot, distal long bones of right leg

Grave Dimensions  1.95 x 0.95 x 0.34m Orientation  NE-SW

Figure 15. Grave 8 F2061: Grave plan and grave goods

34

The Burials

Figure 16. Grave 8 F2061: Grave goods

Grave goods

SF 26  Small iron fragment of square section; probable iron nail. L. 26mm. (Fig. 15)

Probable coffined burial (whose fixings are represented by SFs 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 34 & 35), with pendant and gold bead recovered from area of skull (SFs 57 & 58), as well as a knife (SF 33), shears (SF 32) and a complex assemblage, including the glass vessel (SF 29) and several other finds, which were either within it, or within a container with it. The shanks of SFs 22 & 23 were examined and proved to have been driven into the edge of a tangentially faced board, although not enough wood structure was preserved to allow species identification.

SF 27  Two small iron fragments of square/rectangular section, one with flattened head. Possibly an iron nail or other fixing. L. 31mm and 20mm. (Fig. 15) SF 28  Small iron fragment of rectangular section, tapering to point. Probable iron nail fragment. L. 39mm (Fig. 15) SF 34  Small iron fragment of square section; probable iron nail. Mineralised remains of wood were recorded at right angles to the shaft, although not enough structure was preserved to allow species identification (MF). L. 27mm. (Fig. 15)

SF 22  Two small iron fragments of square section; probable iron nail. L. 21mm and 15mm (Fig. 15) SF 23  Small iron fragment of square section; probable iron nail. L. 22mm. (Fig. 15)

SF 35  Iron fragments which refit to form one near-complete and one broken straight iron nail/fixing, both of rectangular section. Traces of organic remains of uncertain origin on surfaces. L. 79mm and 36mm. With other nails from this grave, possibly part of coffin or other grave container. (Fig. 15)

SF 24  Two small iron fragments of square section; probable iron nail. L. 29mm and 23mm. (Fig. 15) SF 25  Two small iron fragments of square section; probable iron nail. L. 19mm and 14mm. (Fig. 15)

SF 57  Gold pendant, oval, with cabochon garnet setting and ribbed suspension loop. Length of pendant 22mm, plus suspension loop 18mm,

35

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk SF 36.5  Lump of quartz, oval. L. 21mm. (Fig. 15)

width 13mm. Flat back with signs of wear, bent over rim and nicked to give appearance of beading. Suspension loop has central ridge between two grooves. Stone is dark, red when held to light. Convex, smooth regular surface with a few surface chips. Appears to be garnet rather than glass, no sign of bubbles and very smooth polished shape. (Fig. 16; Plate 25)

SF 36.6  Reddish brown flat-topped pyramid? Playing piece. ?Decayed ceramic- but laminated. Height 10mm. (Fig. 15) SF 36.7  Fossil? (Fig. 15)

SF 58  Gold biconical bead. Length 13.5mm, Diameter 6mm. Incomplete, rim missing from one end and probably from other. Original length c 16mm. Made from gold sheet with applied zig-zag gold beaded wire and plain gold band around middle. On each side a vertical beaded band forms a cross with the central band, alternating with opposed loops of zig-zags. Small piece of metal, possibly gold wire suspension, visible within the perforation at one end only. (Fig. 16; Plate 25)

SF 36.8  Complete antler or bone double pointed pin-beater, surviving in abraded condition with most of the surface detail now missing. Oval in section, tapering to sharp pointed terminals at either end. L. 76mm (Fig. 15; Plate 34) SF 36.9  Complete antler or bone double pointed pin-beater, surviving in abraded condition. Rectangular in section, tapering to sharp points at either end, with most of the surface detail now missing. L. 129mm (Fig. 16; Plate 35)

SF 33  Incomplete iron knife, the upper edge of the blade lightly curved throughout, the tang indented from the shoulder and tapering towards its terminal, which has fractured away. Heavily worn cutting edge, curved and sinuous, with the front part of the blade missing. At edge of the tang, there are remains of a horn handle, the grain on the same alignment as the blade. The edge of the handle runs across the blade and will have covered the choil and the first 4-5 mm of the blade. L. 72 mm. (Fig. 15; Plate 26)

SF 36.10  The lightly curved root section of a canine incisor, surviving in poor condition, with most of the surface detail missing, alongside the upper part of the tooth. L. 29mm. (Fig. 15; Plate 35) SF 36.11  Cowrie shell, probably Panther Cowrie.(Fig. 15; Plate 36)

SF 32  Fragmentary set of small iron shears. Two fragments join to form item with flattened loop (W. 13mm) and two arms of rectangular section (broken at different points). L. 92mm. No visible organics. (Fig. 15; Plate 27)

SF 36.12  Small fragment of gastropod shell, possibly Tibia spp shell of the Strombidae family (Indo-Pacific) but more likely to be a fragment of the same shell as SF 36.11. (Fig. 15; Plate 36) SF 36.13, SF 36.16  Very fragmentary remains of an iron and wood woolcomb. Three complete iron spikes, 88mm, 93mm and 93mm long, with fragments of approximately eight more (five with intact tips). Each has a rounded rectangular section, c. 4 mm thick, and three have remains of a crossways iron plate, 12-16mm from the base. Three fragments are twisted out of shape and some of the breaks do not appear to be recent (PWR & MF). A fragment of textile, 5 x 3mm, curls across the lower end of one fragment. This is woven in unbalanced tabby (not repp), approximately 20/?Z/0.4 x 16/Z/0.4mm per cm; fibre not identified. Further traces of the same were visible on one other spike. (Fig. 16)

SF 29  Glass vessel, palm cup. Complete translucent pale blue-green hemispherical bowl. Rim rolled outwards, to give a hollow tubular rim with a thickened folded rim below. The scar where blown vessel was detached from the pontil remains on the base. Glass metal is full of air bubbles. A small crack on the rim and several small scratches on the surface but otherwise very little sign of wear. Height 70mm, Diameter 124 mm. Evison group 57 (Fig. 15; Plates 28, 29 & 30) SF 36.1  Piece of blue glass. Flat, bright blue, translucent, transverse parallel streaks shading from darker to light. Slight curved rim on one edge, circular mark on other side. Both flat surfaces heavily scratched, crystalline inclusion at corner of one surface. Edges not worn, cut from larger object/piece and possibly smoothed. Four sided, not rectangle, no original edges, broken from larger piece. Greatest measurements 40mm x 30mm, thickness 6mm. The size and flatness of this glass suggest it could be a piece of window glass. Alternatively, the small piece of upturned curvature indicates instead that this could be part of the base of a large glass vessel, although the transverse streaks do not suggest a circular base. The diameter of the curvature might be approximately 5 cm. The deep blue colour is matched by globular glass vessels of late sixth/early seventh century date. A small piece of a vessel of this type was found at Exning in Grave 12. (Fig. 15; Plate 31)

SF 36.19  Iron buckle, previously corroded on to spikes. Simple rectangular sheet folded over to enclose the buckle loop, with complete iron pin still attached to upper plate. L 38mm. Marzinzik type II.19a. The nature of strap is uncertain, the space between the two parts of the buckle plate being filled with a creamy white material. There are traces of a fine textile, yarns 0.3-0.4mm diameter, flat against the back of the plate, possibly the same as on the iron spikes. (Fig. 16) SF 36.15  Small iron fragment of square section; probable iron nail. L. 29mm. (Fig. 16) SF 36.17  Unusual iron implement. Flattened iron handle (L. 69mm) narrows and thickens to join broken off but curving ?ring of circular cross-section (almost like a modern bottle-opener). Only 22mm of this head survives. Function uncertain. (Fig. 16)

SF 36.2  Two fragments of pale blue translucent glass, parts of body of glass vessel. Larger piece longest dimension 4 x 2cm, smaller 2 x 0.5cm. Bubbles in glass and faint trails on inner surface. No diagnostic rim or base details. These fragments could be part of a second palm cup but are not clearly identifiable. (Fig. 15; Plate 32)

SF 36.14  Scratched Roman coin; Antoninus Pius for Diva Faustina Obv. [DIV]A – [FAVSTINA], Bust to right defaced by chisel cuts. Rev. [AVGVST]A, S – [C] in field, Pietas standing left, sacrificing over altar. Sestertius VI 22.13g; 29mm. RIC III, p. 163, no 1127, Rome, after AD 141. Identification by A. Popescu, Fitzwilliam Museum. (Fig. 16; Plate 37)

SF 36.3  Glass, opaque turquoise Roman melon bead. Diameter 23mm. (Fig. 15; Plate 33) SF 36.4  Bone, decayed annular bead, diameter 19mm. (Fig. 15; Plate 33)

36

The Burials SF 36.18  Four fragments of thin copper alloy sheet. Two are tapering and rectangular (L. 29mm and 58mm), one with possible MPO; these could possibly be fragmentary tweezers. The other two join to form a fragment of a circular disc (L. 21mm, W. 12mm) - possibly part of a clipped coin? (Fig. 16- due to the fragmentary nature of these artefacts only one of the four fragments have been drawn)

of over 45 years, at King’s Hostel Garden, Cambridge (Dodwell et al 2004, 109) which was considered to have been included in the grave for amuletic purposes. By the 7th century the amuletic use of Roman artefacts was limited to women and children in inhumation cemeteries (White 1988, 165).

Burial Description

Other finds recovered from this grave may represent items of day to day use but which, nevertheless, were considered of suitable significance to form part of the suite of grave goods, perhaps as they conveyed aspects of the identity of the individual. These include fragments of an iron woolcomb (SF 36.13 & 36.16; Fig. 16), found within the palm cup. Woolcombs such as this have been recovered from wellfurnished female-gender burials elsewhere and, despite the possible functional nature of such items, it is considered to suggest that they were valuable items or indicators of social rank. Other items that may be considered to belong to this type of artefact are the two double-ended bone pinbeaters (SFs 36.8 and 36.9; Figs. 15 & 16; Plates 34 & 35), which although found in settlement contexts prior to this are only found in 7th century graves, and the iron buckle (SF 36.19; Fig. 16) found corroded to the teeth of the woolcomb and which, may have been associated with a bag. The presence of evidence for textiles in association with this buckle suggest that this may have been a cloth bag or that these items were placed in the grave in some kind of textile wrapping. If this is the case then these items would not have been visible at the time of burial and would not, therefore, have formed an immediately apparent part of the conjectured ‘burial tableau’.

SK 8 was a child of 10-12 years old. The grave (Grave 8 F2061; Fig. 15) within which these remains were interred was amongst the largest present at the site. It is thought that this is because the individual was buried in a coffin or a similar structure, based on the presence and distribution of a number of nails, and the large size of the grave was required in order to contain this. This individual was buried with the largest observed collection of grave goods at this site. Amongst these grave goods were a biconical gold bead (SF 57; Fig. 16; Plate 25) and a gold and garnet cabochon pendant (SF 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25). It appears that these came from the same necklace. Necklaces of this type are associated with high status women and it suggests that SK 8 was both female and of high status. A necklace comprising several pendants of this type was recorded with burial 1 at the small cemetery at Westfield Farm, Ely, Cambridgeshire (Lucy et al 2009). This burial also contained two palm cups of the same type as that recovered from Grave 8 F2061 (SF 29; Fig. 15; Plates 28, 29 & 30). The quantity of glass available in early and middle Anglo-Saxon England was low and there is evidence to suggest that glassworkers were making attempts to stretch raw materials as far as possible (Freestone et al 2008, 42). The provision of the palm cup in this grave, and perhaps also the fragment of blue glass (SF 36.1; Fig. 15; Plate 31) and the fragments of pale blue translucent glass (SF 36.2; Fig. 15; Plate 32) which potentially represent the remains of another palm cup, might therefore be considered to be a reflection of wealth or influence; Lucy et al (2009, 120) suggest that this is likely to be the case. There is a strong correlation between glass colour and vessel type, with deep colours closely associated with globular beakers (Broadley 2020). However, the form of the deep blue glass fragment from this grave suggests that it is more likely to be fragment of window glass. The panther cowrie shell (SF 36.11 & SF 36.12; Fig. 15; Plate 36) present with this burial, the ultimate origin of which is likely to have been the Red Sea, may also be considered to have been a high status item, due to its rarity and the distance over which it would have travelled to arrive in Exning. Its presence in this grave may simply be a reflection of the wealth and status of this child, or her family, but it may, either alternatively or additionally, have had apotropaic qualities or properties associated with and relating to femininity. Items such as the fragment of canine incisor (SF 36.10; Fig. 15; Plate 35), fossil (SF 36.7; Fig. 15) and scratched Roman coin (SF 36.14; Fig. 16; Plate 37) may also have had amuletic or apotropaic functions. The coin has parallels with a similar item, reused as a pendant, from grave 16, that of a woman

Plate 24. Skeleton (SK) 8. Grave 8 F2061

37

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Plate 25. Gold cabochon pendant with garnet inlay (SF 57; left) and gold biconical bead (SF 58; right) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 28. Pale blue-green glass palm cup (SF 29) from Grave 8 F2061. View from above.

Plate 26. Iron knife (SF 33) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 29. Pale blue-green glass palm cup (SF 29) from Grave 8 F2061. Side view

The artefactual assemblage recovered from this grave displays clear parallels with grave 1 at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al 2009). The Ely individual was a girl of a similar age to SK 8 and has been interpreted as being of very high status. In comparison, the grave goods present with SK 8 might be interpreted as indicating that the Exning girl was

Plate 27. Fragmentary set of small iron shears (SF 32) from Grave 8 F2061

38

The Burials

Plate 30. Palm cup (SF 29), cowrie shell (SF 36.11 & 36.12; to right), Roman coin (SF 36.14; far left), fragmentary iron woolcomb (SF 36.16/36.16; centre left) and bone pinbeaters (SF 36.8 & 36.9; also centre left) in situ within Grave 8 F2061

Plate 31. Piece of blue glass (SF 36.1) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 32. Fragments of pale blue translucent glass (SF 36.2), parts of the body of a glass vessel, perhaps similar to SF 29, recovered from Grave 8 F2061

of slightly lower status; her necklace was less elaborate, she was only interred with one palm cup (though a second may be represented by SF 36.2 (Plate 32)), and this appears to have been wrapped in fabric rather than placed in a box or casket. Notably though, the Ely girl did not have objects such as the cowrie shell (SF 36.11 & 36.12; Fig. 15; Plate 36), fragment of canine incisor (SF 36.10; Fig. 15; Plate 35), fossil (SF 36.7; Fig. 15), Roman coin (SF 36.14; Fig. 16; Plate 37), turquoise Roman melon bead (SF 36.3; Fig. 15; Plate 33), piece of quartz (SF 36.5; Fig. 15), or unusual flat-topped ceramic pyramid object (SF 36.6; Fig. 15), that were identified in the grave of SK 8 (Grave 8

F2061). Whether these objects represent a different level of status between the two burials is debatable but there may be some significance to the differences in the burial assemblages. A further difference between the two sites that suggests that the Ely burial was of greater status than the Exning girl is the arrangement of the burial ground. At Ely, grave 1 appears to have been placed at the centre of the burial ground with the other burials arranged around it and with 39

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk some patterning by age and gender (Lucy et al 2009, 129). This is not evident at Exning; SK 8 (Grave 8 F2061) lay towards the south-eastern extent of the area over which the burials occurred and certainly was not at the centre of this area. It also appears possible that the Ely burial may have been interred beneath a barrow (Lucy et al 2009, 129); there is no indication of this at Exning. Despite the clear differences between this burial and grave 1 at Ely, there are sufficient parallels to suggest that these two girls were of comparable status and were buried in a similar manner. It is particularly interesting that these two comparable and high status burials were recorded in locations associated with Saint Æthelthryth. The significance of this is, however, probably limited other than providing confirmation that there were wealthy and powerful populations at these two settlements in the Anglo-Saxon period.

Plate 35. Complete antler or bone double pointed pin-beater, surviving in abraded condition (SF 36.9), and the lightly curved root section of a canine incisor, surviving in poor condition, with most of the surface detail missing (SF 36.10) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 33. Opaque turquoise glass Roman melon bead (SF 36.3; left) and decayed bone bead (SF 36.4; right) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 36. Cowrie shell, probably Panther Cowrie, originating in the Red Sea (SF 36.11 & 36.12) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 34. Complete antler or bone double pointed pin-beater (SF 36.8) from Grave 8 F2061

Plate 37. Scratched Roman coin, a possible amuletic item, (SF 36.14) from Grave 8 F2061

40

The Burials Skeletons 9a & 9b; Grave 9 F2063 SK 9a; Grave 9 F2063  Plate 38; Fig. 17

SK 9b; Grave 9 F2063  Plate 38; Fig. 17

Age  >35 years

Age  c. 25-35 years

Sex  Female

Sex  Female

Stature  1.621m

Stature  1.63m

Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 1.05 x 0.22m

Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 1.05 x 0.22m

Orientation  E-W

Orientation  E-W

Shape of Grave  Sub-oval

Shape of Grave  Sub-oval

Fill  L2064;Light yellow brown loose silty clay with moderate small sub-rounded to sub-angular stones and occasional small flint

Fill  L2064;Light yellow brown loose silty clay with moderate small sub-rounded to sub-angular stones and occasional small flint

Skeletal Position  Supine extended. Skull lying on left side facing north. Right arm alongside body with hand on hip. Left arm interlinked with right arm of SK 9B with hand at waist. Legs extended

Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull lying on right side facing south. Right arm under left arm of SK 9A. Left arm alongside body with hand near hip. Both legs bent with knees to north

Bones Present  Skull, proximal vertebrae, long bones of left arm, right-hand-side ribs, right scapula, right arm complete, pelvic girdle and complete legs.

Bones Present  Complete, with the exception of sternum, right clavicle and scapula, distal phalanges

Figure 17. Grave 9 F2063: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

Burial Description

SF 40  Copper alloy safety pin brooch. In one piece when excavated, now broken in two pieces. Wire coiled once to make spring, bow flat narrow rectangle, catch right-angle strip at end of bow. Overall length 20mm, width bow 2mm. No decoration. (Fig. 17) SF 31  Glass, two biconical opaque green beads. Diameter 8mm. Brugmann (2004): wound spiral phase C. Silver wire ring, interlocking twisted spiral terminals. Diameter 24mm. (Fig. 17; Plates 39 & 40)

Grave 9 F2063 (Fig. 17; Plate 38) contained two individuals who were buried in close proximity to one another. They appear to have been interred at the same time, rather than one being a later addition to the grave, suggesting that they must have died at a similar time. The faces of the two individuals appear to have been turned towards one another but it is possible that this is the result of displacement and movement during the processes of putrefaction.

SF 30  Small iron fragment of square section; probable iron nail. L. 24mm. (Fig. 17)

The first of the two burials in this grave, SK 9a, was a female of over 35 years of age who would have been 1.621m or 41

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk skull which vary in shape, size and number from person to person (Nayak 2008), a trait that she shared with SK 9a. She was placed in the grave in a supine position with her legs slightly flexed and her knees to the left in a position similar to that in which SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11), SK 10 (Grave 10 F2079; Fig. 18) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19) were buried. Her right arm was overlain by the left arm of SK 9a and her face was turned towards that of SK 9a, giving the impression that she was looking back over her shoulder.

5’3” to 5’4” in stature. Skeletal analysis has shown that she had a number of non-metric traits, including Epipteric bones (a sutural bone present at the pterion or junction of the parietal, frontal, greater wing of the sphenoid, and squamous portion of the temporal bones; Farlex 2012) and metopism (persistence into adulthood of the metopic suture which usually closes during childhood). She displayed evidence for degenerative disease and osteoarthritis in her spine in addition to lesions associated with Schmorl’s nodes, which are indicators of stress or trauma. Degenerative disease was also noted in her right shoulder and left hip and she had suffered from maxillary sinusitis and tooth loss. She was buried in a supine position with her legs fully extended, her face turned towards the left, and her left arm bent at the elbow so that it overlay the right arm of SK 9b.

Most early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries contain examples of multiple burials although these are always in a minority. Multiple burials of just two individuals are by far the most common (Stoodley 2002, 121). Double burials tend to be found side by side, representing contemporaneous burial (Lucy 2000, 82), as SK 9a and SK 9b were. Consecutive multiple burial, representing the reopening of a grave, has been shown to be much less common (Stoodley 2002, 106). The most common combination in contemporary multiple burials is an adult with a child and this is often interpreted as a mother and child but examples where this cannot be the case are known (Lucy 2000, 82). In

SK 9b was a female of approximately 25 to 35 years of age. She was slightly taller than SK 9a, at 1.63m or approximately 5’4”. Skeletal analysis returned little of note about this individual other than that she had an ossicle at the lambda, a fairly rare trait which she shared with SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19), and displayed lamdoid wormian bones, small bones at the sutures of the

Plate 38. Skeletons (SK) 9a and 9b. Grave 9 F2063

42

The Burials cases where the two individuals are both adults, Stoodley (2002, 112) has noted that it is slightly more common for individuals of the opposite sex to be buried together but with single-sex multiple burials there are slightly more examples of two females. Male and female multiple burials are often interpreted as husband and wife while a familial relationship is usually suggested for same sex burials, although, as both Stoodley (2002, 117) and Hoggett (2010a, 96) indicate, if a male and female multiple can be interpreted as a husband and wife, a homosexual relationship cannot be ruled out in the case of same sex multiple burials. Shared characteristics, however, such as the lambdoid wormian bones and similarities in stature, may indicate that a familial relationship is more likely, although nearly 40% of skulls contain wormian bones in the vicinity of the lambdoid suture (Bergman et al 1988) suggesting that the trait may not be rare enough to be a reliable indicator of a direct familial relationship.

There are a number of possible explanations for multiple burials and the familial, marital, or other, relationship interpretation relies upon the acceptance that two people with such a relationship to one another died at the same time, which may be considered unusual. However, the burial of these two women together does indeed indicate that they died at the same approximate time and it is possible that this is the link between them, rather than any close relationship in life, although coming from the same community they would undoubtedly at least have known each other. Simultaneous deaths, like sudden deaths, may have been particularly feared and caused anxiety in the population (Clements 2018, 40). Stoodley (2002, 121) suggests that double burials represent a reaction aimed at preventing further deaths and that the multiple burial rite is comparable to the use of amulets as a method of dealing with situations which were out of the control of these communities.

Plate 39. Silver wire ring with interlocking twisted spiral terminals, part of a necklace (SF 31) from Grave 9 F2063

Plate 40. Beads which would have adorned the necklace formed by the silver wire ring (SF 31) from Grave 9 F2063 shown in Plate 37

43

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 10; Grave 10 F2069

Orientation  E-W

SK 10; Grave 10 F2069  Plate 41; Fig. 18

Shape of Grave  Sub-oval Fill  L2070; Black to mid red brown compact silty sand with occasional flint and very occasional small irregular stones

Age  c. 35-45 years Sex  Female Stature  1.621m

Skeletal Position  Slightly tilted to the right with left arm across abdomen and legs bent with knees to right

Grave Dimensions  1.89 x 0.76 x 0.32m

Bones Present  Skeleton substantially complete

Figure 18. Grave 10 F2069: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

west to east alignment. SK 10 represents a woman who died aged 35 to 45 and who was 1.621m or 5’3” to 5’4” in height.

SF 39  Large iron key, still attached to iron suspension ring. The ring is 33mm in diameter, and the key is 222mm long, with a one-sided, rather than T-shaped, key end. The key once had two projections, but one has broken off; the other survives to a length of 28mm but is also broken. Traces of organic remains of uncertain origin on surfaces. (Fig. 18; Plate 42)

She was buried in a supine position but was tilted slightly to the right, with her legs flexed and her knees to the right. This is a similar position to that in which SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11), SK 9b (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17), and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19) were all buried although these individuals were buried with their knees to the left. This could be read as indicating some kind of difference between SK 10 and these similarly laid out individuals but would probably be an over-interpretation.

SF 37  Fragmentary iron knife for which the entire blade survives, alongside part of the tang. The back edge curves lightly throughout to the tip of the blade and the cutting edge is straight and rises lightly to the sharply-pointed tip. Most of the tang is now missing. (Fig. 18; Plate 43)

SK 10 appears to have suffered from back problems. The neural arch of her fifth lumbar vertebra was detached; a condition known as spondylolysis which can cause reduced mobility and, over time, lead to more serious complications. Osteoarthritis was noted on her fifth and sixth cervical vertebrae. Osteoarthritis was also noted in her hip sockets. To some extent this may have been exacerbated by a femoral anteversion of the right femur.

SF 38  Chalk spindlewhorl. Plano-convex/carinated, Walton Rogers Form A1. Diameter: 31mm, height 14mm. Weight 17g (Fig. 18; Plate 44)

Burial Description SK 10 was found within Grave 10 F2069 (Fig. 18; Plate 41). This was one of the more northerly graves present within the excavated area (Figs. 5 & 6) and was positioned on a 44

The Burials This is a condition in which the femoral neck/head is twisted from its normal position. This is unlikely to have caused major problems in life although she may have been slightly pigeon-toed and it possibly contributed to the degenerative problems in her hips. SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073) also displayed a femoral anteversion; it is possible that this indicates a genetic link or family trait. SK 10 also appears to have suffered from maxillary sinusitis and displayed a possible trauma injury to her 11th rib.

likely to relate to the individual herself than it is to her rank or position in society. The other items that SK 10 was buried with, the knife (SF 37) and the spindlewhorl (SF 38), are utilitarian items that do not indicate great wealth and, at face value, simply indicate that she was buried with typical female items.

Grave goods present with SK 10 were a large iron key (SF 39; Fig. 18; Plate 42), a fragmentary iron knife (SF 37; Fig. 18; Plate 43), and a chalk spindlewhorl (SF 38; Fig. 18; Plate 44). In the Netherlands during this period, keys are considered to be associated with Christian influences and it is possible that the presence of the key in this grave has similar significance; however, it has been suggested that in Anglo-Saxon England, keys were primarily functional and secondarily indicative of a woman’s status as a housekeeper (Owen-Crocker 2004, 66). What this indicates about a woman’s status in wider society, for example if she was the head domestic servant in a household or the lady of the house, has been discussed in various sources without a satisfactory conclusion (Owen-Crocker 2004, 66). This suggests that, if the key is symbolic of anything, it is more

Plate 42. Large iron key (SF 39), still attached to its iron suspension ring, from Grave 10 F2069

Plate 43. Iron knife (SF 37) from Grave 10 F2069

Plate 44. Chalk spindlewhorl (SF 38) from Grave 10 F2069

Plate 41. Skeleton (SK) 10. Grave 10 F2069

45

The Burials Skeleton 11; Grave 11 F2073

Fill  L2074; Mid red brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

SK 11; Grave 11 F2073  Plate 45; Fig. 19

Skeletal Position  Body positioned slightly tilted on its life with skull facing towards right. Right arm placed over pelvis, left arm by side. Legs bent and turned to left

Age  c. 35-45 years Sex  Female

Bones Present  Skeleton substantially complete

Stature  1.634 Grave Dimensions  1.72 x 0.84 x 0.35m

Grave goods

Orientation  SW-NE Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular

No grave-goods recovered

with SK 9b (Grave 9 F2063), possibly indicating a familial link between the two as this may be a hereditary trait. Other notable skeletal traits include evidence for degenerative conditions on the spine, including osteophytes and Schmorl’s nodes and a benign, wart-like, tumour behind her ear. Perhaps most notably, this woman had suffered trauma to her pelvis and possibly to part of her spine. It does not appear that this was her cause of death as new bone growth is noted in fractured areas within the pelvis. The orientation of the grave, the trauma which she appears to have suffered, and the lack of grave goods present with this burial are all distinctive features of burial SK 11. It is possible that there is a link between all of these notable factors but equally it is possible that the occurrence of all of these factors in one grave is purely coincidental. Although the unique alignment and lack of grave-goods mark her difference, possible genetic or inherited traits shared with other individuals within the cemetery suggest that this individual was not a complete outsider.

Figure 19. Grave 11 F2073: Grave plan and grave goods

Burial Description Grave 11 F2073 was notable as it was the only such feature present at the site which was positioned on a south/north (head at the south, feet to the north) alignment. It contained SK 11, the remains of a woman of approximately 1.634m (5’4”) in height and 35 to 45 years of age (Fig. 19; Plate 45). The orientation of Grave F2073 potentially indicates that the woman buried therin was set apart from the rest of the community in some way. However, the position in which she was placed in the grave, slightly tilted to the left with her legs bent and her knees to the left, is the same as the position in which SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11) and SK 9b (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17) were buried and mirrors the position in which SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18) was buried. Similarities with SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069) extended to the fact that both were noted as having femoral anteversions, or unusually positioned femoral heads. It was also noted that SK 11 had an ossicle, a small extra bone, at the lambda, the point on the skull at which the two parietal bones and the occipital bone converge. This was a trait that she shared

Plate 45. Skeleton (SK) 11. Grave 11 F2073

47

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 12; Grave 12 F2075

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular

SK 12; Grave 12 F2075  Plate 46; Fig. 20

Fill  L2076; Light yellow brown loose silty clay with moderate small to medium sub-rounded to sub-angular stones

Age  c. 10-11 years

Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull disturbed and positioned above upper chest. Right arm bent across abdomen. Left arm parallel to body, hand near hip. Legs extended

Sex  Stature  -

Bones Present  Skeleton near complete with the exception of several vertebrae, sternum and the majority of hands

Grave Dimensions  1.4 x 0.45 x 0.25m Orientation  SE-NW

Figure 20. Grave 12 F2075: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

SF 44.1  Spindle-whorl - plano-convex, pale reddish brown ?poorly fired clay. D. Walton Rogers Form A2. 30mm Ht. 7mm. Combined weight with SF44.2 43g (Fig. 20; Plate 49)

SF 41  Copper alloy bracelet. Thick wire bent into circle with loop and hook terminals. Bent out of complete circle. Diameter ring varies between 83 mm and 90mm, diameter wire 3mm. Small copper alloy ring threaded on larger one, diameter 15mm. (Fig. 20; Plate 47)

SF 44.2  Spindle-whorl - discoidal , grey ??composite- partly reused ceramic but possibly mended with clay?? D. Walton Rogers Form B1. 32mm, Ht. 15mm. Combined weight with SF44.1 43g (Fig. 20; Plate 49)

SF 59  Five small iron fragments, which seem to refit as a small incomplete iron knife, with possibly angled back and straight cutting edge. The tang is broken, but tapers from the shoulder. L. 62mm. W. 14mm. Th. 4.5mm. (Fig. 20– due to the poor condition of this material only two of the fragments have been drawn)

SF 44.3  Glass vessel fragment, translucent blue, self-coloured trails, part of globular beaker. (Fig. 20; Plate 49)

Burial Description Grave 12 F2075 contained the burial of a child of 10 to 11 years of age (Fig. 20; Plate 46). It is likely that this child, SK 12, was female, based on the character of the grave goods that were present. These included two spindlewhorls

SF 42  Complete iron key, with attachment loop in situ but broken, passing through upper loop at end of rectangular-sectioned shaft. Key is one-sided, rather than T-shaped, with two complete projections surviving to a length of 27mm. Overall L. 125mm. (Fig. 20; Plate 48)

48

The Burials possible that this represents an act of care or veneration, rather than representing something more sinister such as grave robbing or a representation of folk beliefs associated with laying a revenant to rest, as such occurrences are sometimes interpreted (Mason 2015, 44-48). The right arm was bent across the abdomen and the left arm lay parallel to the body, hand near hip. This burial position is not like that of the majority of the adult women represented at this site, perhaps suggesting that like certain modes of dress (Martin 2016), different burial positions were appropriate for different feminine age groups. The grave was positioned on an east to west alignment, with the child positioned within it with her head at the western end and her feet at the eastern end. This, like the presence of the key, is potentially an expression of Christian beliefs.

(SFs 44.1 and 44.2; Fig. 20; Plate 49) and fragments from a small iron knife (SF 59). In addition, there was a complete iron key (SF 42; Fig. 20; Plate 48) which, in an adult grave, might be considered to be representative of a woman’s role as housekeeper (Owen-Crocker 2004, 66). It is unlikely that a child of 10 to 11 years of age would have had a functional role as a housekeeper or was the chief domestic servant although there are circumstances in which she may have been the lady of the household. Despite mortality patterns at this time being quite different from now, it may still be considered slightly out of the ordinary that the mother of a child of this age would have died leaving her 10/11 year old daughter as the senior female in the family; on the basis of the extended AngloSaxon kinship structure, with a broad network of real and fictive kin relations, as described by Shepherd (1999), this role is arguably more likely to have been filled by a member of the extended family or through remarriage. Therefore, this key might have been interred with the child to represent an aspired or prospective memory of her future as the head of a household (c.f. Williams 2006, 41) or it may have had a Christian association as such items are considered to have in graves from this period in the Netherlands (Owen-Crocker 2004, 66). The final identified item was a fragment of blue glass (SF 44.3; Fig. 20; Plate 49) which came from a globular vessel; it is possible that this was considered to have amuletic qualities. The child was laid out in the grave in a supine extended position. The skull appeared to have been disturbed and re-positioned above the upper chest, perhaps suggesting that the grave had been opened again after burial. It is

Plate 47. Copper alloy bracelet (SF 41) from Grave 12 F2075

Plate 48. Complete iron key (SF 42) from Grave 12 F2075

Plate 49. Ceramic spindlewhorls (SFs 44.1 & 44.2; left and centre) and translucent blue glass vessel fragment (SF 44.3; right) from Grave 12 F2075

Plate 46. Skeleton (SK) 12. Grave 12 F2075

49

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 13; Grave 13 F2077

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular to oval

SK 13; Grave 13 F2077  Plate 50; Fig. 21

Fill  L2078; Black to mid red brown friable silty sand with small irregular stones, particularly in an apparent lens immediately above the skeleton

Age  c. 7 years Sex  -

Skeletal Position  Lying partially on left side, right arm slightly bent at elbow and positioned partially across body, left arm straight and parallel to body

Stature  Grave Dimensions  1.5 x 0.54 x 0.4m

Bones Present  Skull, clavicles and upper parts of scapulae, long bones of arms, pelvis, long bones of legs

Orientation  E-W

Figure 21. Grave 13 F2077: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

sided grave (Grave 13 F2077) that at 1.5m in length appears to have been of considerable size for a child of this age and which, at 0.4m in depth, was one of the deepest graves recorded at this site. The body was positioned lying partially on its left side with its right arm positioned across the lower torso and its legs in an extended position. Within the fill of the grave (L2078) a lens of small stones, which were also observed in less concentrated quantities throughout the remainder of the fill, was identified immediately above the skeleton. This suggests that at the time of burial, a layer of these stones was deliberately placed over the body.

SF 43  Copper alloy gilded disc, originally part of horse harness. Central setting of white hemisphere, possibly half of opaque glass bead, with central hole now empty possibly originally set with coloured glass or garnet. Gilding extends over collar for central setting. Main surface occupied by zone of Style II three-strand chip-carved zoomorphic interlace. The design is difficult to unravel, but there is one clear zoomorphic element, a forked terminal, possibly a jaw. One plaited serpent-like creature or a pair may be represented, cf. drawing by Speake of Caenby disc (Speake 1980 fig. 10g). There is a border of transverse grooves. Four rivet holes, one with surviving copper alloy rivet, cut through decoration, suggest reuse as decorative fitting for box. Back of disc has small fragment of metal sheet, probably cu alloy, close to rivet hole opposite surviving rivet. This rivet hole is slightly split, the metal sheet could be remnant of repair or of original attachment to bridle strap. Diameter 33mm. Thickness of rivet c. 2mm. (Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52).

SK 13 was buried with a copper alloy gilded disc (SF 43; Fig. 21; Plate 51) that appears to have been re-used as a pendant (Plate 52). This disc is a fitting from a horse harness and, like that found with SK 6 (Grave 6 F2053; SF 12; Fig. 13; Plate 18), might be indicative of an individual of equestrian status (Fern 2005, 44; Geake 1997, 101). An alternative explanation might be found in the similarities in age of the two individuals found with horse harness fittings. Both SK 6 and SK 13 were approximately 7 years of age, perhaps suggesting that the provision of such items is age-related. However, no such items were found with SK 3 (Grave 3 F2039; Fig. 10) who was also of this approximate age. The disc from Grave 13 F2077 itself is closely paralleled by discs found with the burial in Mound 17 at Sutton Hoo. Sutton Hoo Mound 17 contained the intact inhumation of a high status individual or ‘prince’ accompanied, in a separate grave, by his horse (Hummler

SF 46  Iron object ‘found in hand’. Now in 19 small fragments and impossible to reconstruct; curvature might suggest an iron ring or similar. Max L. of fragments 29mm. Poorly preserved organic remains on the surface lack a grain or obvious linear structure, suggesting they may be leather. Also present, a triangular iron fragment, resembling the tip of a knife, and human finger bone. (Fig. 21– due to the extremely small size of two of the fragments from this find, only 17 of them have been drawn)

Burial Description SK 13 is that of a child of approximately 7 years of age (Fig. 21; Plate 50). This individual was laid in a vertical50

The Burials and Carver 2004). Along with a very rich assemblage of other grave goods, the ‘prince’, rather than his horse, was equipped with a bridle from which the gilt copperalloy discs, which are comparable to that found with SK 13, came (Hummler and Roe 1996, 49). This might be interpreted as indicating that the bridle itself was part of the accoutrements of a high status individual, rather than just being considered to be part of the equipment required for riding a horse. By extension, the presence of a bridle fitting in the grave of SK 13 might indicate that this child was, while clearly not of the same status as the individual represented in Sutton Hoo Mound 17, perhaps in some way associated with that stratum of society.

Plate 51. Copper alloy gilded disc (SF 43), originally part of a horse harness, found in Grave 13 F2077

Plate 50. Skeleton (SK) 13. Grave 13 F2077

Plate 52. Copper alloy gilded disc (SF 43) in situ within Grave 13 F2077

51

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 14; Grave 14 F2079

Orientation  SE-NW

SK 14; Grave 14 F2079  Plate 53; Fig. 22

Shape of Grave  Sub-oval to sub-rectangular Fill  L2080; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional chalk pieces and occasional sub-angular flint

Age  >35 years Sex  Male Stature  1.743m

Skeletal Position  Supine. Hands over pelvis. Legs slightly bent at knees and crossed at ankles

Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 0.65 x 0.45m

Bones Present  -

Figure 22. Grave 14 F2079: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

the burial which was placed in a supine position and who would have been just over 5’8” in height, although his legs were slightly bent. It was a notably deep grave, measuring 0.45m in depth.

SF 45  Complete iron knife, the back edge straight and level before curving over the front part towards the front of the blade, the cutting edge sinuous and rising to the rounded tip. Rounded shoulder and choil leading to the tang, which tapers to a flat lateral terminal. Traces on the tang are possibly the remains of a horn handle. (Fig. 22; Plate 54)

In terms of grave goods, this grave contained only an iron knife (SF 45; Fig. 22; Plate 54), with evidence for the remains of a horn handle. One explanation for the lack of grave goods might be that this individual lacked the wealth or status to be buried with a large assemblage of grave goods of the types and materials that would survive in the prevailing burial conditions. He certainly appears to have lived a hard life with stable isotope analysis indicating that he suffered nutritional stress aged between 5 and 9, evidence for maxillary sinusitis in both of his sinuses, degenerative changes, osteoarthritis, and stress-related lesions (Schmorl’s nodes) in his spine, and degenerative changes also noted in his left thumb and both hip joints. Evidence for hard physical activity or stress is not necessarily an indicator of low status.

Burial Description Grave 14 F2079 was located close to the approximate centre of the cluster of graves that were recorded within the excavated area. It contained the remains of a man of over 35 years of age (Fig. 22; Plate 53). The grave was positioned on an east to west alignment with the burial’s head to the west and feet to the east. The grave was vertical-sided and flat-based and displayed the rounded-end form common to most of the graves at this site. It was sufficiently long to comfortably contain

52

The Burials

Plate 53. Skeleton (SK) 14. Grave 14 F2079

Plate 54. Iron knife (SF 45) from Grave 14 F2079

53

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 15; Grave 15 F2081

Orientation  SW-NE

SK 15; Grave 15 F2081  Plate 55; Fig. 23

Shape of Grave  Oval Fill  L2082; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

Age  c. 25-30 years Sex  Male Stature  1.789m

Skeletal Position  Supine. Right arm bent across ribs, left arm bent across pelvis. Legs bent at knees and crossed at ankles

Grave Dimensions  1.8 x 0.75 x 0.28m

Bones Present  Skull, long bones, pelvis. Torso absent

Figure 23. Grave 15 F2081: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

and evidence for two periods of nutritional distress between the ages of 6 and 10, identified through stable isotope analysis, indicate poor health in this individual.

SF 60  Sheep/goat tooth - upper M1 or M2 (Fig. 23; Plate 56)

Burial Description

The only grave goods recorded with this individual comprised an upper 1st or 2nd molar from a sheep or goat (SF 60; Fig. 23; Plate 56) which was recovered from the chest area. This, in combination with the lack of bones from the upper torso, might be notable. The absence of these bones might be due to preservation conditions or other taphonomic factors, but it seems unusual that only these bones are missing. It is possible that this part of the body was disturbed during reopening of the grave for the removal, or robbing, of grave goods that were present. In this scenario, it might be anticipated that the sheep/goat molar was deliberately placed in this area as some kind of propitiatory offering or amulet. However, if this grave had been robbed it would perhaps have been more likely that the disturbed bones would have been scattered throughout the grave fill and that there would have been evidence for

SK 15 was interred in a grave (Grave 15 F2081; Plate 55; Fig. 23) a short distance to the south of that in which SK 14 (Grave 14 F2079; Figs. 5 & 22) was buried. SK 15 was a male of 25 to 30 years and 5’10” (1.789m) in height. He was buried in a grave that was only just long enough (1.8m) to contain a man of his stature. This is possibly why he was buried with his legs bent and his head lifted into an unnatural upright position with his chin almost resting on where his chest should have been had the bones of his upper torso not been missing. This individual appears to have been in much better health than his near neighbour to the north. Only an unusually curved right ulna, possibly indicating a childhood fracture 54

The Burials a robber trench or similar cut. There is a growing body of evidence that suggests that those who buried their dead in early Anglo-Saxon period cemeteries exposed corpses for some time, or only temporarily covered their graves, in the first stage of a drawn-out ritual process that could include deliberate post-mortem manipulation. One of the main forms of evidence for this, as may be represented here, is disturbance of the skeleton in antiquity (Mason 2015, 49). It may even be the case that the missing elements of this skeleton were deliberately removed in order to maintain

links with the ancestors, as is sometimes considered to be the motivation behind the curation of human remains in prehistoric contexts, or an act of veneration, as is observed with the relics of medieval saints (Mason 2015). Indeed, it is understood that St Æthelthryth herself was subject to a form of post-burial interaction when, 16 years after her death, the decision was taken to translate her remains from a simple wooden coffin in the churchyard to a location inside the abbey church itself, within a white marble coffin obtained from the Roman fort near Grantchester (Devlin 2015, 63).

Plate 56. Sheep/goat upper first or second molar (SF 60) from Grave 15 F2081

Plate 55. Skeleton (SK) 15. Grave 15 F2081

55

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 16; Grave 16 F2083

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular

SK 16; Grave 16 F2083  Plate 57; Fig. 24

Fill  L2084; Grey brown friable silty sand with very occasional small well-rounded flint

Age  c. 25-30 years

Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull upright and turned to right. Right arm alongside body. Left arm slightly bent at elbow across pelvis. Legs extended

Sex  Male Stature  1.74m

Bones Present  Skull, left clavicle, scapulae, proximal and distal vertebrae, long bones, ilium/ischium (sacrum absent) proximal bones of hands and feet

Grave Dimensions  1.71 x 0.62 x 0.2m Orientation  SW-NE

Figure 24. Grave 16 F2083: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

1.74m (5’ 8.5”) but was buried in a grave that was only 1.71m in length. It appears that this was the reason for him being buried in a supine extended position but with his head tilted forward into an upright position, with his chin on his chest, and turned to the right. There are a number of possible reasons for SK 16 being interred in a grave that was too small (perhaps the body was not available to the grave diggers for reference; perhaps it was originally intended to bury him in a crouched position, although the width of the grave would suggest otherwise), none of which can be categorically proven on the basis of the available evidence.

SF 48  Copper alloy buckle. D-shaped loop, rectangular plate, copper alloy sheet folded over loop. Traces of iron tongue. Double incised lines around edges of one side of plate. Two copper alloy rivets, one in each corner of folded plate. No trace of leather or textile belt. Overall length 32mm, width of plate 15mm, width loop 23mm. (Fig. 24; Plate 58) SF 47  Complete iron knife, the back edge of the blade lightly curved throughout and descending to the rounded tip, the cutting edge sinuous and rising at its end to the tip. Distinct shoulder and choil with an indented tang tapering evenly to its terminal. Traces of horn on both faces of the tang, the grain on the same alignment as the blade. L. 142mm. (Fig. 24; Plate 59)

He displayed few pathologies. These were limited to evidence for degenerative conditions in the cervical spine and a possible infection of the palate. It is possible that this infection led to septicaemia and is a potential cause of death although it is impossible to prove this for certain.

SF 61  Small fragment of copper alloy sheet. L. 16mm. (Fig. 24)

Burial Description Grave 16 F2083 contained the remains of a c.25-30 year old male (Fig. 24; Plate 57). SK 16 would have been 56

The Burials Grave goods consisted of a copper alloy buckle (SF 48; Fig. 24; Plate 58), an iron knife with the remains of a horn handle (SF 47; Fig. 24; Plate 59), and a fragment of copper alloy sheet (SF 61; Fig. 24). The buckle has been identified as being of Marzinzik type II.19b. Buckles of this type are common in graves of 7th century date in eastern England although they have a fairly long currency, with a date range of 5th to 7th century AD. The position in which this was found indicates that it was worn at the centre of the waist representing a buckled belt, fastening either tunic or trousers. The assemblage of grave goods is not particularly indicative of wealth

or high status, perhaps suggesting that this was not a particularly high ranking member of the community. However, while costume-related grave goods, such as the buckle and knife present in this grave, continued to be deposited in ‘Final Phase’ burials there is a notable drop-off in other equipment (Hoggett 2010a, 105; n.b. the use of the term ‘Final Phase’ in this source does not necessarily correspond directly with Hines and Bayliss’ (2013) Phases AS-FE and AS-MF). It is possible, therefore, that this represents a burial of this kind of date and, by extension, could indicate that the more richlyfurnished burials in this cemetery are earlier in date.

Plate 58. Copper alloy buckle (SF 48) from Grave 16 F2083

Plate 57. Skeleton (SK) 16. Grave 16 F2083

Plate 59. Iron knife (SF 47) from Grave 16 F2083

57

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 17; Grave 17 F2085

Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular

SK 17; Grave 17 F2085  Plate 60; Figs. 25 & 26

Fill  L2086; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

Age  c. 16-17 years

Skeletal Position  Supine extended. Right arm by side of body left arm bent at elbow across torso. Legs projecting slightly to right and crossed just above ankles

Sex  Male Stature  1.752m

Bones Present  Skull, long bones of arms, proximal bones of left hand, distal vertebrae, pelvis, long bones of legs, majority of foot bones

Grave Dimensions  1.93 x 0.65 x 0.45m Orientation  NE-SW

Figure 25. Grave 17 F2085: Grave plan and grave goods

58

The Burials Grave goods

SF 50c  Copper alloy V-shaped chape, formed from bent half-cylinder of copper-alloy sheet. Pairs of rivet holes at each end with two rivets still in place. Transverse line above rivet on one side. Length of sides of V 34mm, across 25mm. (Fig. 25; Plate 65)

SF 49  Iron spearhead. Blade slightly curved, no visible angles, complete apart from small broken piece on one edge and pieces of surface flaked off. Traces of replaced textile or leather on both surfaces, wrapping or sheath. Split socket, which is incomplete. Inside the socket there are remains of a roundwood shaft, identified as ash, Fraxinus excelsior L. (SA). Bag labelled EXG 101 2086 50 Sword frags Spear frags. Pieces of iron and replaced organic material, flaked off spear, remains of wrappings/sheath? Small bag with fragments of wood from spear socket. Overall length 570mm, probably originally longer as socket is broken. Length of blade 480mm. Greatest width 70mm. Hoilund-Nielsen type SP1-a5, lanceolate, long. (Fig. 25; Plates 61 & 62)

SF 50a  Iron seax with traces of ?horn hilt on tang and ?leather on blade from sheath. Copper alloy fittings of sheath. Blade complete, tang broken at end. No pommel. Blade has slightly curved back. Overall length 330mm, blade 250mm, tang 80mm. Blade width at tang 39mm. Remains of horn present on both faces of tang, extending over choil and 4 mm on to blade: grain of horn runs on same alignment as blade. (Fig. 25; Plates 63 & 64)

SF 50d  Three pieces of copper alloy decorative strips and a small flake of copper alloy sheet. Copper alloy sheet cut to form L-shape. Two copper alloy rivets in place at corner, one attached to small square copper alloy washer. Two further small rivet holes where short strip forms an angle. Decorated with beaded line around edges ?punched and zig-zag lines along longer piece, curved lines across corner of shorter piece. Longer side 49mm, from corner to other end 30mm. width where both borders survive at corner, 12mm. Length of rivet between strip and washer: c6mm. Bent strip, length across curve 44mm, strip slightly splayed, width 8-9mm. Traces decoration one end. Short decorated strip, 22mm one edge, 14mm on other side. Width 9mm. Decorated with same border and zig-zag pattern as largest piece. Four detached samples of thread, 7-12 mm long, in association with copper-alloy fittings. Three are off-white, Z-spun, 0.60.8 mm diameter, with kinks that suggest use in stitching. The fibres are 11-16 microns wide, with a clear central lumen, well-spaced nodes, ‘kneejoint’ nodes and well-spaces cross-markings; the drying-twist test gave consistent clockwise rotation; some fibres are still in pairs, but most are processed down to the ‘ultimates’. This is well-preserved flax, although the fraying at fibre ends suggests considerable wear. A fourth thread is darker brown and made up of a bundle of Z-spun yarns similar to the above, but it has been treated with a thick layer of consolidant. (Fig. 26; Plate 65)

SF 50b  Thirty small copper alloy pins, with round heads, complete examples have shaft bent in right angle. One pin is attached to iron and bone fragment. Length of pin from head to angle: 7-8mm. (Fig. 25)

SF 50e  Four dome-headed rivets. Domes have incised double-line cross and serrated edge. Diameter 13mm, length from top of dome to end of shaft 15mm. (Fig. 26; Plate 65)

SF 62  Small iron fragment, possibly the tang and shoulder junction of a small iron knife. L. 34mm. (Fig. 25) The grave-goods listed as 50a–f are an iron seax complete with decorated scabbard.

Figure 26. Grave 17 F2085: Grave goods

59

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk appears to have had poor dental health as carious lesions were noted. Stable isotope analysis indicates that this individual suffered possible nutritional distress between the ages of 3 and 6 but this appears to be fairly common amongst the population represented at Exning and may not have been unusual amongst the wider population (Härke 1992b, 154). Radiocarbon dating of a sample of bone from this burial has returned a date in the mid to late 7th century.

SF 50f.  Four fragments of copper alloy sheet, all with either rivet holes or rivets visible. Probably part of same object as 3c/d. Max L. 27mm (Fig. 26)

Burial Description Grave 17 F2085 was positioned on a north-east to southwest alignment, with the head of the burial, SK 17, to the south-west and the feet to the north-east (Fig. 25; Plate 60). It was mostly cut into the backfill of undated Ditch F2071. At 1.93m in length and 0.45m in depth it was amongst the larger graves recorded at the site. It was also, along with Grave 20 F2091 (SK 20; Fig. 29) the most westerly grave in the cemetery; burial activity appears not to have occurred any further to the west (Fig. 5).

SK 17 was buried with a spear (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plates 61 & 62) and a seax (SF 50a-f; Figs. 25-26; Plates 63-65). The spearhead (the shaft had presumably decayed) displayed a large leaf-shaped blade of a type which is predominantly associated with a 7th century date, consistent with the radiocarbon date for the burial. Its overall length was 570mm, and may have been longer as the socket is broken, with the blade portion measuring 480mm in length and the widest part measuring 70mm. This makes it one of the largest known Anglo-Saxon spears. However, the socket, even when intact, would have been proportionately short in comparison to the rest of the spearhead and therefore probably weak and the spearhead itself would have been unwieldy and impractical to use and very likely to break, suggesting that it was never intended to be used in battle and only had a ceremonial or symbolic purpose. Prior to the 7th century at least, the size of spearhead interred with an individual was related to age at death, but the symbolic meaning of weapon burials appears to have changed in the 7th century (Härke 1992b, 164).

The burial that it contained (SK 17) was that of a 16 to 17 year old male. At 1.752m, or almost 5’9”, in stature, he was of comparable height to the other adult males in this cemetery group despite his relatively young age. He was buried in a supine extended position with his legs projecting slightly to the right and his right leg slightly bent so that the left crossed it just above the ankle. His left arm was bent across his chest and his right arm was parallel to his torso and bent upwards, seemingly to hold the spear (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plate 62) that he was interred with. Indeed, the whole posture of the body creates the impression that, had he been stood upright, this young man would have been in a relaxed position, leaning on the shaft of his spear. No major pathologies or nonmetric traits were noted on the skeleton although he

At the left waist of SK 17 (Plates 60 & 64) was a seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plate 63) within its sheath (SF 50b-f; Figs. 25-26; Plates 64 & 65). Unlike spearheads, which could be present in the graves of males of any age, seaxes were limited to the graves of older adult males prior to the 7th century (Härke 1992b, 156). The presence of a seax in this grave may, therefore, be seen as an expression of the changes in the culture and meanings of furnished, especially weapon, burials that occurred during the 7th century. Indeed, it has been noted that the spear (SF 49) and seax sheath (SF 50b-f) indicate a date at the end of the period of furnished burial and unusually late for a furnished male Anglo-Saxon grave. The seax (SF 50a) itself, however, is typologically earlier than its sheath. This might indicate a longer currency of use for this type of seax than

Plate 60. Skeleton (SK) 17. Grave 17 F2085

Plate 61. Spearhead SF 49 from Grave 17 F2085

60

The Burials has previously been considered but it might also indicate that this particular object was already an ‘antique’ by the time it came to be used in this man’s grave; it has been noted that the Anglo-Saxons were inveterate collectors of old or interesting objects (Williams 1993, 97) so the retention of an object such as this over several generations as an heirloom seems plausible. It is possible that this item was interred with this individual because it had a specific meaning to him or, alternatively, this ‘antique’ item and the unusually late date for a furnished male grave might have been part of a burial tableau that was deliberately intended to evoke the past. Weapon burial peaked in the first half to middle of the 6th century, sometime before SK 17 was buried, but this was a period when there was a marked reduction in Anglo-Saxon military activity (Härke 2004). At its peak, weapon burial appears to have been linked to greater wealth (Härke 2004) but at the time that SK 17 was interred, the seax continued to be a symbol of status (Härke 2004).

Plate 63. Iron seax (SF 50a) from Grave 17 F2085

Plate 64. Iron seax (SF 50a) and copper alloy elements of its sheath/scabbard (SF 50b-f) in situ in Grave 17 F2085

Plate 62. Iron spearhead (SF 49) in situ within Grave 17 F2085

Plate 65. Copper alloy fittings (SF 50b-f) from the sheath/ scabbard associated with seax SF 50a from Grave 17 F2085

61

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 18; Grave 18 F2089

Fill  L2090; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular to sub-rounded stones

SK 18; Grave 18 F2089  Plate 66; Fig. 27

Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull facing forward. Right arm by side. Left arm bent at elbow across pelvis. Legs extended and aligned slightly to right.

Age  c. 17-18 years Sex  Male

Bones Present  Skull, clavicles, scapulae, long bones of both arms, carpals, metacarpals and phalanges of right hand, phalanges of left hand, sternum, upper right ribs, vertebral column, ilia/Ischia (sacrum absent), long bones of legs, patellae, tarsals, metatarsals, phalanges

Stature  1.737m Grave Dimensions  1.75 x 0.65 x 0.26m Orientation  NE-SW Shape of Grave  Oval

Figure 27. Grave 18 F2089: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

with his chin on his chest, much like SKs 15 (Grave 15 F2081; Fig. 23) and 16 (Grave 16 F2083; Fig. 24). Whether this represents a deliberate rite or distinctive part of the burial tableau or is simply the result of the underestimation of the required grave size is open to debate.

SF 51  Incomplete iron knife, with a straight and level back of the blade, angled down over the front part towards the tip, the cutting edge straight throughout. Tang is now separate from the blade and tapers from the shoulder to a flat lateral terminal. Ginger-coloured organic remains on both faces of blade probably represent the sheath. Remains of Z-spun threads, approximately 0.8 mm diameter, run along the blade back. Some of these form the U-shapes typical of stitching in leather seams (approximately 3 stitches per cm). L. 114mm. (Fig. 27; Plate 67)

No pathologies were noted but it was observed that SK 18 (Fig. 27) had notably large medial ends to his clavicles, as did SK 1 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8). This might be a shared familial trait but could alternatively simply indicate welldeveloped musculature in this area.

Burial Description

Grave goods were limited to an incomplete iron knife (SF 51; Fig. 27; Plate 67) which was found with gingercoloured organic material representing the leather sheath and evidence for stitching at the seams. The position that this was found in indicates that it was worn horizontally at the front waist which is a recognised, but perhaps slightly less common, position for this to be carried.

Grave 18 F2089 contained the remains of a male of 17-18 years of age (SK 18; Fig. 27; Plate 66). He would have had a stature of 1.737m (slightly over 5’8”) and his grave, which measured 1.75 x 0.65 x 0.26m, was only slightly big enough to contain him. This is likely to be the reason that he was buried with his head tilted forward in to an upright position 62

The Burials

Plate 66. Skeleton (SK) 18. Grave 18 F2089

Plate 67. Iron knife (SF 51) from Grave 18 F2089

63

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 19; Grave 19 F2087

Shape of Grave  Oval

SK 19; Grave 19 F2087  Plate 68; Fig. 28

Fill  L2088; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

Age  c. 15 years

Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull lying on left side facing south. Upper arms by side of body, bent at elbow with hands clasped at chest. Legs extended

Sex  Stature  -

Bones Present  Skull, proximal and distal vertebrae, clavicles, long bones of arms, upper left ribs, pelvis longbones of legs, tarsals of left foot

Grave Dimensions  1.55 x 0.55 x 0.17m Orientation  SW-NE

Figure 28. Grave 19 F2087: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods SF 52  Incomplete iron knife, the back edge lightly curved throughout and descending towards the tip of the blade, which has fractured away. Curved, sinuous and heavily worn cutting edge with a rounded choil. Stepped shoulder leads to a slightly sinuous, broad tang, which has a flat lateral terminal. L. 68mm. (Fig. 28; Plate 69)

Burial Description SK 19 (Fig. 28; Plate 68) was an older juvenile of approximately 15 years of age. The skeleton displayed no clear indicators on which an assessment of sex could be made. Stable isotope analysis indicates that this individual had a poor diet with a decreasing trophic-level towards the age of death. This is potentially an indicator of low status, contrasting with what is considered to be a high status cemetery. Härke (1992b, 154), however, states that the risk of famine and illness in childhood appears to have been the same for all Anglo-Saxon males, regardless of societal rank or status and it is notable that many of the skeletons subject to stable isotope analysis from the Exning cemetery display evidence for such conditions. The burial was found lying in a supine extended position with the skull lying on its left side, facing south.

Plate 68. Skeleton (SK) 19. Grave 19 F2087

64

The Burials Grave goods consisted solely of an incomplete iron knife (SF 52; Fig. 28; Plate 69). It is possible that this is representative of the shift towards the provision of only dress accessories as grave goods in what Hoggett (2010a, 105) terms ‘Final Phase’ burials. This might suggest that this is amongst the later burials in the cemetery, although it cannot be completely ruled out that this is simply the burial of a lower status individual.

Plate 69. Iron knife (SF 52) from Grave 19 F2087

65

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Skeleton 20; Grave 20 F2091

Fill  L2092; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and sub-rounded stones

SK 20 F2091  Plate 70; Fig. 29

Skeletal Position  Crouched, lying on left hand side. Arms folded toward chest. Legs bent at knees and tucked up underneath body with right femur crossing left ankle

Age  c. 18-20 years Sex  Male

Bones Present  Skull, right clavicle and scapula, thoracic and lumbar vertebrae, ribs, long bones of arms, left metacarpals, pelvis, proximal section of left femur and distal section of left fibula, long bones of right leg, left tarsals and metatarsals, right metatarsals

Stature  1.759m Grave Dimensions  1.78 x 0.7 x 0.19m Orientation  SW-NE Shape of Grave  Sub-oval

Figure 29. Grave 20 F2091: Grave plan and grave goods

Grave goods

and at 1.78m in length it was only just long enough to contain the 1.759m (5’9”) individual. While the crouched position in which he was buried might carry specific meaning, perhaps marking him as somehow different to the rest of the community or maybe indicating that the concept of rebirth played an important role in his religious beliefs (Reynolds 2009, 64), it might alternatively have been an expedient measure for fitting this individual into a grave that was only just big enough.

SF 54  Iron buckle, complete with buckle-plate, loop and pin (the latter having broken off). Mineralised remains of a leather strap, over 2 mm thick, are preserved inside the belt plate. (PWR). Long rectangular tapering buckle-plate, bent over (but fractured) through the simple oval buckle-loop. Max L. of buckle-plate 100mm; max W. of loop 32mm. The iron pin is attached at the tapered end of the plate, surviving to a length of 90mm. Marzinzik type II.16 (Fig. 29; Plate 71)

Little information about his life was discernible from skeletal analysis although it was evident that he had suffered from enamel hypoplasia at around 6 years of age. Grave goods recovered from this grave comprised an iron buckle (SF 54; Fig. 29; Plate 71), worn at the waist, and a near complete iron knife (SF53; Fig. 29) which was carried in a vertical position, slightly unusually, at the right waist. These items might be considered to be dress accessories and the lack of any other grave goods might therefore indicate that this can be regarded as a ‘Final Phase’ burial (Hoggett 2010a, 105).

SF 53  Near complete iron knife, lacking the front part of the blade. Back edge is curved throughout and descends to the tip, which is now missing. Cutting edge is almost straight but slightly sinuous, with a distinct choil leading to a broad and short tang. L. 116mm. (Fig. 29)

Burial Description Grave 20 F2091 was the most north-westerly of the graves recorded within the cemetery. It contained SK 20, the remains of an 18 to 20 year old male (Fig. 29; Plate 70). The grave was very shallow, measuring only 0.19m in depth, 66

The Burials

Plate 71. Iron buckle (SF 54) from Grave 20 F2091

Plate 70. Skeleton (SK) 20. Grave 20 F2091

67

6 Cemetery layout There appeared to be no clear or coherent pattern to the distribution of the graves. They were not arranged into distinct lines or regular groups although some appeared to form loose clusters and some irregular, and therefore seemingly not deliberate, lines of graves can be discerned in the layout of the cemetery (Fig. 5). A similarly random pattern of grave distribution was observed at the AngloSaxon cemetery at nearby Burwell, although some of the graves at this Cambridgeshire site were arranged in to much more distinct groups or clusters (Lethbridge 1927, fig. 1). Lethbridge (1927) suggested that this layout was associated with each grave being covered with a small barrow that had long since been ploughed out. Pennanular ditches observed in conjunction with graves and the disposition of adjacent burials indicates that some of the graves at the Buttermarket site in Ipswich were covered with a small mound (Scull 2001, 67). It is possible that this is the cause of the comparable pattern of graves at Exning but no evidence for penannular ditches or sources of material from which any such barrows might have been constructed has been identified. Furthermore, examples of penannular ditches surrounding graves, such as those at Orsett, Essex, which were c. 9m in diameter (Hedges and Buckley 1985, fig. 3), suggest that the spacing of the majority of Exning graves is too close for any such embellishment to have existed. The Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Westfield Farm, Ely, which was broadly contemporary with the Exning cemetery, displayed a similar arrangement of graves, loosely and randomly spaced, placed on varying orientations, and not uniformly organised into distinct rows or groups (Newman 2007, fig. 4). In contrast, some cemeteries of this period display more uniformity of layout; at the 5th to 7th cemetery recorded at St Edmunds church, Dartford, Kent the graves were generally set out in rows, on south/north or west/east axes (O’Brien 2006). The arrangement of the burials at the current site suggested that the cemetery is likely to have continued to the north, beyond the limits of the excavated area and possibly under or beyond Burwell Road.

grave on top of another; graves of this period have been recorded with single-post markers (Lucy 2000, 102) and at some Anglo-Saxon cemeteries stones appear to have been used to mark the positions of cremations (Welch 1992, 69). However, no evidence of such markers was identified during excavation; this suggests that either such items were not used or that they comprised objects which rested only on the ground surface, leaving no archaeological trace, or that the mounding of excavated soil over the grave following burial was sufficient. In contrast to the current site, there appears to have been a greater degree of intercutting at larger cemeteries, such as that at St Edmunds church, Dartford (O’Brien 2006), Edix Hill, Cambridgeshire (Malim and Hines 1998), or at Great Chesterford, Essex (Evison 1994b). While the greater number of burials at these larger sites might have led to an increased probability that earlier graves would be disturbed as fresh ones were dug, the span of time over which these cemeteries were in use, in all three cases from the 5th to 7th centuries, makes it more likely that earlier graves would become less visible over time, through the decay, degrading, or removal of grave markers or the resettling of the overlying soil. Despite this, even at these larger Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, the degree of intercutting is minimal (for example there were 161 inhumations at Great Chesterford and 7 instances of intercutting (Evison 1994b, fig. 2)) and nowhere near the extent of that observed in some medieval and post-medieval cemeteries or churchyards.

In terms of age and sex distributions some patterning was evident (Fig. 6). Males were more prevalent to the west and females to the east. The exception to this was Grave 1 F2037, which contained a male (SK 1), and was the most easterly of the graves. Eight of the graves were those of juveniles and these were mostly found in proximity to the female graves. It was notable that there was no intercutting of graves at Exning; this was also observed at the similarly sized cemeteries at Westfield Farm (Newman 2007, fig. 4) and Burwell (Lethbridge 1927, fig. 1). This was possibly achieved through the use of markers to avoid placing one 69

7 Grave orientation The majority of graves were aligned broadly west to east, with the head at the western end and the feet at the eastern end (Table 3; Graph 3; Figs. 5 & 6). There was some variation to this with Grave 3 F2039 (Fig. 10), Grave 5 F2055 (Fig. 12), Grave 16 F2083 (Fig. 24), and Grave 18 F2089 (Fig. 27) positioned on distinct southwest (head) to north-east (feet) alignments and some others aligned slightly off a true west to east alignment. In most cases there is probably limited significance to this and it may simply represent accidental misalignment during the original creation of the grave. It has, however, been suggested that slight variations in west to east grave alignments may be due to seasonal differences in the position of the sun (Hawkes 1976) or alignment with prominent features within the cemetery, such as paths, walls or previous graves (Rahtz 1978). These suggestions have led to the further suggestion that these factors might produce chronological patterns, with broadly contemporary burials arranged in rows or groups but, as at Spong Hill, North Elmham, Norfolk (Hills et al 1984, 6) the number of burials at Exning is probably insufficient for any such pattern to be detectable.

It has been argued that west/east orientations indicate the survival of Romano-British Christian communities concerned with the Resurrection or the continuation of standard late Roman burial practices, either from Britain or Gaul (O’Brien 2006). There is limited further clear indication of Christian attitudes amongst the evidence from the site but it is certainly possible that Christian and/ or late Roman modes of behaviour were passed down to, or adopted by, the Anglo-Saxon period population. In either instance, this might be considered to be suggestive of existing cultural practice having been adopted by an incoming Anglo-Saxon population, something that WardPerkins (2000, 514) states happened only very rarely. The date, however, of these burials is likely to indicate, despite the lack of any overtly Christian paraphernalia amongst them, that they represent an early Christian or Christianinfluenced population. Only one grave, Grave 11 F2073 (Fig. 19), deviated noticeably from the general west/east trend; this was aligned with the head to the south and the feet to the north. Graves on this orientation, common in Scandinavia and east of the Rhine, may reflect the Norse ‘long walk’ to Niflheim (Mistworld), the world of the dead (Young 1954). The majority of burials of this date are aligned west to east (Taylor 2001, 138), although Anglo-Saxon graves show a variety of orientations with west to east and south to north being widespread (Filmer-Sankey and Pestell 2001, 246; Williams 1998, 97). This difference in alignment might indicate that the individual represented in Grave 11, a woman of 35-45 years of age, was originally from a differing, possibly Scandinavian, background and buried according to rites different to those according to which the other individuals represented here were buried. This impression might be considered to be reinforced by the lack of grave goods accompanying this burial. The results of the stable isotope analysis would, however, suggest that there is little evidence for any of this population having originated outside of the British Isles. Pottery of 9th to 12th century date was recovered from this grave, perhaps indicating that Grave 11 F2073 was a later insertion into the cemetery and therefore buried differently to the earlier inhumations. However, this later pottery probably derived from later manuring of the site, after the cemetery went out of use, and is therefore intrusive. Furthermore, if this pottery is truly indicative of the date of Grave 11 F2073 it is unlikely that she would have been buried on such an alignment at a time when the influence of the Christian church would have been prevalent.

The broad trend towards west to east alignment, and variations thereof, would therefore appear to be the normative alignment in this cemetery. Filmer-Sankey and Pestell (2001, 246) assert that it is evident that orientation had some importance as most Anglo-Saxon cemeteries have bodies buried on either east/west or north/south alignments, rather than at all angles of the compass. They further assert (ibid.) that in East Anglia east/west aligned graves are almost universal. At Snape, only east to west aligned graves were present but Filmer-Sankey and Pestell (2001) do not distinguish between east/west and west/ east aligned graves and some of the bodies at Snape were positioned with their heads to the east; a similar pattern is observed at Spong Hill where the majority of burials are on a broadly east/west alignment but occasional burials are positioned with their heads to the east (Hills et al 1984, fig. 2). This is in notable contrast to Exning and may be suggestive of differing rites or belief systems and the chronological differences between these sites. The Westgarth Gardens cemetery in Bury St Edmunds appears to have been similar to Exning in terms of alignment, with all of the burials positioned with their heads towards the western end of the graves (West 1988, 7, figs. 4 and 5). This cemetery contained burials of 5th to 7th century date (ibid.), covering similar time periods to the Snape (Filmer-Sankey and Pestell 2001) and Spong Hill (Hills et al 1984) cemeteries, and therefore indicating that the positioning of the head at the western end of the grave is not associated with the date of a burial and must be due to other factors.

The range of different grave orientations observed at Exning was notably limited in comparison to sites such as St Edmunds Church, Dartford (O’Brien 2006), the Great 71

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Table 3. Grave alignment: deviation from West/East alignment Skeleton

Grave

Deviation from West/East alignment

1

  1 F2037

330°

2

  2 F2035

23°

3

  3 F2039

325°

4

  4 F2041

335°

5

  5 F2055

313°

6

  6 F2053

0°

7

  7 F2059

0°

8

  8 F2061

342°

9a&b

  9 F2063

0°

10

10 F2069

0°

11

11 F2073

270°

12

12 F2075

0°

13

13 F2077

0°

14

14 F2079

0°

15

15 F2081

335°

16

16 F2083

305°

17

17 F2085

335°

18

18 F2089

305°

19

19 F2087

19°

20

20 F2091

350°

have been a link between social inclusion (or exclusion, in the case of these executed individuals) and burial alignment (Buckberry and Hadley 2007). The Westfield Farm site is considered to be a high status cemetery, as has been suggested for Exning, perhaps suggesting that, just as wide variation in burial alignment is an indicator of social exclusion, uniformity of burial alignment is an indicator of social rank.

Chesterford Anglo-Saxon cemetery (Evison 1994b, fig 8.), the King’s Garden Hostel site in Cambridge (Dodwell et al 2004), or Edix Hill, Cambs (Malim and Hines 1998, fig. 3.3), and appears more similar to that recorded at the cemetery at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al 2009). At the execution cemetery at Walkington Wold, East Yorkshire an even greater variety of burial alignments than at any of these sites has been recorded; it appears that there may

Graph 3. Orientation of burials represented by position of the head. Length of line represents total number of individuals in each orientation

72

8 Grave structures and morphology Construction and dimensions of graves

Amongst adults, it appears initially that there is very little correlation between osteologically assessed stature and grave size; indeed, some of the shorter individuals appear to have been interred in larger graves than those in which the tallest members of the group were buried (Graph 4).

The graves were mostly sub-rectangular in plan with rounded corners and ends; some veered towards an oval shape and Grave 17 F2085 (SK17; Fig. 25) was almost perfectly rectangular (Figs. 8-29). In section, the majority had very steep, vertical, or near vertical sides. Notable exceptions to this were Grave 1 F2037 (SK 1; Fig. 8), Grave 2 F2039 (SK 2; Fig. 9), Grave 4 F2041 (SK 4; Fig. 11), and Grave 5 F2055 (SK 5; Fig. 12), all of which displayed gently sloping sides and were, in general, much more irregular in section than the other graves. Indeed, the regularity in profile of the graves appeared to increase towards the west.

However, when it is considered that those shorter individuals buried in longer graves are female, some patterning begins to emerge. Indeed, the only other grave that reached the same length of 1.96m as that of the notably tall SK 1 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8) was that of a woman (SK 7; Grave 7 F2059; Fig. 14) who would have been 1.63m in stature and whose grave was substantially larger than was required. This is in contrast to males SK 15 (Grave 15 F2081; Fig. 23), SK 16 (Grave 16 F2083; Fig. 24), and SK 18 (Grave 18 F2089; Fig. 27) who were all interred in graves only slightly longer than their own statures and who were positioned in these graves with their heads tilted forwards. It is interesting to note that the average grave length for women was 1.87m, 0.04m longer than the average grave length for men, which was 1.83m. The average stature for women at Exning is 1.615m while the average stature for men is 1.764m. Women were

There was a general correlation between age and grave dimensions with, in most cases, children’s graves being smaller than those of adult graves and the tallest individual, SK 1 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8), being interred in one of two graves measuring 1.96m, the maximum grave length recorded (Table 4). This is reflected in the fact that the average adult grave length was 1.849m and the average length of children’s graves was 1.518m. Table 4. Grave size in comparison to age, stature and sex Grave

Skeleton

Dimensions of Grave

Age

Stature

Sex

1 F2037

1

1.96 x 0.84 x 0.22m

25-30yrs

1.832m

M

2 F2035

2

1.65 x 0.86 x 0.36m

8-10yrs

-

-

3 F2039

3

1.25 x 0.5 x 0.2m

6-7yrs

-

-

4 F2041

4

1.84 x 0.84 x 0.25m

25-35yrs

1.553m

F

5 F2055

5

1.65 x 0.8 x 0.3m

c. 2yrs

-

-

6 F2053

6

1.2 x0.6 x 0.28m

6-7yrs

-

-

7 F2059

7

1.96 x 0.58 x 0.27m

25-35yrs

1.63m

F

8 F2061

8

1.95 x 0.95 x 0.34m

10-12

-

Probable F

>35yrs

1.621m

F

9 F2063

9a 9b

1.9 x 1.05 x 0.22m

25-35yrs

1.63m

F

10 F2069

10

1.89 x 0.76 x 0.32m

35-45yrs

1.621

F

11 F2073

11

1.72 x 0.84 x 0.35m

35-45yrs

1.634

F

12 F2075

12

1.4 x 0.45 x 0.25m

10-11yrs

-

-

13 F2077

13

1.5 x 0.54 x 0.4m

7yrs

-

-

14 F2079

14

1.9 x 0.65 x 0.45m

>35yrs

1.743

M

15 F2081

15

1.8 x 0.75 x 0.28m

25-30yrs

1.789

M

16 F2083

16

1.71 x 0.62 x 0.2m

25-30yrs

1.74

M

17 F2085

17

1.93 x 0.65 x 0.45m

16-17yrs

1.752

M

18 F2089

18

1.75 x 0.65 x 0.26m

17-18yrs

1.737

M

19 F2087

19

1.55 x 0.55 x 0.17m

15yrs

-

-

20 F2091

20

1.78 x 0.7 x 0.19m

18-20yrs

1.759

M

73

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Graph 4. Grave length versus Stature in adult burials at Exning

therefore, on average, being supplied with graves which were far larger than was required to contain individuals of their stature. The differences in average stature compared to average grave length are illustrated in Graph 5. It is possible that these differences are because room was allowed for extra objects within women’s graves, which, if such items were included, must have been perishable items which have not survived in the burial environment. Extra room may also have been allowed in female graves so that those carrying out the rite could step into the grave to arrange the clothing of the deceased woman. Alternatively, it might indicate that women were buried with more reverence or care than men, something possibly suggested by the burial of SK 16 in a grave that was not long enough for him, or according to different rites. Either way, this suggests clear differences between the burial of men and the burial of women.

Grave 8 F2061, containing SK 8 (Fig. 15), measured 1.95m in length yet this was the grave of a, probably female, child of 10 to 12 years of age and who clearly, in terms of her own stature, would not have required such a large grave. This feature stands out amongst the children’s graves at Exning as being particularly large (Graph 6). Grave 8 F2061, however, was an elaborate burial and the presence and arrangement of nails in the grave suggests that this individual may have been interred in a coffin; it may have been this which necessitated the large size of the grave. Overall, however, there appears to be no correlation between age and the size of children’s graves. When grave size is plotted against the mean value in years based on the skeletal age assessment of these individuals it can be seen that grave length varies from individual to individual, irrespective of age (Graph 6); for example, the grave of a 2 year old (SK 5; Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12) was comparable

Graph 5. Comparisons of average adult grave lengths with average adult statures for male and female burials at Exning

74

Grave structures and morphology

Graph 6. Grave length in comparison to age of children within the Exning cemetery

in size to the possibly coffined burial of an 8 to 10 year old (SK 2; Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9).

some of which did have mineralised wood adhering to them, and other fittings are representative of such burial containers. Nails found either side of the head of SK 2 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9) were identified as possible coffin nails. These items displayed some evidence for wood adhering to them, indicating that they were placed into the burial environment as constituent parts of some larger, wood-built, object and were not apotropaic or amuletic objects as some of the nails recovered from graves at St Edmunds church, Dartford have been interpreted as being (O’Brien 2006). At least nine objects from Grave 8 F2061 (SFs 22-28, 34, 35; Fig. 15) have been identified as nails, bearing traces of wood and other organic material. It appears most likely that these are from a coffin and are not representative of a bed-burial as has been erroneously reported in publicity material associated with this site; there are no cleats, staples or head-stays, which characterise the remains of beds in this period. The positions in which these nails were found within the grave would, however, be consistent with them forming some kind of container for the body (Fig. 15).

It has been suggested that children were accorded different burial rites to adults (Lucy 1994) perhaps receiving a swifter burial in a small, shallow and rapidly-dug grave (Crawford 1999). While the rites may have been different to the adults, there is no indication that the children represented at Exning were buried in shallow and rapidly-dug graves and this is emphatically not the case for SK 8 (Grave 8 F2061; Fig. 15). The depths of the children’s graves displayed a similar range to those of the adults, with the shallowest being 0.17m deep (Grave 19 F2087; SK 19; Fig. 28) and the deepest 0.4m deep (Grave 13 F2077; SK 13; Fig. 21). In contrast, the shallowest adult grave (Grave 20 F2091; SK 20; Fig. 29) measured 0.19m in depth and the deepest (Grave 14 F2079; SK 14 (Fig. 22) and Grave 17 F2085; SK 17 (Fig. 25)) were 0.45m at their deepest points. It is possible that the shallower graves are representative of an urgent need and therefore rapid excavation but there is nothing conclusive to prove this. Depth of grave certainly does not appear to be an indicator of social status as all of the shallowest graves contained small finds/grave goods, if such items can be considered to be an indicator of status.

It was only Grave 2 F2035 (Fig. 9) and Grave 8 F2061 (Fig. 15) that displayed even the slightest evidence for coffins. All of the other burials appear to have been deposited directly into the grave and there was no evidence for shrouds or body wrappings. However, it has been noted that even in the 11th century, loosely pegged trays, boards under or over the body, or even two planks resting against one another like a pitched roof, could be used as alternatives to coffins (Bateman 1997, 116-117); it has been suggested that similar arrangements could have been used in the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Snape (FilmerSankey & Pestell 2001, 240). Planks overlying bodies were recorded in association with the Anglo-Saxon cemeteries at King Harry Lane in St Albans, Mucking in Essex, and Empingham in Rutland (Taylor 2001, 147). Therefore, it is not unreasonable to suggest that their use also occurred at Exning but, as they are unlikely to have required metal

The widest grave was Grave 9 F2063 (Fig. 17). This grave was 1.05m wide and this width was required because the grave contained two individuals. Similarly, Grave 8 F2061 (SK 8; Fig. 15), which was 0.95m wide, appears to have been created to these proportions in order to accommodate the coffin that the burial is thought to have been interred within. SK 2 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9) is also thought to have been buried in a coffin (see below) and this may account for the 0.86m width of this grave. Coffins and other grave furniture There was little evidence for coffins in the form of large extents of surviving wood or soil discolouration but nails, 75

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk fittings or joints, were not archaeologically recognisable. A similar wooden covering has been postulated for the male chambered-burial at Shrubland Hall Quarry (Penn 2011), but this appears to have incorporated metal fittings and so must have been more elaborate than anything that may have been used at Exning. It appears that the Anglo-Saxon community at Exning were practising clothed burial, as indicated by the presence of buckles, other fastenings, and surviving fabrics. It is possible that the individuals were buried in their best clothes or in costumes indicating status or their rank or role in society (Owen-Crocker 2004, 6). Dressed corpses and their grave goods would have been carefully arranged and prominently visible within graves, rather than being hidden from view with a shroud or coffin (O’Brien 2006).

76

9 Burial position Although poor skeletal preservation hampered identification in the cases of three of the children’s graves, body position was observable for the majority of the burials. Burial position has been analysed according to Malim and Hines (1998) and is demonstrated in Table 5 and Figs. 8-29. It should be noted that bodies were not necessarily identified during excavation in the exact positions in which

they were originally laid out in the grave due to the effects of backfilling of the grave, natural settling of the disturbed ground, and, especially pertinent in the cases of coffined burials, movement due to the processes of putrefaction and decomposition. For similar reasons, dress accessories and grave goods were not necessarily found in their original positions. On the whole, however, the positions of the

Table 5. Burial positions Grave 1 F2037

Skeleton

Sex

1

M

Leg position Arm position Details A

1/2

Left hand over abdomen

2 F2035

2

-

A

1

3 F2039

3

-

?C

U

4 F2041

4

F

B

3

5 F2055

5

-

U

U

6 F2053

6

-

?A

U

7 F2059

7

F

A

3

8 F2061

8

Probable F

U

U

9 F2063

9a

F

A

2

Left arm overlying the right arm of SK 9b

9 F2063

9b

F

B

1

Right arm overlain by the left arm of SK 9a

10 F2069

10

F

C

2

Left arm across abdomen

11 F2073

11

F

B

3

Right hand on abdomen

Right hand over abdomen, left arm splayed out to left and bent elbow with hand adjacent to hip

12 F2075

12

-

A

3

13 F2077

13

-

A

1

Right arm lying partially on hip

14 F2079

14

M

D

1

Legs crossed at ankles. Hands placed at abdomen

15 F2081

15

M

D

4

Knees bent, legs drawn up slightly and crossed at ankles. Right hand on chest, left hand on abdomen

16 F2083

16

M

A

1

17 F2085

17

M

D

4

Legs bent slightly towards right and crossed at ankles. Right arm appears flexed in order to hold seax in upright position adjacent to head, left arm lying across chest in direction of seax.

18 F2089

18

M

A

2

Left arm across abdomen

19 F2087

19

-

A

4

Hands clasped at neck

20 F2091

20

M

B

4

Crouched, lying on left hand side. Arms folded toward chest. Legs bent at knees and tucked up underneath body with right femur crossing left ankle

U indicates position unknown. All burials supine unless otherwise noted.

Key to body positions

77

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk skeletons and the associated small finds are representative of the ways in which the bodies and these other items were placed into the graves.

while the remaining four adult females were recorded in positions A3, A2, B1 and C2 respectively. The data suggests that, in this cemetery at least, leg position D and arm position 4 were distinctly male positions. Three of the seven males were identified in position D (42.85%; SK 14 (Grave 14 F2079; Fig. 22), SK 15 (Grave 15 F2081; Fig. 23), and SK 17 (Grave 17 F2085; Fig. 25)) and three were identified in arm position 4 (42.85%; SKs 15, 17 and 20 (Figs. 24, 25 & 29)). Only two of the seven males (28.57%) were identified in what might, therefore, be considered to be the distinctly masculine D4 position; interestingly one of these was SK 17 (Grave 17 F2085 Fig. 25) which was the only individual in the cemetery to have been interred with weapons (SF 49 and SF 50a-f; Figs. 25 & 26; Plates 61-65). This position was, however, just as common among males as position A1 (Graph 7). Similarly, leg position B and arm position 3 might be considered to be distinctly feminine positions. Three women (50%; SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11), SK 9b (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19)) were identified with their legs position in B and three (50%; SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11), SK 7 (Grave 7 F2059; Fig. 14) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19)) were identified with their arms in position 3. However, as with the male burials, only two women (33.33%; SKs 4 and 11) were buried in position B3, a combination of these apparently distinctly femine positions. Position B3 was the most common position amongst females (Graph 7). There is some contrast here between other cemeteries that have been assessed in this way. At St Edmund’s Church, Dartford (O’Brien 2006), no women were recorded in position B3 and only 1 male (4.7%) was recorded in position D4, although 5 males (23.8%) were recorded in the equally common, at Exning, A1 position. Position A1 was also the most common (31.25%) position for women at Dartford (O’Brien 2006).

Based on these data, leg position A, straight and extended, is the most common within the cemetery; 47.6% of the individuals present were laid out in this way. This proportion falls to 42.8% when only males are considered and 33.33% when only females are considered; all but one (SK 3) of the unsexed individuals whose burial position was assessable were found with their legs in position A. Another 42.8% of males were found with their legs in postion D, crossed, usually at the ankle; a single male, SK 20, was found in a position other than A or D and this was the sole crouched burial in the cemetery. The most common leg position (50%) amongst females was position B, flexed with the knees pointing towards the left; one individual (16.66%) was found in the similar but opposite (knees towards the right) position C. Arm position amongst males was split almost equally (42.85% each) between positions 1, straight and by the sides of the body, and position 4, arms crossed across the torso. Only one male individual (SK 18; Grave 18 F2089; Fig. 27) was recorded with arms in position 2 although the arms of SK 1 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8) may be considered to be approaching that position. There appeared to be some direct correlation between arm and leg position with two of the three individuals with their legs in position D with arms in position 4 and those with their legs in position A tended to have their arms in positions 1 or 2. Position 3 (50%) was the most common arm position amongst females followed by position 2 (33.33%) and postion 1 (16.66%). There was no direct correlation between arm and leg position; two individuals (SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19)) were recorded in position B3

Graph 7. Summary of burial positions

78

Burial position At Edix Hill, Barrington, Cambridgeshire (Malim and Hines 1998), where the marginally most common position for women (20%) was position A2, only two females (6.66%) were recorded in position B3. None of the males at Barrington were recorded in position D4; the most common position for males (35.7%) here was position A1 (Malim and Hines 1998). This would suggest that the trends observed at Exning are either anomalies caused by the small size of the sample or that they represent burial traditions peculiar to this settlement/population and/or the immediately surrounding area.

burial positions represent the continuation of Iron Age and Romano-British burial traditions into the AngloSaxon period or that it represents an ethnic ‘indicator’, marking a ‘British’ individual buried amongst an AngloSaxon population (Faull 1977, 5, 8-9) although such interpretations have fallen out of favour. Crouched burial has been considered to represent a form of ‘deviant’ burial but in fact is a widespread, if exceptional, rite in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries (Reynolds 2009, 62-63); it appears most likely to simply be one of the alternative rites which could be used (Lucy 2000, 80). At the King’s Garden Hostel cemetery in Cambridge (Dodwell et al 2004), crouched burial appears to be a rite associated with the burial of children. In response to Lucy’s (2000, 80) observation that crouched inhumation is the dominant rite in some cemeteries, Reynolds (2009, 64) suggests that this might indicate a community whose religious practices involved a concept of rebirth, the crouched position having obvious implications relating to the foetus. Religious concern with rebirth would not be alien to Christian beliefs with the central role that rebirth and the Easter story play in this religion, providing further support for the suggestion that crouched inhumation, where it occurs in cemeteries in which it is not the dominant rite, is not a ‘deviant’ rite or marks individuals as outsiders. Indeed, it may simply reflect the specific beliefs of the individual or the hopes of the person or persons carrying out the burial.

In unsexed individuals, the data is more limited with arm position assessable for only four of the eight individuals, all of which had their legs in position A. It is, however, possible to state that position A1 appears to have been the most common position amongst unsexed individuals with 25% of them identified in this position; however, the burial position of a further 25% of unsexed individual was unassessable. Based on the data derived from the adult burials it is possible to suggest that SK 12 (Grave 12 F2075; Fig. 20) is a female burial as her arms were placed in position 3, which, in this cemetery at least, appears to be a feminine position; this is supported by the large grave goods assemblage recovered from this burial. Similarly, it might be possible to suggest that SK 19 (Grave 19 F2087; Fig. 28) was male as the arms of this individual were in position 4, an apparently male position.

Two thirds of the adult females recorded at the site were buried in similar positions that were not evident in any of the male burials. SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11), SK 9b (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17), SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18) and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19) were all buried in a supine position with their legs slightly flexed with their knees to one side (SK 10’s were to the right (position C), all of the others’ were to the left (position B)) and their feet towards the opposite direction. It is notable that the three women buried in this position with their knees to the right (SK 4, SK 9b, and SK 11) occurred in a small cluster at the approximate centre of the cemetery. As none of the adult males were recorded in this position it is possible that this is a distinctly feminine position in which to be buried. It is interesting to note that adult females SK 7 (Grave 7 F2059; Fig. 14) and SK 9a (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17) were not buried in this position. Whether this indicates anything of significance or not is unclear; it may simply be, like crouched burial (c.f. Lucy 2000, 80), one of the alternative burial positions that could be used.

With the exception of SK 20 (Grave 20 F2091; Fig. 29) all of the adult skeletons were found lying on their backs. Two of these were found slightly tilted to one side; SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18), to the right and SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19), to the left. The other adults were laid out in supine positions; supine burial, laid out straight, or reasonably straight, has been shown to be the dominant position in both early and late Anglo-Saxon cemeteries across most of England (Lucy 2000, 80). This position is that in which it is most easy to view the body from the grave-side and this might highlight the importance to the funerary process of viewing the burial tableau (Hoggett 2010a, 96). While supine burial suggests that the body is laid out with arms straight and at the sides of the torso and the legs extended and straight, the Exning individuals, like burials at many Anglo-Saxon cemeteries were buried with their limbs arranged in a variety of different positions (see Table 5). In some cases, there appear to be clear reasons for the arrangement of the limbs; the right hand of SK 17 (Grave 17 F2085) appears to be positioned on or close to the spear that the individual was buried with (Fig. 25; Plates 60 & 62). This suggests that it is possible that the positions of the hands and arms of other individuals might be associated with the positioning of other items which have perhaps not survived in the burial environment.

Three individuals, all male, SK 15 (Grave 15 F2081; Fig. 23), SK 16 (Grave 16 F2083; Fig. 24), and SK 18 (Grave 18 F2089; Fig. 27), were buried with their heads tilted forward and their chins apparently resting on their chests. It is possible that they were positioned like this in order to get them in to graves which were slightly too small for them; SK 16, who would have stood at 1.74m in height was buried in a grave that was 1.71m long. This may relate to a concern with the body facing east and thus being able to arise on the Day of Judgement and face God (c.f. Parker Pearson 2003, 6). The fact that none of these

SK 20 (Grave 20 F2091; Fig. 29; Plate 70) was found lying in a crouched position and was the only adult to be found in this position, although at least one of the child burials, SK 3 (Grave 3 F2039; Fig. 10), was placed in a crouched position. It has been suggested that crouched 79

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk the present, what these positions mean is more difficult and various possible interpretations regarding, in particular, SK 9a and SK 9b (Fig. 17), SK 17 (Fig. 25), apparently wielding the spear he was buried with, and the crouched position of SK 20 (Fig. 29), may be postulated. While burial positions, like other aspects of the burial tableau, may have communicated messages on a wider social level, it should also be considered that such things may have had a more personal meaning, either to the deceased or to those responsible for their burial.

three graves were positioned on a true west/east alignment does not necessarily detract from such an interpretation as this may be result of inaccurate calculation of the points of the compass by whoever dug the graves or that a vaguely west/east orientation was considered acceptable. Christian burials at the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Shudy Camps, Cambridgeshire were aligned with their heads either towards the south-west or towards the north-west (Lethbridge 1936, 2) and similar alignments were noted for Conversion-period burials at Barnwell Road, Cambridge (Newton 2007). Grave 9 F2063 (Fig. 17) contained a double burial representing two women of more than 35 years (SK 9a) and of 25 to 35 years (SK 9b) respectively. Multiple burials are reasonably common in Anglo-Saxon cemeteries; most contain only two people but in some cases more are present (Lucy 2000, 82). It is more common for a paired burial to consist of an adult and a sub-adult; Stoodley’s (2002) study of multiple burials states that 57.3% of his sample consisted of adult and sub-adult combinations, making this example perhaps slightly unusual. These women are likely to have died at a similar time and were clearly interred at the same time. Unrelated individuals who died at the same time could have been buried together for the sake of convenience (Stoodley 2002, 116). Skeletons SK 9a and SK 9b, however, were clearly interred in a symbolic arrangement. Their close positioning and faces turned towards one another may suggest some kind of close link in life between these two women but the position of SK 9b from the neck down, turned away from SK 9a, may equally have some other kind of meaning. The burial position of these individuals clearly has some significance. Recent interpretations of the richly furnished AngloSaxon burials of the 5th to 7th centuries, such as those at Sutton Hoo and Prittlewell, Essex, have identified them as ‘theatrical tableaux’ in which the setting of the corpse was staged as a performance for the living to express their social memory of the dead. It is also argued that lesser burials of this period were laid out for similar reasons, with the emphasis on the viewing of the burial tableau and the grave goods selected and arranged to display the identity of the deceased in life (Gilchrist 2015, 382). Geake’s (1997, 135-136) assertion that the use of grave goods in Conversion-period England was to construct a pan-English neo-classical identity, effectively legitimising the rule of kings and the church, would suggest that the role of the burial tableau continued into the Christian period when the Exning burials were interred. If indeed the Exning individuals were displayed in the grave in such tableaux, then the positions into which their bodies were arranged must also have formed part of this display. The burial positions, particularly those which appear markedly different from the dominant supine position, may therefore have been intended to impart some specific information about the individual. The fact that there may have been ‘alternative rites which could be employed’ (Lucy 2000, 80) regarding body position suggests that these rites potentially had alternative meanings. Understanding, in 80

10 The Cemetery population Methodology for Human Skeletal Remains analysis Sue Anderson

Demography Sue Anderson

Measurements were taken using the methods described by Brothwell (1981), together with a few from Bass (1971) and Krogman (1978). Sexing and ageing techniques follow Brothwell (1981) and the Workshop of European Anthropologists (WEA 1980), with the exception of adult tooth wear scoring which follows Bouts and Pot (1989). Stature was estimated according to the regression formulae of Trotter and Gleser (Trotter 1970). All systematically scored non-metric traits are listed in Brothwell (1981), and grades of cribra orbitalia and osteoarthritis can also be found there. Pathological conditions were identified with the aid of Ortner and Putschar (1981) and Cotta (1978). Material from regional and national contemporary groups has been used for comparison (see below), but note that in some cases the figures used are not as published because they have been recalculated in order to make them directly comparable (for example, in terms of age group).

The minimum number of individuals for this group was 21; these are summarised in Table 6. Eight children below the age of 16 years were present in this assemblage, a proportion of 38.1%. Two further sub-adults (below 18) were identified as male. If they are included, the percentage of juveniles is increased to 47.6%. Both percentages are relatively high in comparison with many other contemporary groups — generally between one fifth to one third of the burials are juvenile. However, at Eriswell the overall proportion of children was 41% (Anderson forthcoming) and at Great Chesterford (Waldron 1993), where child mortality seems to have been unusually high, 50% were below 15 years. Of the fifteen graves at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al. 2009), five were below 18 years (33.3%), whilst eight of twenty graves at Cambridge Backs were juvenile (40%) (Dodwell et al. 2004), and at

Table 6. Summary of graves and skeletons. Skeleton

Grave

Sex

GG sex

Age

Condition

1

1 F2037

Male

?

c.25–30

Fair-poor

2

2 F2035

-

F

c.8–10

Fair

Stature

Cranial Index

1.832m

-

-

-

3

3 F2039

-

-

c.6–7

Fair-poor

-

-

4

4 F2041

Female

?

Y-MA

Fair-good

1.553m

74.4

5

5 F2055

-

F?

c.2

Poor

-

-

6

6 F2053

-

F

c.6–7

Poor

-

-

7

7 F2059

?Female

F?

Y-MA

Fair-good

1.630m

77.5

8

8 F2061

-

F

c.10–12

V poor

-

-

9A

9 F2063

Female

F

MA+

Fair-poor

1.621m

73.8

9B

9 F2063

Female

F

Y-MA

Fair

1.630m

68.3

10

10 F2069

Female

F

MA

Good

1.621m

75.8

11

11 F2073

Female

-

MA

Fair

1.634m

74.3

12

12 F2075

-

F

c.10-11

Fair

-

-

13

13 F2077

-

F?

c.7

Fair-poor

-

-

14

14 F2079

Male

-

MA+

Good

1.743m

71.8

15

15 F2081

Male

-

c.25-30

Fair

1.789m

-

16

16 F2083

Male

M?

Y-MA

Fair-poor

1.740m

67.3

17

17 F2085

Male

M

c.16-17

Fair

1.752m

-

18

18 F2089

Male

M?

c.17-18

Fair

1.737m

-

19

19 F2087

-

M?

c.15

Fair

-

-

20

20 F2091

Male

M

c.18-20

Fair

1.759m

-

GG sex – indication of gender from grave goods

81

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Coddenham only 20% of the group was below the age of 18 (Anderson 2011). The expected proportion of children would be around one third of the group, so a higher figure may be significant in interpreting burial practices.

employed because estimation of adult age at death is difficult with currently available techniques. The data should be taken to represent biological rather than chronological age at death.

No infants were found. Based on other cemeteries, approximately 5–10% of all child burials might be expected to be below the age of 2 years in the early AngloSaxon period, although at Eriswell around a quarter of the child group were infants and at Great Chesterford the figure was as high as 80%. Other small groups have low proportions of infants – there were none at Westfield Farm, Ely, and only two (10% of the whole population; 25% of the sub-adults) at Cambridge Backs, whilst the lack of infants at Coddenham is probably attributable to the poor preservation at that site. The youngest child at Exning was c.2 years old at death, three were between 6–7 years, one was c.8–10 years, two were c.10–12 years and one was c.15 years. In most contemporary groups, the highest death rates are in the 2–5 year or 6–11 year ranges, which is similar to the Exning group.

No individuals in this group were categorised as ‘old’, i.e. certainly over 50 years of age, but a high proportion were no longer young. In other early Anglo-Saxon groups, the proportion of individuals in the younger adult categories is often high, with a clear decrease in numbers from young to old, a pattern which is comparable with rural undeveloped populations today (e.g. Anderson forthcoming). Middle Anglo-Saxon groups tend to have fewer younger adults and more middle aged or older individuals (see, for example, Staunch Meadow, Brandon – Anderson 2014). Although none of the Exning group fell into the ‘old’ category, the bulge in the middle category here suggests a move towards the Middle Anglo-Saxon pattern. However, the group is small and probably does not encompass the whole cemetery. Life expectancy

Thirteen individuals were over the age of 16 years at death. Seven were male, five were female and one was possibly female. As some indication of gendered graves from grave goods was possible, the skeletal evidence was compared with that from the artefacts and, where sexing was possible from both methods, the results were the same. The adult sex ratio is not statistically significant, but it may be of note that at least four of the child skeletons can be suggested to be female based on their grave goods. The excavated area appears to represent only the edge of a much larger cemetery, which may have some influence on the distribution.

In the early Anglo-Saxon period, life expectancy was slightly over 33 years for women and approximately 34 and a half years for men (Brothwell 1972). By the middle and later Anglo-Saxon periods this had risen to almost 36 years for women and just over 38 years for men (Härke 2003, 134-135). Death in childbirth was commonplace in Anglo-Saxon England (Sayer and Dickinson 2013, 294) and it is probably this factor that led to the relatively low average life expectancy of women compared to men. At Exning this pattern appears to be reversed. Assuming that any individual for which a sex estimation can be made is an adult, calculations of average ages give values of 23.1 to 25.8 years for men and 30.1 to 38.5 years for women (Table 8). These values may have been higher as the values used for those individuals assessed as being over 35 years of age was 36. The average age at death for the children represented in the cemetery population was between 8 and 8.9 years of age. When these figures are combined with the average adult age at death from Exning (and because no estimation of biological sex was possible for the children no distinction was made between possible male and possible female child burials in these calculations) the average age of the males at Exning falls to 15.1 to 16.8 years of age and the average age of

There were some ambiguities in the sexing of this group. It has been noted in other Anglo-Saxon groups that the sexing features of the skull can be indeterminate (e.g. Duhig 1998, 157; Anderson 2011, 86). Four female or ?female skeletons in this group (SK 7 (Fig. 14) , 9A, 9B and 10 (Figs. 17-18)) had skulls with some masculine traits, but all had feminine or hyperfeminine pelves and most had bone measurements (such as the diameter of the femoral head) which placed them in the female range. These graves also contained female grave goods. Table 7 shows the distribution of adult age at death. Categories of age rather than actual age ranges are Table 7. Distribution of adult age at death.

Male

Female

Approx age range

No.

%

Sub-adult

16–18

2

28.6

Young

18–25

1

14.3

1

7.7

Young/Middle-aged

25–35

3

42.9

3

50.0

6

46.2

Middle-aged+

35–45+

1

14.3

3

50.0

4

30.8

Total

7

82

No.

Total

Age group

6

%

No.

%

2

15.4

13

The Cemetery population the females falls 17.5 to 21.6 years of age. The adultonly figures not only indicate a reverse of the greater life expectancy trend for men observed by Brothwell (1972) and Härke (2003) but suggest a notably greater life expectancy for women and significantly lower life expectancy for men than observed by Brothwell (1972) and Härke (2003) based on the adult-only figures. This reverse in the greater life expectancy trend for men (Brothwell 1972 and Härke 2003) remains evident even when the average age at death for children is included in the figures. The overall figures from Exning suggest a notably low average age at death for this population. This may be due to the large proportion of children present (consisting of 38% of the total cemetery population).

the kind of things that might be considered to comprise ‘thegnly culture’ later in the Anglo-Saxon period (Senecal 2001). However, it is perhaps more likely that the low average lifespan for the male individuals in the Exning cemetery is simply an anomaly caused by the low number of individuals that are represented. Metrical and morphological analysis Sue Anderson Stature Estimated living stature could be calculated for all of the adult skeletons. The mean of the seven male estimates was 176.4cm (5’ 9½”) and the range was 173.7cm to 183.2cm (5’ 8” to 6’). The six females produced an average of 161.5cm (5’ 3½”) and a range of 155.3cm to 163.4cm (5’ 1” to 5’ 4”). All seven men were above the male averages generally found in larger contemporary groups such as Barrington (see below), whilst the females were similar in mean height to their near-neighbours at Eriswell, but shorter than the small female group at Westfield Farm, Ely (167cm). The male stature range may be a reflection of status, as these men appear to have been better able to approach their genetic potential for height. At Barrington, the overall male mean was 173.3cm, but the mean for ten men buried with shields and spears there was 175.3cm. At the relatively high status Coddenham cemetery, the mean of five male statures was 175.4cm. An overall mean, calculated for 996 males of this period from a number of sites, was 172cm (Roberts and Cox 2003, 195).

The sample size is too small to consider that this is representative of wider societal trends but does suggest that there may be complex issues leading to these differences in this population. There appears to be limited indication of disease within the population, apart from degenerative conditions that may be considered typical of a rural Anglo-Saxon population, and so it appears unlikely that this is the cause of the discrepancies in age at death, although, of course, disease is not necessarily identifiable skeletally. The apparent over-representation of children is not easily explained and may represent a high childmortaility rate, although why this should be the case is not clear. Alternatively, this may simply be an anomaly, perhaps explained by the possibility that the entirety of the cemetery was not revealed during the excavation. It is possible that the higher than average ages observed for women is due to this being a high status population, who may have had access to better quality diets and were therefore healthier than the general population and perhaps more likely to survive complications in childbirth. This, however, may not be supported by the evidence from isotope analysis which indicates that all four of the Exning women that were subject to this analysis displayed some degree of fluctuation in the quality of their diets in the earlier parts of their lives. Conversely, this high status may have led to men being engaged in more dangerous activities than the average farmer or labourer. Arguably, members of the higher classes may have been more likely to have been engaged in martial activities and hunting,

Cranial indices Cranial indices could be calculated for eight of the adult skulls, two male and six female. The average breadth/ length index was 72.9, and the range was 67.3 to 77.5. The skulls were all dolichocranial (narrow) or mesocranial (medium width), which is comparable with other AngloSaxon groups (e.g. Eriswell, Anderson forthcoming). Most groups tend to have around two-thirds of skulls in the narrow range (35 years Sex  Female Stature  1.621m Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 1.05 x 0.22m Orientation  E-W Shape of Grave  Sub-oval Fill  L2064;Light yellow brown loose silty clay with moderate small sub-rounded to sub-angular stones and occasional small flint Skeletal Position  Supine extended. Skull lying on left side facing north. Right arm alongside body with hand on hip. Left arm interlinked with right arm of SK 9B with hand at waist. Legs extended Bones Present  Skull, proximal vertebrae, long bones of left arm, right-hand-side ribs, right scapula, righ arm complete, pelvic girdle and complete legs. Grave Goods  SF 30 (Fe nail), SF 31 (Silver wire rings & glass beads), SF 40 (Cu alloy brooch) Finds  Struck flint (5) 3g

Graph 16. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK9a.

Interpretation: Profile shows a large swing upwards and then back down in the nitrogen isotope ratio at the age of 4-7 years. Some accompanying change in the carbon suggests some dietary change, but overlaid with a physiological element. Mean nitrogen is high compared with others in the cemetery.

96

The Cemetery population SK 9b; Grave 9 F2063 (Fig. 17) Age  c. 25-35 years Sex  Female Stature  1.63m Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 1.05 x 0.22m Orientation  E-W Shape of Grave  Sub-oval Fill  L2064;Light yellow brown loose silty clay with moderate small sub-rounded to sub-angular stones and occasional small flint Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull lying on right side facing south. Right arm under left arm of SK 9A.  Left arm alongside body with hand near hip. Both legs bent with knees to north Bones Present  Complete, with the exception of sternum, right clavicle and scapula, distal phalanges Grave Goods  SF 30 (Fe nail), SF 31 (Silver wire rings & glass beads), SF 40 (Cu alloy brooch) Finds  Struck flint (5) 3g

Graph 17. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK9b.

Interpretation: Strong correlation between C and N values suggest some dietary shifts towards higher trophic level protein at age 4-6 years and again at 9-11 years. The fall in nitrogen at age 13 years could be related to a growth spurt, or a change back to a plant-based diet.

97

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk SK 12; Grave 12 F2075 (Fig. 20) Age  c. 10-11 years Sex  Stature  Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 0.45 x 0.25m Orientation  SE-NW Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular Fill  L2076; Light yellow brown loose silty clay with moderate small to medium subrounded to sub-angular stones Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull disturbed and positioned above upper chest. Right arm bent across abdomen. Left arm parallel to body, hand near hip. Legs extended Bones Present  Skeleton near complete with the exception of several vertebrae, sternum and the majority of hands Grave Goods  SF 41 (Cu alloy bracelet), SF 42 (Fe key), SF 44.1 (spindlewhorl), SF 44.2 (spindlewhorl), SF 44.3 (glass vessel frag), SF 59 (Fe knife) Finds  Burnt flint 14g

Graph 18. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK12.

Interpretation: This profile shows opposing covariance of the isotope ratios, seen in Famine victims, suggesting a change to a lower trophic level, carbohydrate-based diet age 3-4, which continues up until death (while the tooth was still forming). Also the lowest recorded value for δ15N in this population.

98

The Cemetery population SK 14; Grave 14 F2079 (Fig. 22) Age  >35 years Sex  Male Stature  1.743m Grave Dimensions  1.9 x 0.65 x 0.45m Orientation  SE-NW Shape of Grave  Sub-oval to sub-rectangular Fill  L2080; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional chalk pieces and occasional sub-angular flint Skeletal Position  Supine. Hands over pelvis. Legs slightly bent at knees and crossed at ankles Bones Present  Grave Goods  SF 45 (Fe knife)

Graph 19. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK14.

Interpretation: The low N value at age 2-5 suggests a plant-based diet, followed by a large shift aged 5-9 years accompanied by a drop in the C values- this pattern of opposing covariance has been seen in Famine victims so could be evidence of a period of nutritional stress followed by a return to a stable (although higher trophic level) diet again at age 12.

99

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk SK 15; Grave 15 F2081 (Fig. 23) Age  c. 25-30 years Sex  Male Stature  1.789m Grave Dimensions  1.8 x 0.75 x 0.28m Orientation  SW-NE Shape of Grave  Oval Fill  L2082; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and subrounded stones Skeletal Position  Supine. Right arm bent across ribs, left arm bent across pelvis. Legs bent at knees and crossed at ankles Bones Present  Skull, long bones, pelvis. Torso absent Grave Goods  SF 60 (sheep/goat tooth) Finds  Pottery (2) 6g; Animal bone 6g

Graph 20. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK15.

Interpretation: Opposing covariance at the beginning (aged 2.5-4 years) and age 6-10 years could show 2 periods of nutritional distress with a return to a more stable diet and physiology at the age of 11.5. Dentine δ15N is much higher than adult bone collagen. Both bone and dentine collagen values for δ15N highest in the population.

100

The Cemetery population SK 17; Grave 17 F2085 (Figs. 25-26) Age  c. 16-17 years Sex  Male Stature  1.752m Grave Dimensions  1.93 x 0.65 x 0.45m Orientation  NE-SW Shape of Grave  Sub-rectangular Fill  L2086; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and subrounded stones Skeletal Position  Supine extended. Right arm by side of body left arm bent at elbow across torso. Legs projecting slightly to right and crossed just above ankles Bones Present  Skull, long bones of arms, proximal bones of left hand, distal vertebrae, pelvis, long bones of legs, majority of foot bones Grave Goods  SF 49 (Fe spearhead), SF 50a-f (Fe seax and Cu alloy scabbard fittings), SF 62 (Fe frag) Finds  Fe frags (5) 5g

Graph 21. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK17.

Some dietary changes suggesting a shift towards a lower trophic level diet (plant-based) over the growth of this tooth, possible opposing covariance age 3-6 years consistent with nutritional distress.

101

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk SK 18; Grave 18 F2089 (Fig. 27) Age  c. 17-18 years Sex  Male Stature  1.737m Grave Dimensions  1.75 x 0.65 x 0.26m Orientation  NE-SW Shape of Grave  Oval Fill  L2090; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular to subrounded stones Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull facing forward. Right arm by side. Left arm bent at elbow across pelvis. Legs extended and aligned slightly to right. Bones Present  Skull, clavicles, scapulae, long bones of both arms, carpals, metacarpals and phalanges of right hand, phalanges of left hand, sternum, upper right ribs, vertebral column, ilia/Ischia (sacrum absent), long bones of legs, patellae, tarsals, metatarsals, phalanges Grave Goods  SF 51 (Fe knife)

Graph 22. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK18.

After a period of plant-based low trophic level diet 3.5-6 years, this individual appears to have steadily improved his diet in terms of trophic level throughout the growth period of the tooth, with little evidence for nutritional distress.

102

The Cemetery population SK 19; Grave 19 F2087 (Fig. 28) Age  c. 15 years Sex  Stature  Grave Dimensions  1.55 x 0.55 x 0.17m Orientation  SW-NE Shape of Grave  Oval Fill  L2088; Mid grey brown friable silty sand with occasional sub-angular and subrounded stones Skeletal Position  Supine. Skull lying on left side facing south. Upper arms by side of body, bent at elbow with hands clasped at chest. Legs extended Bones Present  Skull, proximal and distal vertebrae, clavicles, long bones of arms, upper left ribs, pelvis longbones of legs, tarsals of left foot Grave Goods  SF 52 (Fe knife)

Graph 23. Bone collagen and dentine collagen profiles for SK19.

Rising trend in C values suggest a gradual shift to more plant-based (cereal) input to diet. Peak at age 6-9 consistent with nutritional stress, but returns to very low trophic-level towards death (while tooth is forming).

103

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Lifestyle Sue Anderson and Andrew A. S. Newton

Saxon period (Stenton 1957; Dietrich 1980; Shepherd 1999; Härke 2003). Pathological conditions identified in this group consisted largely of degenerative disease, trauma and stress-related injuries. Most were typical of a rural Saxon population, where it might be expected that accidental injury and the general physical stresses of daily life would be represented in the bones. There was nothing to provide any evidence for violent death or trauma, although a possible fractured clavicle and a pair of fractured ribs may have been caused by intentional blows. Evidence for deficiency diseases and infections was also slight, but traces of these may have been removed by postmortem erosion.

Arguably, the skeletal evidence supports the assertion that this was a high status population and that the individuals represented here lived a lifestyle concomitant with this. All of the men were above average height for the period. They were in a similar range to the men from Middle Anglo-Saxon monastic groups such as Burgh Castle in Norfolk (Anderson and Birkett 1993) and high status Early Anglo-Saxon males such as those from Barrington (Duhig 1998) and Coddenham. This suggests that at least some of the Exning population were able to achieve their genetic potential in terms of their stature. Few other metric characteristics could be analysed, but cranial indices were in the normal range for an Early Anglo-Saxon population.

Although the group was relatively small and some of the skeletons were not very well preserved, it is possible to provide some tentative conclusions about the physical nature of this population. There is some evidence that they were relatively well-nourished — few signs of deficiency (such as enamel hypoplasia), a diet rich in carbohydrates, and above average stature for example — which may indicate high status. Despite this, there was some evidence for malnutrition in the form of iron deficiency anaemia amongst the younger members of the group, including those who seemed to be most endowed with worldly goods, and many of the adults had been subject to physical stress which had affected their spines in particular. No evidence for direct violence was seen, and there were few major illnesses beyond the typical degenerative changes associated with middle and old age.

The dental abscess prevalence was relatively high, but this was due to a large number of lesions in only two individuals. The same was true of caries and ante-mortem loss, even though the prevalences at Exning were low in comparison with other contemporary groups. In general the dental health of this population seems to have been very good. The number of carious lesions affecting particular individuals could indicate a diet rich in carbohydrates, perhaps indicating a higher than average status for these people. However, other factors such as genetic predisposition and age need to be considered. The Anglo-Saxon kings appear to have owed their positions to their abilities as warleaders (Yorke 1990, 16) and so it may be suggested that other members of the higher social ranks would also have taken part in such activities. Beyond the presence of the weapons buried with SK 17 (Grave 17 F2085; Fig. 25), there is little indication that the males represented in the Exning cemetery were engaged in warfare or activities associated with the ‘thegnly culture’ that would develop later in the Anglo-Saxon period (Senecal 2001). However, as Härke (2004, 10; 1992b, 155) states, weapon burials appear to have been intended to demonstrate societal status, wealth, and background rather than a role as a warrior. Evidence for trauma is a more likely indicator of individuals being involved in warfare but there was nothing to provide any evidence for violent death or trauma, although a possible fractured clavicle and a pair of fractured ribs may have been caused by intentional blows. This may have been suffered in the course of everyday activity; evidence from settlements of this period suggests that agricultural work and woodworking were regular and probably dominant aspects of life for most men (Malim and Hines 1998, 294). Most of the pathological conditions observed in the population were typical of a rural Anglo-Saxon population, where it might be expected that accidental injury and the general physical stresses of daily life would be represented in the bones. The most dramatic representation of trauma was observed in SK 11 (Grave 11 F2073; Fig. 19) and this individual, as a woman, is arguably less likely to have been involved in warfare despite suggestions that there may have been greater parity in gender roles in the Anglo-

Isotope analysis of 18 of the 21 skeletons present in the Exning cemetery indicates that all appear to have had similar diets throughout childhood and that this appears to have mainly been derived from terrestrial sources rather than aquatic or marine ones. The main exception to this is SK 2 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9) whose diet potentially saw the introduction of marine or riverine resources. This is interesting given Exning’s proximity to the Cambridgeshire fens which would have been a rich source of piscine and avian food sources. It is possible that there was some kind of geopolitical barrier preventing this population from accessing this source of food or, as is perhaps more likely, it simply was not utilised in this way at this time; a lack of exploitation of fenland resources has been noted in the Roman period at sites in the Flag Fen area (Webley 2007, 111) and at the possible high status site at Bottisham, Cambridgeshire (Newton 2014, 2016). In contrast to the skeletal evidence, it is notable that almost all of the individuals in this population appear to have gone through periods in which the quality of their diets appears to have diminished or fluctuated with some even displaying evidence for nutritional stress or famine conditions. Although there are other factors which may have had an influence on these results, such as illness, the widespread occurrence of such evidence across this population is more likely to be associated with cultural practices and approaches to feeding children than it is to single events, such as food shortages brought on by warfare, crop failure, or long-distance journeys. Long104

The Cemetery population term problems in agricultural production may have had an impact as this could have affected the way in which food was divided amongst the population, with children of certain ages perhaps being considered to be less in need of high quality diets. However, as this population are considered to have been of high status, the procurement of food should not have been difficult for them, even at times of shortages. Isotope analysis of the cemetery population has not revealed sufficient evidence to make any interpretations of origins outside of the British Isles for any of the individuals. This may not be that unusual given that the dating of this site places it at least 200 years after the date for the start of the Adventus Saxonum of AD449, given by Saint Bede (Sellar (trans) 2012). However, it might also be seen to be consistent with isotope analysis conducted on burials from a 5th to 6th century Anglo-Saxon cemetery in Eastbourne which, although demonstrating that there were incomers in the cemetery population (two women who had moved no further than from surrounding villages; a third woman who had originated in continental Europe; and six other incomers, both men and women, who could have originate from western Europe or other parts of England), was considered to demonstrate that the Adventus Saxonum involved diverse migratory and demographic processes (Hughes et al 2018).

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11 The Grave Goods Catherine Hills, Ian Riddler, Sam Lucy, Penelope Walton Rogers1 Weapons Catherine Hills

mostly from Kent, are of comparable length to Exning, 550mm or longer. The overall blade length of Exning is greater than that given for either SP1 or SP2, but a third Høilund-Nielsen type, SP3-a, which is more angular than Exning SF 49, includes examples with a length range up to 612mm, although even these have blades only up to 450mm. Most longer spearheads have blades which are relatively narrow, for example Morning Thorpe grave 341, at 550mm (Green et al. 1987, fig. 409), Wasperton inhumation 58, 536mm (Carver et al. 2009, 205) and Berinsfield 28/1, which is recorded as being 750mm in length, and therefore the largest so far recorded (Boyle et al. 1995, 35, fig. 57).

Spearhead SK 17, Grave 17 F2085 (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plates 61 & 62) The most recent classification of spearheads is by HøilundNielsen (2013), which supersedes Swanton (1973). In Swanton’s scheme, SF 49 would be a large leaf-shaped blade, belonging to group C3, which was predominantly a seventh-century type with a distribution focused on Kent (Swanton 1973, 55-9, figs. 13, 14). HøilundNielsen has more explicitly defined categories, based on the ratios between measurements as well as size. She distinguishes lanceolate, SP1, from angular, SP2, on the basis of the relationship between the greatest width and length of blade. This appears to put the Exning spearhead (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plate 61) in the first category, which is consistent with its lack of obvious angles, and in the sub-group with the largest examples, coded as SP1-a5. However, distinguishing corroded iron blade forms is not always straightforward, and visually the Exning spear is similar to illustrations of examples of sub-types of both SP1 and SP2, i.e. SP1-a5 and SP2-a2d (Høilund-Nielsen 2013, 163-5, figs 5.74, 5.84). There are four examples of SP1-a5 and seven examples of SP2-a2d within the sample analysed by Høilund-Nielsen, and in the Hines and Bayliss chronology SP1-a5 belongs to phase AS-ME, SP2-a2d to phases AS-ME and MF (Hines and Bayliss 2013, 565). The distribution maps for phases AS-ME and MF show more finds in East Anglia than in Swanton’s sample (Hines and Bayliss 2013, figs. 10.4, 10.5).

The Exning spearhead (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plates 61 & 62) is both very long and quite broad, with a socket which might have been longer originally but would still have been proportionally short and therefore weak. It would have been an unwieldy and impractical weapon to use, very likely to break. The blade is slightly bent, but this could have been caused by pressure of earth after burial. Possibly it never saw use, but was a status symbol. Seax SK 17, Grave 17 F2085 (SFs 50a-f, Figs 25-26, Plates 6365)

The Exning spear (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plates 61 & 62) is one of the largest recorded Anglo-Saxon spears. Swanton’s database included around two thousand spearheads (Swanton 1973). This lists very few measuring over 500mm, even less once his type A, javelins, and D2, which has a very long shaft, are excluded. About a dozen,

Seaxes and their sheaths have been discussed by Scull in relation to finds from the Buttermarket cemetery (Scull 2009a, 251-254) and have been classified by HøilundNielsen (2013, 190-201). The Exning seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plates 63 & 64) has measurements which correspond to the lengths given for both Høilund-Nielsen types SX1-a and SX1-b, but it is wider than either of these types. However, with a greatest blade width of 39mm it is only just outside the width range of SX1-b, which is 30-37mm, and it is shorter than all the other SX types. SX1-b occurs in phases AS-MC and MD. There are nine examples in Hines and Bayliss (2013).

1 In the catalogue, presented with the individual grave descriptions, worked bone items and small iron knives are described by Ian Riddler, with other artefact descriptions by Catherine Hills and Sam Lucy. Human bone reporting is by Sue Anderson. Mineral-preserved organic remains have been described by Penelope Walton Rogers of the Anglo-Saxon Laboratory, who also arranged for the wood and other organic remains to be identified by Steve Allen, and for other organic remains to be investigated by Margrethe Felter, both of the York Archaeological Trust Conservation Laboratory. Their contributions are indicated by PWR, SA and MF respectively.

A close local parallel is the seax in Burwell grave 47 which measures overall about 320mm, and had a copper alloy strip in a position suggesting it was the mouth of a sheath (Lethbridge 1931, fig. 29). One feature of the Exning sheath (SFs 50b-f; Figs. 25-26; Plate 65), the V-shaped chape (SF 50c; Fig. 25; Plate 65), can be best paralleled at another local site, Shudy Camps grave 36 (Lethbridge 1936, fig.7), although that seax has a 107

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk pommel and seems to be longer, about 480mm. A more elaborate silver version of a V-shaped chape with Style II beaked heads is from Ford, Laverstock, part of the elaborate decoration on the sheath of a seax which, like Exning, was associated with a long spearhead (Musty 1969, 105-7).

graves 1306 and 2297 Scull interpreted these graves and Southampton Stadium grave 3520 as possibly those of individuals from the continent, perhaps Frankish (Scull 2009a, 293, 319). This is plausible in the context of coastal trading centres but Exning seems a long way inland, albeit on the edge of the fens, and stable isotope analysis has cast doubt on anything but local origins for the Exning cemetery population. However, it is the case that several of the graves from this site contained finds representing some degree of status: horse trappings, seax, glass vessel. This can be set against the similarities between Exning and Burwell, a contemporary cemetery only two miles to the west. Here also there is a mixture of basic local types: spindlewhorls, beads, knives, etc. and more unusual items: a relic box with Style II ornament, silver shield-shaped pendant and rings, a cowrie shell and a decorative disc with Alamannic parallels.

The closest parallels to the other sheath fittings (SFs 50b, d-f; Figs. 25-26; Plate 65) in England are from Ipswich and Southampton. Buttermarket Ipswich grave 1306 (Scull 2009a, figs. 3.39, 3.40) and Southampton Stadium grave 3520 (Birbeck 2005, figs. 13, 14) have the same combination of copper alloy decorative studs and a row of small copper alloy round-headed pins. The decorative studs are flat, not domed like the Exning examples (SF 50e; Fig. 26; Plate 65). The associated seaxes are larger than Exning, and Hines and Bayliss date both of these to phase AS-MF. There are very few other UK parallels: they include Ford, as above, and Coddenham grave 1 (Penn 2011, figs. 87-89). This contained a single flat decorative stud from the sheath for the seax, but also dome-shaped studs with beaded rims, like the Exning seax studs, on the shield boss.

These non-local and/or high status objects suggest communities with access to goods from very far afield and some individuals whose burial assemblages represented significant resources. Organic remains of the seax handle and sheath (Penelope Walton Rogers)

There is an inconsistency between the seax and sheath dates, with the seax (SF 50a; Fig.25; Plate 63) dated earlier, to phase AS-MC, MD while the sheath (SF 50b-f; Figs. 25-26; Plate 65) belongs to phase AS-MF. This is probably to be explained as evidence for a longer currency of use for the small seax type, as the chronology of the sheaths depends on numerous continental parallels. For example, the Alamannic cemetery of Weingarten contained 813 individuals in 801 graves, of which 189 held a seax, many with traces of a sheath, including copper alloy pins and decorative studs (Roth and Theune 1995; Hausmair unpub.). Most of the decorative studs are flat, like those from Buttermarket 1306, but there are many fittings of various kinds with dome-shaped bead-rimmed studs, and some seax sheaths with such studs (e.g. grave 275, Roth and Theune 1995, Taf. 98) like the Exning studs. The Weingarten finds formed part of the basis for a chronology of Merovingian period graves in Alamannia, which put decorative seax sheath studs in relatively later phases, F-J, with turned rim rivets on sheaths and beaded rim rivets on a variety of fittings at the end of that sequence, broadly the later seventh century (Theune 1999, 32, fig. 2.4). The Rhineland chronology puts decorative seax sheath studs in phases 7 and 8 (Mussemeier et al. 2003, 46-47, abb. 9-10). The latest versions are domed, S-Sax 4.4 with beaded rim like Exning, and S-Sax 4.6 with a taller dome like Exning. Both are found predominantly in Rhineland phase 8, AD 640/50 to AD 670/80.

Some traces of bone were visible on one face of the seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a, and are likely to represent those areas where the seax touched the skeleton. Remains of a horn handle were preserved on both faces of the tang (Plates 75 & 76). The grain of the horn was aligned with the seax blade and extended over the choil and the first four millimetres of the blade. The handles of two seaxes from Southampton incorporated wood, but horn seems to have been the more common material in all other seaxes from Anglo-Saxon sites (Watson 2002; Birbeck 2005, 59; Penn, 2000, 43; 2011, 62-63). The sheath was represented by small, perforated fragments of semi-mineralised leather associated with the copperalloy pins (Plate 77). Analysis of the collagen component in the leather by ZooMS (Zooarchaeology by Mass Spectrometry), carried out by Luke Spindler, University of York, demonstrated that the skin was derived from cattle (Spindler, report in archive). Although the seam itself was not preserved, some short lengths of thread found with the seax are likely to represent its stitching (Plate 78). The threads are 7-12 mm long, off-white, Z-spun and 0.6-0.8 mm thick. The fibre was unusually well preserved and could be identified as flax, from Linum usitatissimum L., by the following features. The fibres were 11-16 microns wide, with a smooth profile, clear central lumen, ‘knee-joint’ nodes, well-spaced cross-markings, pointed cell-ends (Plates 79 & 80) and a consistent clockwise rotation in the ‘drying-twist test’ (Textile Institute 1975, 14-20, 168-9, 224; Catling and Grayson 1982, 12-17, 71-8; plates 3, 11, 19). Fraying of fibre ends suggested that the thread had seen considerable wear.

The seax sheath (SF 50b-f; Figs. 25-26; Plate 65) is therefore consistent in date with the spear (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plates 61 & 62), giving Grave 17 a date at the end of the period of furnished burial and unusually late for a furnished male Anglo-Saxon grave. On the basis of the seax, belt fittings and other artefacts from Buttermarket

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The Grave Goods

Plate 75. Close-up of the handle of the seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a, showing mineral-preserved horn. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

Plate 76. Close-up of the handle of the seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a, showing edge of horn handle. Blade to right, tang to left. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

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A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Plate 77. Three perforated fragments of mineral-preserved leather in association with seax from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a. Dimensions of largest fragment 10 x 9 mm. ©The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

Plate 78. Threads found with seax sheath from Grave 17 F2085, SF 50a. Longest thread 12 mm long. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

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The Grave Goods

Plate 80. Photomicrograph of flax fibres taken from threads shown in Plate 78. Taken at x200 magnification with eye-piece camera fitted to polarising (transmitted) light microscope. Naturally long pointed end of fibre end. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

fig. 39). The Caenby mount has three-strand interlace like Exning SF 43 (see below and Fig. 21) and is similar in size, but the Barham one is larger and has backward biting animals broadly similar to the Exning beasts, but with transverse grooves on their bodies. None of the other objects has a suspension loop although the Sutton Hoo mounts are described as pendants. The Exning suspension loop is an original part of the object; the claws of the top pair of animals extend onto it, under the border.

Plate 79. Photomicrograph of flax fibres taken from threads shown in Plate 78. Taken at x200 magnification with eye-piece camera fitted to polarising (transmitted) light microscope. Smooth profile, fine central lumen, well-spaced cross-markings that brighten as polariser is rotated. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

Parallels for details of the animals can be found on a range of artefacts with Style II ornament. The closed jaws are not a common feature of Style II (Høilund Nielsen 1999, fig. 1, fig.11) but can be seen at Caenby (Webster and Backhouse 1991, fig. 42) and the gold buckle from Sutton Hoo Mound 1 (Bruce-Mitford 1978, figs 405, 406, pl. 20) and also on some items from the Staffordshire hoard (Fern and Speake 2015, 5, 9).

Horse harness fittings Catherine Hills Pendant SK 6, Grave 6 F2053 (SF 12; Fig. 13; Plate 18)

Copper alloy gilded disc

This is a copper alloy gilded pendant, probably part of a horse harness, decorated with Style II zoomorphic chipcarved ornament. The shape of the object is similar to the axe-shaped fittings from the bridle from Sutton Hoo Mound 17 (Carver 2005, Evans 2005, figs. 111-112), which is what suggests identification as part of a horse harness. The Sutton Hoo mounts vary in size, some larger than Exning SF 12 (Fig. 13; Plate 18). Close in form to the Exning find are mounts with paired birds’ heads from Caenby, interpreted by the excavator as shield fittings and more recently as possible saddle mounts (Jarvis 1850, Speake 1980, pl. 15 l, Fern 2005, 61) and Barham, Suffolk, a find with no context (Webster and Backhouse 1991,

SK 13, Grave 13 F2077 (SF 43; Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52) The copper alloy gilded disc (SF 43; Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52) is closely paralleled at Sutton Hoo mound 17, which contained the complete bridle of a horse including a set of five gilded roundels with similar three-strand zoomorphic ornament, although the Sutton Hoo roundels are larger, with diameters ranging from 57 to 62mm (Carver 2005, Evans 2005, figs. 111-12, 115). A similar disc was found in Sutton Hoo Mound 2, which has a very similar border to SF43 (Bruce-Mitford 1975, 115-17, fig. 87). It can also be compared with a disc from Caenby in Lincolnshire and 111

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk other fittings illustrated by Fern (Fern 2005, figs. 5.6, 5.15, 5.16) and by Speake (1980, figs. 14-15) as well as with comparable discs from Scotland, from Portmahomack and Dunadd (Carver et al. 2016, 90-92, fig. 4.23, Lane and Campbell 2000, 246, fig. 7.10). Such objects have in the past been described as ‘fittings’ possibly from a shield or box, but the Sutton Hoo mound 17 assemblage makes it clear some at least are parts of horse bridle fittings. The Caenby mounts were thought by the excavator to be shield ornaments, because they were found attached to wood, but there was no shield boss and Fern suggests this might be the remains of a saddle (Fern 2005, 61). The Exning disc had been reused, but is still probably indirect evidence of the use of elaborate horse harness.

are also round, triangular or wedge-shaped examples. All of the categories occur in phase FE, but some have an earlier currency, to phases C or D. In this scheme the Exning pendant (SF 57; Fig. 16; Plate 25) belongs in PE9-b, the largest sub-division with 20 examples, defined by the red colour of the stone, although the oval form occurs with other colours of stone. The most striking recent discoveries of cabochon pendants in Anglo-Saxon period graves are from Street House, Loftus, N. Yorkshire, where grave 42 contained a round and an oval gold cabochon pendant, the latter similar to the Exning pendant, as well as a very unusual shield-shaped pendant, with a central setting of a garnet cut in the shape of a scallop shell surrounded by cloisonné garnets. Grave 43 had a triangular gold pendant with a setting made from an Iron Age bead. This grave also contained three gold wire biconical beads. (Sherlock 2012, pls. 2.4, 2.5)

The two Exning fittings (SF 12 (Grave 6 F2053; Fig. 13; Plate 18) & SF 43 (Grave 13 F2077; Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52)) are unlike the bridle fittings from Eriswell and a growing number of other related finds, for example from Mucking, some of which have Style I ornament and so represent an earlier phase (Fern 2005, figs. 5.9-5.11, Hirst and Clark 2009, 536-7).

Gold and silver beads Geake listed 59 beads from 26 graves in her sample of metal beads (Geake 1997, 42), half of them biconical wire beads, of which more were of gold than silver. Hines and Bayliss (2013) list 75 metal beads, and there are further finds not in either sample, including four metal beads from Wasperton (Scheschkewitz 2006, 128), two gold beads so far published from Rendlesham (Plouviez 2014, pers comm. Philip Wise) and six gold and four silver beads from Street House (Sherlock 2012, 59). The 7th century cemetery at Cuxton, Kent had no metal beads (Blackmore 2006). More beads may survive unrecognized as small fragments of silver sheet or gold wire but the overall incidence of even fragments of precious metal in AngloSaxon period graves is low relative to copper alloy.

The closest parallels to SF 43 are the roundels from Sutton Hoo mound 17. These are dated by Carver to the early seventh century (Carver 2005, 300-301) and assigned by Hines and Bayliss to AS-ME, which seems to extend across most of the first half of the seventh century (Hines and Bayliss 2013, 460-1, fig. 10.4). Since the Exning disc has been reused this suggests a terminus post quem for deposition of c. AD 650. Gold and silver jewellery Catherine Hills SK 8, Grave 8 F2061

Hines and Bayliss define three categories of metal beads, (2013, 208-9), BE2-a, BE2-b and BE2c. The last category, BE2-c, are silver double bell-shaped beads which are not closely comparable to the Exning bead (SF 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25) and have a long date range beginning in the 6th century. Thirty-three beads of this type from thirteen assemblages are listed. The other two categories of bead range in length from 10 to 25mm and in shape from near cylindrical to biconical or “almond-shaped”.

Gold and silver beads and gold mounted pendants are often found in association as components of the same necklace, and the more elaborate attachment loops for various types of gold pendant often resemble gold beads. It is likely that the bead (SF 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25) and pendant (SF 57; Fig. 16; Plate 25) from Exning Grave 8 formed part of the same necklace. The pendant can be fairly closely paralleled elsewhere but the bead is so far unique in its precise form and decoration. These types of bead and pendant belong to the later phases of Anglo-Saxon furnished burial, broadly the 7th century AD, and have been found distributed widely across England in well-equipped female graves interpreted as of elite status partly because of the presence of gold artefacts.

Category BE2-a defines beads made of metal wire wound to a biconical form. In Hines and Bayliss’ sample are 55 examples from twelve assemblages, made of either gold or silver wire in roughly equal numbers, with two examples, from Coddenham, made of copper alloy. A gold bead of this type was found at Rendlesham (BBC News, March 2014). At Street House there were five gold wire beads from three graves, four silver wire biconical beads and also a gold cylinder reused as a bead (Sherlock 2012, pls. 3.16, 3.17). Biconical wire beads have been found combined with pendants in the most elaborate necklaces from Anglo-Saxon graves. Best known is the Desborough necklace (Webster and Backhouse 1991, 28-29) which has seventeen biconical gold wire beads, two cylindrical

Cabochon Pendants Cabochon pendants are defined as category PE9 in Hines and Bayliss (2013), with 43 examples in their sample. Høilund Nielsen defines seven categories of cabochon pendant, PE9-a-f and unclassified. The subdivisions are defined by the different types or colour of stone or glass settings. In shape many are oval or drop shaped but there 112

The Grave Goods terminals, a central gold pendant cross and alternating gold bullae and gold cabochon pendants. Roundway Down, wilts, had four biconical gold beads, six gold pendants and a pair of linked gold pins with garnet settings (Meaney and Hawkes 1970, pl. V) while at Cow Lowe, Derbyshire two gold biconical beads were associated with silver bullae, a glass pendant and gold linked pins. Finglesham grave 7 is another example of an elaborate necklace with glass beads, coin pendants, silver wire rings and bullae, and 4 gold wire biconical beads and a gold sheet cylindrical bead (Hawkes and Grainger 2006, fig. 2.73).

associated with conversion to Christianity. Cabochon settings in rings and pendants have a long history in the classical world, but although pendants of many forms are found in sixth and seventh century graves across Frankia (Wamers and Perin 2013, figs. 19-21) published examples of cabochon pendants and metal beads are not very numerous. A review of early medieval gold and silver finds around the southern North Sea includes illustrations of only one example each of a gold pendant with a cabochon glass setting, and a biconical gold wire bead, from the Netherlands (Nikolay 2014, fig. 9.32). Helen Geake drew attention to the late antique and Byzantine images of high status women wearing elaborate necklaces with pendants as a likely source for the Anglo-Saxon fashion (Geake 1997, 109-111). The best known of these are the mosaics of the empress Theodora and her entourage in Ravenna (Wamers and Perin 2013, fig. 80) and ivories showing other sixth century Byzantine empresses (Laporte 2013, fig. 98.2). A less exalted but still presumably prosperous woman appears in a fourth century gold painted glass image (Walker 2014, fig. 8.1). These show necklaces fitting fairly closely around the neck with pendant jewels, which are comparable to the Anglo-Saxon seventh century style of necklace.

Category BE2-b are “almond-shaped, biconical or oblong beads” of silver or gold sheet, also rarely copper alloy sheet. As their description suggests, these are a less homogeneous category. Hines and Bayliss list fourteen beads from eight assemblages. Only one of these is made of gold, from Castledyke South grave I (Drinkall and Foreman 1998, fig. 120.16) which has longitudinal grooves like those on a silver gilt bead not included by Hines and Bayliss, from Wasperton grave 138 (Carver et al. 2009, 334). Another comparable silver bead comes from Garton Slack I, described as a “fluted spindle-shaped bead of thin silver” (Mortimer 1905, 252, fig. 695). This bead was about an inch long, approx. 25mm, one of the larger of this type of bead, which ranges from 10mm to 30mm in length.

Several 6th and 7th century female graves with elaborate jewellery have been found under churches in France and Germany, some identified as specific historically recorded queens (Wamers and Perin 2013). Amongst these not all have elaborate necklaces. The grave attributed to Queen Arnegunde, buried c. 580 under St Denis, Paris, contained elaborate buckles and textile remains, but no necklace. Another sixth-century burial, found under Cologne cathedral, did have a necklace, the main strand of which consisted of gold and garnet beads and pendants, including biconical gold wire beads and cylindrical sheet beads, also two cloisonné garnet biconical beads. The pendants include cloisonné garnet, gold filigree discs, and coins, but no cabochon stone pendants. The coins give a terminus post quem of AD 526 for the burial. Another strand of polychrome beads also includes one decorated biconical gold bead, which has a less elongated form than the Exning beads, and a more elaborate design (Ristow 2013, fig. 47). The seventh-century burial of a young girl under Frankfurt cathedral also contained a necklace, including metal beads of the double-bell form and gold filigree pendants of various shapes, as well as one small purple glass or amethyst set in silver. Balthilde, queen and then abbess, died c.AD 680 at Chelles, where a tunic embroidered with multiple necklaces, including pendants of various designs, was preserved (Laporte 2013, fig. 89). Some of these pendants might have been cabochon stones but the embroidered outline is not sufficient to be sure of this and there are no clear indications of biconical beads.

The other BE2-b beads are made of silver or alloys of various metals. Some are very fragmentary. They are elongated ovals in shape, “almond” does describe most of them quite well. Several have simple incised decoration: Finglesham 180.4 has applied wire (Hawkes and Grainger 2006, fig. 2.130); Lechlade 172/2 13 is a bead formed from two convex ovals with a longitudinal band of incised decoration (Boyle et al. 1998, fig. 5.100,) while Didcot 7.7 has lines around the middle (Boyle et al. 1995, fig.94). Boss Hall grave 93 has two silver wire beads and three made from silver sheet. One of the sheet beads is similar in shape to Exning (SF 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25), slightly longer, with a central band but not the more elaborate decoration of the Exning bead (Scull 2009a, fig. 2.21). BE2-a beads belong to Hines and Bayliss phase FE, while BE2-b has a longer currency, in phases FD and FE, broadly early to mid 7th century. Both types are distributed widely across England without regional concentrations. The Exning bead (SF 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25) fits best in category BE2-b but unlike most of these it is made of gold, while most other gold beads are made of wire, and it is also more elaborately decorated than other beads so far recorded from England. The gold cylinder with applied bands from Streethouse grave 70 is quite similar, but this has been identified as a reused attachment loop.

The fashion for short necklaces including metal beads and pendants existed already in the 6th century in Frankia but did not become popular until later in England, when the use of cabochon pendants became popular. As Geake argues, this may be the result of direct influence from the Mediterranean and perhaps of a conscious classicizing

Short necklaces with metal beads and pendants replaced the long strings of amber and glass beads found in sixth century Anglo-Saxon graves. They have been interpreted as evidence of continental and/or Mediterranean influence, representing a new “Roman” style of jewellery possibly 113

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk (Swallowcliffe). Hines and Bayliss have four examples in their sample, in phases AS-FD and FE, late sixth to late seventh century. Similar brooches with lozenge-shaped bows occur in settlement sites, including Flixborough and Brandon, in eighth- to ninth-century contexts (Riddler 2014, 221). These can be larger, up to 60mm in length.

trend. Similarities in the jewellery of seventh century Anglo-Saxon and Frankish high status women are to be expected, in light of the historically recorded contacts between these regions especially through women moving as wives to join religious houses. Copper alloy and silver dress fasteners and jewellery Linked pins (Catherine Hills)

Copper alloy bracelet (Catherine Hills)

SK 2, Grave 2 F2035 (SF 8; Fig. 9; Plate 4)

SK 12, Grave 12 F2075 (SF 41; Fig. 20; Plate 47)

Linked pins of copper alloy, silver and gold are found in seventh-century female graves. Geake included thirteen examples in her study, eight made of silver, three copper alloy and one gold (Geake 1997, 35-6). Hines and Bayliss have fourteen examples in their database, with the addition of the silver pins from Carlton Colville grave 22 (Lucy et al. 2009, fig. 7.18). To these can be added a gold and garnet pair from Trumpington (Evans et al. 2018). They also occur on settlement sites in eighth- or ninth-century contexts, including Flixborough (Walton Rogers 2009b, fig. 1.26), and Brandon (Riddler 2014, 237-8). These are fragile objects, especially the chains, and some of the single pins with looped or pierced heads, which are relatively numerous finds from burials and settlements of middle Anglo-Saxon date, may once have formed part of a linked pair.

Bracelets are infrequent finds in Anglo-Saxon graves, and were not included in Hines and Bayliss (2013). The copper alloy bracelet (SF 41; Fig. 20; Plate 47) recovered from Grave 12 F2075 is best paralleled at Harford Farm grave 20/2. This is also a copper alloy ring of comparable size, with a hook and eye fastening, with a blue glass bead threaded onto it, as the Exning bracelet has the smaller ring threaded onto it (Penn 2000, fig. 90). Copper alloy buckle (Catherine Hills) SK 16, Grave 16 F2083 (SF 48; Fig. 24; Plate 58) Marzinzik type II.19b (SF 48; Fig. 24; Plate 58). This type of buckle is numerous and widespread, although with fewer examples in Kent than elsewhere in south and eastern England. It has a broad date range from mid 5th to mid 7th century AD (Marzinzik 2003, 46-7). Small iron and copper alloy buckles of this and related types are common in 7th century burials in eastern England, for example Burwell, graves 2, 14, 72, 92, (Lethbridge 1931, figs. 22, 30) and Coddenham graves 1, 8, 19, 26, 40 and 45 (Penn 2011, figs 87,91, 92, 94, 99,100). Høilund-Nielsen included several of Marzinzik’s categories of small iron or copper alloy buckles in her type BU9 (2003, 146) which did not appear to be chronologically sensitive.

The Exning examples (SF 8; Fig. 9; Plate 4) are very small. Lechlade grave 138 has pins of similar length, 36 and 39.5mm (Boyle et al. 1998, fig. 5.85) and the gold pins from Trumpington measure about 40mm (Evans et al., 2018). But these sets are made from precious metal and garnet whereas the Exning pair are copper alloy and undecorated. Most other linked pins from graves are larger, made of silver, and have chains either made of plaited silver wire or interlocked loops or rings. Chains formed of figure-of-eight copper-alloy links are however attached to most seventh-century workbox/reliquaries, which are sometimes, as at Harford Farm, found in the same graves as linked pins (Penn 2000, fig. 88). The Exning pins may represent a local, cheaper version of the pins, made with a simpler chain. Possibly the most relevant parallels are from Burwell, where both graves 6 and 61 contained single bronze pins with pierced heads. That from grave 61 has a shield shaped head like the Exning pair and is, according to the drawing, 41mm long (Lethbridge 1931, fig. 29.2). Geake dated linked pins to the second half of the 7th century (Geake 1997, 138), and Hines and Bayliss put them in Phase AS-FE, mid to later seventh century.

Iron buckles (Sam Lucy) SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 and SK 20, Grave 20 F2091 (SFs 36.19, Fig. 16 & SF 54, Fig. 29; Plate 71) Marzinzik types II.16 and II.19a (SFs 36.19 (Fig. 16) & SF 54 (Fig. 29; Plate 71)), neither of which are chronologically sensitive (2003, 44-46). That in Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.19; Fig. 16) may have formed part of a bag or other container, and was corroded to the woolcomb in that grave. Silver rings (Catherine Hills)

Copper alloy safety pin brooch (Catherine Hills) SKs 9a & 9b, Grave 9 F2063 (SF 40; Fig. 17)

SK 2, Grave 2 F2035 and SKs 9a & 9b, Grave 9 F2063 (SF7, Fig. 9; Plate 3 & SF 31, Fig. 17; Plate 39)

This type of brooch is found in 7th century burials widely distributed across southern and eastern England (Geake 1997, 54-5). They are made from copper alloy or silver, for example Coddenham grave 11 (Penn 2011, 73). Most are larger than the Exning example, but still very small, with lengths ranging from 18mm (Uncleby) to 31mm

Silver or copper alloy wire rings are found with beads as necklaces in female Anglo-Saxon graves from the fifth to the seventh century (Geake 1997, 112-13); the examples found at Exning are recorded as SFs 7 (Fig. 9; Plate 3) and 31 (Fig. 17; Plate 39). Silver bound iron rings occurred in a fifth-century cremation at Spong Hill (Hills and Lucy 114

The Grave Goods 2013, 45). Silver rings were found in graves 26 and 32 at Burwell, within a few miles of the Exning cemetery (Lethbridge 1931, figs. 24, 25).

only two examples from 7th century graves (Meaney 1981, 135). Glass vessels

The form of ring found in Grave 9 F2063 at Exning (SF 31; Fig. 17; Plate 39), with coiled terminals, also occurred at Shudy Camps, grave 11 (Lethbridge 1936, fig. 2), Coddenham grave 30 (Penn 2011, fig. 96) and at Harford Farm grave 33 (Penn 2000, 50, pl. XVI). This is HoilundNielsen type WR2 (p.217), phase AS-FE in Hines and Bayliss.

Piece of blue glass (Catherine Hills) SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.1; Fig. 15; Plate 31) A piece of blue glass (SF 36.1; Fig. 15; Plate 31) was recovered from Grave 8 F2061. The size and flatness of this glass suggest it could be a piece of window glass. Most Roman window glass was colourless. Evidence for coloured window glass comes only from late antiquity/ early medieval period, early examples including San Vitale, Ravenna dated to the 540s and Jarrow after 682 (Whitehouse 2001). Window glass was made from reused blue tesserae at San Vincenzo in the ninth century (Schibille and Freestone 2013). Jarrow produced some deep blue window glass fragments and would provide the closest parallel for Exning in terms of both chronology and geography (Cramp 2000). However, the glass from Jarrow has a range of thickness from 0.7-4.5mm which would make the Exning piece unusually thick, at 6mm. Recorded window glass from Anglo-Saxon England comes mainly from settlement sites which are definitely or possibly ecclesiastical in character (Cramp 2000). The latter category locally includes Brandon (Tester et al. 2014) where 185 fragments were recovered, mostly described as ‘colourless’, in fact various shades of light green-blue, none of strong blue colour (Cramp 2014, 140).

Glass beads (Catherine Hills) SK 2, Grave 2 F2035; SK 5, Grave 5 F2055; SK 6, Grave 6 F2053; SK 8, Grave 8 F2061, and; SKs 9a & 9b, Grave 9 F2063 (SF 64, Fig. 9; SF 16.1, Fig. 12, Plate 13; SFs 13 & 14 (Fig. 13, Plates 19 & 20; SF 36.3 (Fig. 15, Plate 33; SF 31 (Fig. 17, Plates 39 & 40) Glass beads from the Exning cemetery are recorded as SF 64 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9), SF 16.1 (Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12; Plate 13), SF 13, SF 14 (Grave 6 F2053; Fig. 13, Plates 19 & 20), SF 36.3 (Grave 8 F2061; Fig. 15, Plate 33), and SF 31 (Grave 9 F2063; Fig. 17, Plates 39 & 40). Roman melon beads occur in graves of fifth- to seventh-century date (Brugmann 2011, 72), including Burwell grave 17 (Lethbridge 1931, 31, fig. 22) and Harford Farm grave 27 (Penn 2000, 94). Amulet (Ian Riddler) SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.10; Fig. 15; Plate 35)

The small piece of upturned curvature indicates instead that this could be part of the base of a large glass vessel, although the transverse streaks do not suggest a circular base. The diameter of the curvature might be approximately 5cm. The deep blue colour is matched by globular glass vessels of late sixth/early seventh-century date from high status burials Sutton Hoo mound 2 (Harden 1956), Broomfield (Evison and Marzinzik 2008) and Prittlewell (Hirst 2004). A small piece of a vessel of this type was found at Exning in Grave 12. Other blue glass vessels are known from AngloSaxon England, including a claw beaker from Spong Hill (Evison 1994a). However, none of these has a thick flat base. Roman glass vessels include cylindrical bottles and jugs, some with flat bases, but strong colours occur mainly in the first century AD (Price 1998).

The two pin-beaters in Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.8 & SF 36.9; Figs. 15 & 16; Plates 34 & 35) were accompanied by a fragment of a canine tooth (SF 36.10; Fig. 15; Plate 35), which survives in poor condition. It is possible that the tooth was originally perforated laterally, but that part of the object is now missing. Perforated canine teeth are known from a number of early Anglo-Saxon graves, within cemeteries at Abingdon, Bricklehampton, Cow Low, Great Chesterford, Lyminge, Milton–next–Sittingbourne, Sleaford and Wheatley; and there is also an example from the posthole fill of a structure at the Buttermarket in Ipswich (Meaney 1981, 135; Riddler et al forthcoming). The precise species of the canine has rarely been identified and could encompass dogs, foxes or wolves; unfortunately, it is difficult to differentiate between the teeth of dogs and wolves (Meaney 1981, 135; Pluskowski 2010, 70). Documentary sources tend to refer to wolves, rather than dogs (Meaney 1981, 134-6), but neither their teeth nor their claws would have been easy to obtain, and interest in wolf hunting may not have begun to any extent before the late Anglo-Saxon period (Pluskowski 2010, 70). On balance, this tooth is likely to have come from a dog, and it may or may not have been perforated. Canine teeth are a feature of Migration Period cemeteries, rather than those of a later date: Geake (1997, 98) noted the presence of only one example in her survey, and Meaney could list

Pieces of glass are recorded in Anglo-Saxon graves of fifth- to seventh-century date. Audrey Meaney describes them as “broken pieces of Roman glass, often fairly thick, regular feature of amulet bags (Meaney 1981, 227). Several of the pieces from older finds are specifically described as blue. More recently at Streethouse, North Yorkshire pieces of Anglo-Saxon glass vessels were found in graves 7, 9, and 18 (Price 2012, 68) and in grave 52 two pieces of glass were found together with beads, described as “Romano-British vessel glass”, one colourless, the other turquoise (Sherlock 2012, pl. 3.13). The colour blue has had apotropaic significance in later cultures and was 115

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk favoured for glass beads in late Roman and early AngloSaxon graves (Hills and Lucy 2013, 53-4).

occurred pre-burial. This find is probably best interpreted as the broken remains of a single comb.

This piece of glass fits well within that tradition but if it is window glass, rather than vessel, it would be noteworthy as contemporary with the earliest recorded blue window glass in England, from Jarrow.

Short-toothed, two-row Anglo-Saxon and Continental woolcombs were used in pairs, one in either hand, to prepare wool for spinning (Walton Rogers 2007, 15-17). They have to be distinguished from one-row Viking-age woolcombs and the much longer-toothed late medieval woolcombs, which were handled in a different way and probably used for a different range of products. Woolcombs of this type first appeared in 7th century Anglo-Saxon graves, as pairs, at Bloodmoor Hill, Suffolk, grave 11 (Walton Rogers 2009a, 409-10), and Lechlade, Gloucestershire, Inhumation 14 (Weightman and Boyle 2011, 64-5), and they have also been recorded in occupation sites of the Middle and Late Anglo-Saxon periods (Walton Rogers 1997, 1720-1; 2009b [Flix], 2813; 2014a [Brandon], 285). Their recovery from three wellfurnished female-gender burials suggests that they had value, either intrinsically or by their social association, which may explain why a broken single comb was retained after it must have outlived its usefulness.

Palm cup (Catherine Hills) SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 (SF 29; Fig. 15; Plates 28 & 29) This vessel (SF 29; Fig. 15; Plates 28 & 29) is very similar in form, size and colour to the pair from Westfield, Ely (Lucy et al. 2009, fig. 3b) and also to the Buttermarket palm cups (Scull 2009a, fig. 3.38). Dated in the Rhineland chronology to phases 7-8, AD 610/20-670/80 (Mussemeier et al. 2003, 69-70). Two fragments of pale blue translucent glass (Catherine Hills) SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 (Fig. 15; Plate 32)

Pin-beaters (Ian Riddler)

No diagnostic rim or base details. These fragments (SF 36.2; Fig. 15; Plate 32) could be part of a second palm cup but are not clearly identifiable.

SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.8 & SF 36.9; Figs. 15 & 16; Plates 34 & 35)

Glass fragment (Catherine Hills)

Two antler or bone pin-beaters (SF 36.8 & SF 36.9; Figs. 15 & 16; Plates 34 & 35) were recovered from the left side of the deceased in Grave 8 F2061, at the level of the knees. Both survive in poor condition, with most of the surface detail eroded away, but it is clear that they are double-pointed and are markedly different in size, the short example extending to 76mm and the longer to 129mm. They differ also in their sections, the small pin-beater having an oval section and the longer a rectangular section. Double-pointed pin-beaters are common finds from settlements but are rarely discovered in graves, and there are less than twenty examples from early Anglo-Saxon cemetery contexts (Geake 1997, 60; Walton Rogers 2007, 33). Whilst double pointed pin-beaters occur from the fifth century onwards within settlements, they are only found in graves of seventh-century date. They usually occur as single finds, invariably in the graves of females, including children, juveniles and adults. The presence of two pin-beaters (SF 36.8 & SF 36.9) in the grave of a child at Exning is matched by single examples found in the graves of children at Kington, Kent and Dunstable, Bedfordshire, as well as a juvenile at Wakerley, Northamptonshire (Faussett 1856, 92-3; Jackson and Ambrose 1978, 235; Geake 1997, 60).

SK 12, Grave 12 F2075 (SF 44.3, Fig. 20; Plate 49) SF 44.3 (Fig. 20; Plate 49) appears to be part of a globular beaker (e.g. Evison and Marzinzik 2008, nos 150-152), cf. Prittlewell and Broomfield. Weaving and textile equipment Iron woolcomb spikes (Penelope Walton Rogers and Margrethe Felter) SK 8, Grave 8 F2061 (SF 36.13 and 36.16, Fig. 16) The complex of ironwork associated with the glass palm cup by the left knee in Grave 8 proved to include a cluster of iron spikes, SF 36.13 and 36.16 (Fig. 16). The spikes are mostly fragmentary, but the two complete examples are 93mm long and 4-5mm thick. It is often difficult to differentiate spikes from woolcombs from those from flax heckles, but this group has the length and rounded-polygonal cross-section of spikes found in intact woolcombs (Walton Rogers 1997, 1727-31; 2007, 21). In addition, the remains of an iron base-plate have been revealed by investigative conservation of the lower end of three spikes. Metal base-plates are comparatively rare in heckles, though a standard feature of woolcombs. Anglo-Saxon woolcombs usually had more than 18 spikes per comb, arranged in two rows. The remains recorded here represent at most eleven spikes, three of which are twisted out of shape, and some of the breaks seem to have

Early Anglo-Saxon double pointed pin-beaters range from 68mm to 170mm and they fall into two groups, when arranged by length (Graph 12). The shorter group A extends from 68mm to 116mm, whilst the longer group B ranges from 122mm to 169mm. The Exning pin-beaters lie comfortably within each of the two groups. Most of the pin-beaters occur as single finds in graves and pairs are known only from Exning (Grave 8 F2061; SF 36.8 116

The Grave Goods

Graph 24. Lengths of early Anglo-Saxon double pointed pin-beaters

& SF 36.9; Figs. 15 & 16; Plates 34 & 35) and from Kingston grave 299 (Faussett 1856, 92-3). In both cases, the pairs consist of short and long pin-beaters, leading to the suggestion that double pointed pin-beaters were kept and used in sets, rather than as single items (Riddler 1993, 117-9). Pairs from the same context have been found in settlements at Duxford, West Stow and Pennyland and - in each case - the pairings are of short and long examples (Riddler 1993, 119; Duncan and Riddler 2011, 98-9). At Collingbourne Ducis three double pointed pin-beaters were recovered from the fill of a sunken-featured building, two of the shorter Group A and one of the longer Group B, and three pin-beaters also came from the backfill of a sunken-featured building at Yarnton (Pine 2001, 109 and fig 9.5-7; Hey 2004, 185).

16 F2083; Fig. 24; Plate 59), SF 51 (Grave 18 F2089; Fig. 27; Plate 67), SF 52 (Grave 19 F2087; Fig. 28; Plate 69), and SF 53 (Grave 20 F2091; Fig. 29)), each from a separate grave, were recovered, with a possible twelfth from Grave 17 F2085 (SF 62; Fig. 25). Most of the knives are complete or near-complete, and in all probability all of them were complete when originally deposited in their graves. They can all be assigned to a particular type. There is almost a bewildering range of typologies in existence for AngloSaxon knives, as noted by several authors (Blackmore 2006, 57-8; Blakelock and McDonnell 2007; Knox forthcoming). The Exning knives have been classified according to the scheme proposed by Drinkall and Foreman (1998, 279-84), which has been used on other knives from early AngloSaxon cemeteries in East Anglia (Riddler 2012a; Penn 2013). This scheme is correlated with the systems adopted by Evison and by Ottaway (Evison 1987, 113-5; Ottaway 1992, 561-72; 2013, 112-7) in the accompanying table (Table 11). Six main types of knife have been identified for early Anglo-Saxon England, principally on the basis of the form of the blade. One of the six types (F) is comparatively rare, whilst another (B) is associated with Migration period cemeteries, rather than those of a later date, and does not appear at Exning.

Other grave-goods The Knives (Ian Riddler) SK 1, Grave 1 F2037; SK 2, Grave 2 F2035; SK 5, Grave 5 F2055; SK 8, Grave 8 F2061; SK 10, Grave 10 F2069; SK 12, Grave 12 F2075; SK 14, Grave 14 F2079; SK 16, Grave 16 F2083; SK 18, Grave 18 F2089; SK 19, Grave 19 F2087, and; SK 20, Grave 20 F2091

Four knives can be assigned to type A, for which the back edge and the cutting edge of the blade converge to a point, which can either be rounded or sharp. This is the most common form of the Anglo-Saxon period as a whole, and particularly of the fifth and sixth centuries, where it usually extends to 50% or more of each assemblage. Its

Eleven iron knives (SF 6 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8), SF 10 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9), SF 19 (Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12), SF 33 (Grave 8 F2061; Fig. 15; Plate 26), SF 37 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18; Plate 43), SF 59 (Grave 12 F2075; Fig. 20), SF 45 (Grave 14 F2079; Fig. 22; Plate 54), SF 47 (Grave 117

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk in relation to that project, notably Flixton and Tittleshall (Boulter and Walton Rogers 2012; Walton Rogers 2013), and these confirm the impression that type D knives do not occur in East Anglia before phase FB/MB at the earliest, indicating an introduction in the late sixth century. The same dating for the introduction of the type was suggested for the Dover Buckland cemetery in Kent (Riddler 2012b, 165). Type E knives, which came from three graves, first occur at around the same time and, alongside type D, form the most popular type of the Middle Anglo-Saxon period (Riddler 2001, 232-4; 2012c, 148-51; Ottaway 2013, 114). The knives from the cemetery follow a familiar pattern in terms of their types. Cemeteries of seventh-century date across East Anglia include knives of types A, D and E, and few knives of any other type (Graph 13). At Exning, 55% of the graves include a knife, a noticeably high figure for cemeteries of this date within East Anglia (Table 12).

popularity waned from the late sixth century onwards as other forms, and particularly types D and E, came to prominence (Riddler 2012b, 165). Four knives can be assigned to type D, for which the back edge of the blade is curved throughout its length, whilst the cutting edge (if unworn) is straight. The initial occurrence of type D knives within East Anglian cemeteries can be assessed against the phasing provided previously in the Four Cemeteries project (Penn and Brugmann 2007). Knives were not included in that project but a number of graves containing them were phased on the basis of other grave goods, and it was noted that knives with straight cutting edges (types D and E) were a relatively late type (ibid, 34). Knives from other East Anglian cemeteries come from graves phased Table 11. Anglo-Saxon Knife Typologies Drinkall and Evison Ottaway Foreman 1998 1987 1992

Description

Table 12. Percentage of Graves with Knives in East Anglian 7th century Cemeteries

A

1

D

Curved back, cutting edge rising to point

B

2

E

Straight back, cutting edge rising to point

Cemetery Cambridge Backs

20.0%

Carlton Colville

21.4%

Ipswich Buttermarket

25.4%

Coddenham

36.0% 40.0%

C

3

A

Angled back, cutting edge rising to point

D

4

C

Curved back, straight cutting edge

E F

5 6

Percentage of Graves with Knives

A

Angled back, straight cutting edge

Ely Westfield Farm Harford Farm

45.7%

B

Straight back, front part with concave curve; cutting edge rising to point

Melbourn

49.1%

Exning

55.0%

Graph 25. Knife Types from East Anglian 7th century Cemeteries

118

The Grave Goods Table 13. Blade Length, Sex, Gender and Age Category Grave

SF No.

Blade Length

19 F2087

SF 52

39

Age Category

Sex

Gender

Sub-Adult

Indeterminate

Indeterminate

8 F2061

SF 33

52

Juvenile

Female

Female

1 F2037

SF 6

58

Adult

Male

Indeterminate

18 F2089

SF 51

58

Sub-Adult

Male

Indeterminate

12 F2075

SF 59

62

Juvenile

Indeterminate

Female

2 F2035

SF 10

67

Juvenile

Female

Female

5 F2055

SF 19

68

Child

?Female

Female

20 F2091

SF 53

79

Adult

Male

Male

10 F2069

SF 37

90

Mature Adult

Female

Female

16 F2083

SF 47

91

Adult

Male

Male

14 F2079

SF 45

122

Mature Adult

Male

Indeterminate

The overall lengths of the knives vary between 68mm and 174mm, and the lengths of the blades range from 42mm to 122mm (Graph 14 and Table 13). The average blade length is 74.5mm, a slightly lower figure than for the majority of contemporary East Anglian cemeteries, where average blade lengths range from 81-96mm (Graph 15). There are no large knives, defined by Härke as knives with a blade length of 130-175mm (Härke 1989, 144; 1992a, 91), and only one blade exceeds 100mm in length and falls into his median size group. The sample of knives is a small one but it conforms broadly with Härke’s correlations between blade length, gender and age at death, using the age categories defined for the cemetery at Carlton Colville (Scull 2009b,

388), which differ slightly from those adopted by Härke (1992a, 184). Three of the four longest blades came from the graves of adult males (Table 13) although the average blade length of 87.4mm from those male graves is slightly less than the blade length of 90mm from the only adult female buried with a knife. The knife buried with the child aged c.2 in Grave 5 F2055 has a blade longer than those from any of the burials of juveniles, and the two burials of sub-adults have shorter blades than those of the juveniles; but the small size of the sample should be stressed. The three types of knife present in the cemetery were evenly distributed between males and females and across the age categories.

Graph 26. Exning Knife Blade and Tang Lengths

119

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Graph 27. Scatter Diagram of Blade Length against Overall Length for Exning and East Anglian 7th century Cemeteries

Knife sheaths

Faint traces of mineralised horn are visible on the tangs of four of the knives (SF 6.1-2 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8), SF 33 (Grave 8 F2061; Fig. 15; Plate 26), SF 45 (Grave 14 F2079; Fig. 22; Plate 54) and SF 47 (Grave 16 F2083; Fig. 24; Plate 59)). Where the front of the blade survives, the knives end in rounded terminals, with the exception of one knife (SF 37; Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18), which has a sharp point. Five of the cutting edges are heavily worn and curve inwards from the choil (SFs 6 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8), 33 (Grave 8 F2061; Fig. 15), 45 (Grave 14 F2079; Fig. 22), 47 (Grave 16 F2083; Fig. 24) and 52 (Grave 19 F2087; Fig. 28)). Less wear is evident on a further two knives (SF 19 (Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12), SF 53 (Grave 20 F2091; Fig. 29)), whilst the blade with the sharp point (SF 37; Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18) and the complete knives (SF 10 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9) and SF 51 (Grave 18 F2089; Fig. 27)) have no traces of wear on their cutting edges.

Remains of a leather sheath were represented by a structureless, ginger-coloured organic layer on both faces of the blades of knives SF 6 (Grave 1 F2037; Fig. 8) and SF 51 (Grave 18 F2089; Fig. 27). Remains of Z-spun threads running along the knife back in SF 51 mark the line of the sheath seam: the threads form the facing U-shapes that are typical of leather stitching. On some early knife sheaths the stitching ran along the cutting edge of the blade (Cameron 2000, 54), but in the later examples from Street House, Loftus, Yorkshire (Walton Rogers 2012a, 7172), and Trumpington, Cambridge (Walton Rogers 2018 [ASLab REP 140408 TRM 10 G1 sheath]) it ran along the knife back. It can be argued that this reflects the increased use of knives with a straight cutting edge (Drinkall and Foreman 1998, 281-282; Walton Rogers 2013, 46-7, 5962). It would be natural to align the straight fold of the leather sheath with the straight edge of the knife.

Organic remains with the knives (Penelope Walton Rogers)

No organic remains were recorded on knives SF 19 (Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12), SF 59 (Grave 12 F2075; Fig. 20) and SF 53 (Grave 20 F2091; Fig. 29). A small patch of linen textile on SF 10 (Grave 2 F2035; Fig. 9) might represent a wrapper, or more probably part of the dead’s clothing (see Costume and Textiles).

Knife handles Remains of the handle were preserved on the tangs of knives SF 6 (Grave 1 F2037), SF 33 (Grave 8 F2061), SF 45 (Grave 14 F2079) and SF 47 (Grave 16 F2083). In each case, the material proved to be horn, identified by the compact layers of parallel fibre-like elements, regularly organised, without rays or cellular structure (O’Connor et al. 2014, 5-7). The grain of the horn was always on the same alignment as the blade, which sometimes meant that it ran at a slight angle to the tang (Plate 81). On SF 33, the transverse edge of the handle ran across the proximal end of the blade, which indicates that it must have covered the choil (Plate 82).

Spatulate Implement (Ian Riddler) SK 4, Grave 4 F2041 (SF 11.2; Fig. 11; Plate 8) A spatulate implement (SF 11.2; Fig. 11; Plate 8) was recovered from the waist area of the deceased (SK 4) in Grave 4 F2041. Spatulate implements consist of a rectangular strip of iron with a flat or lightly rounded 120

The Grave Goods

Plate 81. Close-up of the broken tang of knife from Grave 1 F2037, SF 6, showing the mineral-preserved remains of the horn handle. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

Plate 82. Close-up of the knife from Grave 8 F2061, SF 33: tang to right, blade to left. The transverse line represents the edge of the horn handle. Photographed at x20 magnification. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

terminal at one end and a tapering rod, usually of circular section, at the other end. The rod is centrally placed and where it appears to be offset, as with Harford Road grave 4, the object is not a spatulate implement (Penn 2000,

fig 82.4.1c). The precise identification of the object type is important because it has some bearing on its dating. Four spatulate implements were identified at the Sewerby cemetery and, as a result, the object type was thought 121

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk the knife and spatulate implement were probably enclosed within a leather bag, and traces of leather were seen also with spatulate implements from Castledyke grave 180 and Finglesham graves 25, 129 and 163 (Drinkall and Foreman 1998, 90; Penn 2011, 13; Geake 1997, 93; Hawkes and Grainger 2006, 48, 94 and 115). A spatulate implement from Finglesham grave 133 included fragments possibly of antler or bone on the rod (Hawkes and Grainger 2006, 96 and figs 2.35 and 115) but the implement lay close to the pelvis of the deceased and the bone could be human.

to go back in date to the sixth century (Hirst 1985, 889; Penn 2011, 66). With the benefit of a closer definition of the object type, however, it is clear that only two of those four objects are spatulate implements, and both of them come from graves that can be assigned to the late sixth to seventh century (Geake 1997, 92). The spatulate implement is, therefore, an object largely belonging to the seventh century, which occurs also in some middle AngloSaxon contexts, notably at Sandtun (Riddler 2001, 234). Spatulate implements vary from 88-178mm in length, a slightly longer range than noted by Geake (1997, 92), the Exning example (SF 11.2; Fig. 11; Plate 8) lying towards the shorter end of that size range. They are not common implements within East Anglia and have not been found in every cemetery with graves of 7th century date. Where they do occur, there are usually just one or two from each cemetery, although four examples were found at Coddenham (Penn 2011, 66). They are found in the graves of males and females, with just a single example coming from each grave, and occur with adults, but not with children or juveniles. They are commonly located at the waist area of the deceased, often in close association with an iron knife (Geake 1997, 93). It is comparatively rare for spatulate implements to represent the only object found in a grave, but this can be seen with Finglesham grave 129B, as well as Exning (Hawkes and Grainger 2006, 94).

The comparative lack of associated organic remains led Geake (1997, 93) to observe that the rod was not a tang attached to a handle, and it should instead be considered as a part of the implement itself. This is an important point and it is possible to view spatulate implements in a different light by comparing them with contemporary graves on the Continent. It is noticeable that spatulate implements, almost all of which are made of iron, first occur in graves at around the same time that fiches à bélière are seen in England. The latter have been found in a small number of graves, mainly in Kent, and occasionally in contemporary settlement contexts (Riddler and Kerep 2012). The two forms of iron implement have few obvious similarities, at first sight. However, one of the key elements that defines fiches is the presence of a pointed terminal at one end, and another significant characteristic is their frequent occurrence in graves at the waist area, in close association with a knife. Thus both fiches and spatulate implements are closely associated with knives, and are often found together at the waist area of the deceased. The size range of fiches from the Bulles (Oise) cemetery, of 80-170mm, corresponds well with the range established for spatulate implements (Legoux 2011, 112). Fiches are widespread in graves from the fifth century onwards in northern France, and both there and in England they are confined to the graves of males. Their function is as unclear, if not moreso, than that of spatulate implements, and they were described recently as ‘toujours aussi énigmatique’ (Nice 2008, 167). It is likely that, much like knives, they were a utilitarian implement, the pointed terminal used rather like an awl. They could also have been used as culinary implements, driven into food to hold it in place whilst a knife is used to cut it, and spatulate implements may have performed a similar culinary function (Riddler 2006, 21). For this purpose the spatulate object could have been held in the hand by the blade, with the so-called tang forming a tapering point. In effect, therefore, spatulate implements appear to be an Anglo-Saxon form of the Merovingian fiche à bélière, first occurring in the late sixth century and becoming popular across the seventh century. Unlike the Merovingian implement, however, they appear in the graves of both males and females.

The precise function of spatulate implements is uncertain, although a number of suggestions have been made in the past. Hawkes (1973, 199) argued that they were used as sharpening steels, but metallographic analysis of an example from Sewerby indicated that the metal was softer than the accompanying knife, initially casting some doubt on this functional interpretation (Hirst 1985, 89). It has been suggested that they could possibly represent a seventh-century form of firesteel, but they occur in several graves alongside identifiable firesteels of a different and more familiar type (Geake 1997, 93). Walton Rogers (2012) likened their appearance to single pointed pin-beaters, objects usually made of antler and bone, rather than iron, and a decorated copper alloy version of the object type from Finglesham grave 180 was described in the grave catalogue as a pin-beater (Hawkes and Grainger 2006, 123; Geake 1997, 60). It lay beside a knife on the right side of the waist, the usual position for these implements in the grave, and can be regarded as a spatulate implement, and not as a pin-beater. Although these implements bear some resemblance to single pointed pin-beaters, that is unlikely to have been their function. Geake stressed the association of spatulate implements with knives and returned to the suggestion that they acted as sharpeners for knives and other objects (Geake 1997, 93). The narrow part of the implement has often been referred to as the tang, but this is a misleading term. Unlike knives, where organic remains can frequently be identified on their tangs, few organic remains have ever been recognised on the narrow rods of spatulate implements. Within Coddenham grave 8 and Finglesham grave 163

Comb (Ian Riddler) SK 4, Grave 4 F2041 (SF 11.1; Fig. 11; Plate 8) Part of an antler composite comb (SF 11.1; Fig. 11; Plate 8) came from the left side of the waist of the deceased in 122

The Grave Goods Grave 4 F2041. The comb survives in poor condition, with most of the surface detail obscured. It can be identified as a double-sided composite, equipped with four teeth per centimetre on one side and five per centimetre on the other, and with undecorated antler connecting plates of shallow D-shaped section. This forms the most common type of double-sided comb to be found in East Anglia. The earliest examples include three with similar tooth values from Spong Hill, coming from cremations assigned to Phase B (two examples) and Phase C (one example), encompassing the period c. 435-525 (Riddler and TrzaskaNartowski 2013, 139-40). The emergence of these combs in early Anglo–Saxon England occurs at roughly the same time as their appearance on the Continent. The comb type is a relatively simple one, with undecorated connecting plates of a cylindrical form and prominent saw marks, and it continues well into the seventh century in eastern England, although there are no examples from Ipswich, and it is possible that the type went into decline across the seventh century. They are known from a wide range of sites and from both graves and settlement contexts, including Barrington, Burwell, Carlton Colville, Duxford, Eriswell, Melbourn, Pakenham, Stonea, Sutton Hoo, Thetford and West Stow (Duncan and Riddler 2011, 98). The majority of those from cemetery contexts are associated with the graves of adult females, particularly in East Anglia, where is it rare to find the type in a male grave.

material. Four distinct forms of gaming piece are present within the assemblage. Twelve of the gaming pieces have flat bases and shallow plano-convex sections, with no traces of any decoration on their upper surfaces. They range from 16mm to 19.5mm in diameter. Three gaming pieces of the same section are noticeably larger, with diameters of 24.5mm to 25mm, and they have decorated upper surfaces, with rows of indentations forming a cruciform pattern in each case. Given the eroded nature of these surfaces, it is likely that these indentations were originally ring-and-dot motifs. Vierck (1972, 26) noted that gaming pieces of this size were characteristic of the seventh century. The third form is represented by a single, undecorated and domed gaming piece of oval section with a flat base, cut from a tooth. The fourth form is also limited to a single gaming piece with a domed section, decorated with four ring-and-dot motifs. Gaming pieces made from horses’ teeth are first seen in the late sixth century, a group of three pieces of this material from Haslingfield in Cambridgeshire forming one of the earliest assemblages (Youngs 1983, 866 and 873). They have been found in graves from Didcot, Faversham, Sarre and possibly Tugby, and are known also from Frisia (Roes 1963, 54 and pl XLIV; Meaney 1981, 261; Youngs 1983, 870; MacGregor 1985, 134; Boyle et al. 1995, 223). A perforated horse’s tooth from Castle Bytham may have originally been used as a gaming piece, before being adapted as a pendant (Akerman 1855, 26 and pl. XII). Some of these pieces are little modified from the original form of the tooth whilst others, including those from Castle Bytham, Exning, Frisia and Sarre, have been cut to shape and have a flat base and a rounded apex.

Bell (Sam Lucy) SK 5, Grave 5 F2055 (SF 18; Fig. 12; Plates 14 & 15) The small iron bell (SF 18; Fig. 12; Plates 14 & 15) in this grave is paralleled by that from the Anglo-Saxon settlement at Sutton Courtenay (Leeds 1923, 181, pl, 27, fig. 2B). Other examples have been recovered from tool hoards at Flixborough, and from graves of the seventh and eighth centuries (Hinton 2000; Geake 1997, 102), including the smith’s grave at Tattershall Thorpe, dated to AD 660-670 (Hinton 2000, 44, fig. 30), although this is a large example. They may have had a religious function (Ottoway 2009, 141), or may simply have been animal bells (Ager 2011, 91). Geake (1997) lists parallels from two graves at both Lechlade, Glos. (Ager 2011, 90-1) and Kingston Down, Kent (Faussett 1856, pl. 10, 17, 21), and Ager gives further examples.

Antler and bone gaming pieces are largely familiar as sets and smaller groups from early Anglo-Saxon cremation burials (Richards 1987, 82; Riddler 2007; Riddler and Trzaska-Nartowski 2013, 148-55). Indeed, the quantity of gaming pieces from cremation cemeteries greatly exceeds that from inhumation burials, both from England and from the Continent (Graph 16). The distribution pattern is similar for both cremations and inhumations, with most graves providing between one and three gaming pieces. The Exning pieces lie within a small group of inhumation graves that have slightly more gaming pieces, ranging from seven to seventeen. The other members of this group include an inhumation grave from West Ham near Basingstoke with seven antler or bone pieces, and a grave from Oxton in Nottinghamshire, which included fifteen glass pieces (Youngs 1983, 866 and 874). An inhumation grave from Speyer, Rheinland-Pfalz, produced seven gaming pieces of antler or bone and three of glass, alongside fragments of a wooden board (Stauch 1994, 97). A further ten early Anglo-Saxon graves have each provided between 30 and 63 gaming pieces.

Gaming Pieces (Ian Riddler) SK 5, Grave 5 F2055 (SF 55; Fig. 12; Plates 10 & 11) A group of seventeen antler or bone gaming pieces (SF 55; Fig. 12; Plates 10 & 11) were recovered from the foot of Grave 5 F2055. The gaming pieces survive in poor condition and most of their surface detail has been eroded away. One of them retains a small amount of cortile tissue on its base and appears to have been made from antler and another piece has been cut from a tooth, almost certainly stemming from a horse. The remaining pieces are made either from antler or bone, with antler the most likely

It has been argued that the number of gaming pieces in graves increases over time across the early AngloSaxon period, reaching its apogee in the early part of the seventh century with the groups from Carisbrooke Castle, 123

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Graph 28. Quantity of Gaming Pieces from early Anglo-Saxon cremation and inhumation graves, and from contemporary Merovingian graves (figures for Merovingian graves taken from Stauch 1994).

Faversham, Saltwood, Sarre grave 6, Shudy Camps, Taplow and Tugby (Riddler 2007, 260-1; Riddler and TrzaskaNartowski 2013, 152). It is likely that a large number of gaming pieces were deposited in Sutton Hoo Mound 1, although only a few fragments were recovered from the grave (Youngs 1983, 856-60). Thereafter, the quantity of gaming pieces deposited in graves declines rapidly.

gaming pieces being smaller than the decorated examples, and the two domed pieces standing out for their height (Graph 17). A similar range of forms can be seen within the assemblage of fifty gaming pieces from Sarre grave 6 (Brent 1866, 157), which includes decorated pieces of shallow plano-convex section, alongside a domed horse’s tooth and another domed piece, representing three of the four forms seen at Exning. The Sarre assemblage forms a close parallel for Exning, although it contained almost three times the number of gaming pieces.

The majority of antler or bone gaming pieces are undecorated and decorated gaming pieces are comparatively rare in the early Anglo-Saxon period, with just a few examples coming from cremation cemeteries (Riddler and TrzaskaNartowski 2013, 154). They never occur as single finds in graves. They are a feature of the late sixth and early seventh century inhumation assemblages in particular, and two styles of decoration can be identified (Riddler 2006, 6). With the first style ring-and-dot motifs cover the entire upper surface of each gaming piece, as with the Cold Eaton assemblage (Youngs 1983, fig 620), whilst the second style is more restrained, with just a few ring-anddot motifs present, as is the case here. Decorated gaming pieces represent only a percentage of any assemblage, sometimes in a ratio of roughly 1:2, as at Saltwood (14:26) or Sarre 6 (18:32), although at Cold Eaton and Loveden F5 (both of which have gaming pieces of the first style) almost all of the pieces are decorated.

Geake suggested that ‘as the numbers [of gaming pieces] in both cremations and inhumations vary enormously, though, it is hard to identify any single game that they might have been used for’ (Geake 1997, 100). The choice is fairly limited. The principal board game to be identified for the Anglo-Saxon period is taefl, a war game played with two sides of unequal numbers, as well as a king piece (Murray 1952, 56-64; Riddler 2007, 156; Riddler and Trzaska-Nartowski 2013, 154). Equating the number of gaming pieces in an assemblage with a specific game is a difficult process, in part because it carries the underlying assumption that there is a direct and straightforward link between the recovered remains and sparse literary sources, which may not be the case. Devlin (2007, 37) has suggested that the provisioning of gaming pieces in a grave may have served to evoke memories among mourners who participated in leisure activities with the deceased, and a single gaming piece could have fulfilled this purpose. Larger assemblages may have been deposited as aesthetic, mimetic displays, as argued for the Roman Iron Age in Germany (Widura 2015, 154), and they would include

The colours of the glass gaming pieces from Oxton varied from green to yellow and may have allowed for two separate groups to be identified within the assemblage; they are now lost, unfortunately. The Exning pieces can also be divided into at least three groups, the undecorated 124

The Grave Goods

Graph 29. Scatter Diagram of the diameter and height of the gaming pieces from Exning

females (Riddler and Trzaska-Nartowski 2013, table 2.28) and in Merovingian graves there is an even distribution between both sexes (Stauch 1994, 31-3). The situation within early Anglo-Saxon inhumation graves is a little harder to determine, because the biological sex is known for only a small number of those graves. Almost all of the graves that have provided 30 or more gaming pieces lack detailed osteological reports, and can only be assessed by gender, which is invariably male. Where just one, two or three gaming pieces occur in the grave, however, females are as well-represented as males by both sex and gender. Exning is one of the largest collections of gaming pieces to be associated with a female, rather than a male, and is comparable in this respect to Spong Hill grave 1341, which contained eighteen gaming pieces of the same type in the burial of a sub-adult, thought to be possibly a female. Larger assemblages from both early Anglo-Saxon and Merovingian inhumation graves appear to be confined to the graves of males.

the sets from Carisbrooke Castle, Faversham, Saltwood, Sarre (graves 6 and 198), Shudy Camps, Sutton Hoo, Taplow and Tugby. These sets may reflect the numbers of gaming pieces required for taefl, and equally for other games as well; with 35 counters it was possible to play all of the games known to the northern early medieval world (Gabriel 1988, 235-6). Some of the sets easily exceed that number, possibly in a display of ostentation, or possibly because they were intended for a large and more complex version of taefl, thereby emphasising the skill and dexterity of the deceased. The minimum number of pieces necessary for playing taefl alone may have been eight for one side and sixteen for the other, as well as a king piece, making twentyfive pieces altogether (Riddler 2007, 256). The Exning assemblage goes some way towards these figures and includes two domed pieces, either of which could have served as a king piece. The distinction between twelve smaller undecorated pieces and three larger decorated pieces may reflect some of the components of a taefl set, if not the complete collection. This may have been all that was considered necessary for the grave of a child and the provisioning of different types of gaming piece implies that a reflection of the playing of the game was intended. Within other small groups from cremation burials the gaming pieces are limited to a single type, and these may represent collections confined to one aspect of taefl, either defending or attacking the king.

Costume and textiles Penelope Walton Rogers Although clothed burial was still being practised in the 7th century, the dress styles of this period are difficult to reconstruct from the burial record, due to the relative rarity of those metal accessories that mark out significant points in the costume and which preserve organic remains in their corrosion products. Nevertheless, based on the limited evidence available, women’s clothing in this period has been reconstructed as a simple wool twill dress over a

Within early Anglo-Saxon England cremation burials gaming pieces were deposited with both males and 125

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk In two men’s burials, Grave 16 F2083 (Fig. 24) and Grave 20 F2091 (Fig. 29), the buckle worn at the centre of the waist (SFs 48 & 54 respectively) is likely to mark the position of a buckled belt, fastening either the tunic or the trousers. Knives followed conventions seen elsewhere in East Anglia, most commonly being carried vertically at the left waist, where they would be either tucked into the belt or suspended from it (Grave 1 F2037 (SF 6; Fig. 8), Grave 14 F2079 (SF 45; Fig. 22; Plate 54), Grave 16 F2083 (SF 47; Fig. 24; Plate 59)), but occasionally being worn horizontally at the waist (Grave 18 F2089 (SF 51; Fig. 27; Plate 67)). One example (SF 53; Fig. 29) was probably worn at right-centre waist (the tightly flexed body in Grave 20 F2091). The seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plates 61-65) in Grave 17 F2085 was also positioned vertically, point down, at the left waist.

linen chemise, covered by a large, lightweight, pinned shawl that covered the head (Walton Rogers 2007, 184-9). For men, a wrap-over ‘warrior jacket’ has been identified in certain burials, although it is reasonable to suppose that the knee-length tunic over close-fitting trousers worn in earlier and later periods remained in use (Walton Rogers 2007, 210-16). The following remarks are based on the author’s survey of costume evidence from 2,891 graves in 32 sites (Walton Rogers 2007, 110-228). Most costume accessories were in their expected position in the Exning graves. The paired linked pins (SF 8; Fig. 9) at the right neck in Grave 2 F2035 accord with other short pins, whether single or paired, in 7thcentury femalegender burials, which are usually found on the shoulder or upper chest. These are likely to have anchored the long shawl. The chatelaine (SF 21.2; Fig. 13; Plate 21) and shears (SF 21.1; Fig. 13; Plate 21) were at the left hip in Grave 6 F2053, where they were most probably suspended from the belt. Women’s buckled belts had almost certainly been replaced by tied ones at this date and the only buckle (SF 36.19; Fig. 16) from a grave with female accessories, Grave 8 F2061, was found in a palm cup (SF 29; Fig. 15; Plate 28, 29 & 30), with other loose items. The re-used item at the neck in Grave 13 F2077 (SF 43; Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52) was in the position of pendants found at other sites and a true pendant was also present at the neck in Grave 6 F2053 (SF 12; Fig. 13; Plate 18). Bead-strings were short at this time and the limited number of beads in Grave 5 F2055 (SF 15, SF 16.1; Fig. 12; Plates 12 & 13), Grave 6 F2053 (SF 13, SF 14; Fig. 13; Plates 19 & 20) and Grave 9 F2063 (SF 31; Fig. 17; Plates 39 & 40) is typical of the period. The only knife in an adult woman’s grave (SK 10, Grave 10 F2069; SF 37; Fig. 18; Plate 43) was at the left hip, with items likely to have been in a pouch suspended at the waist, but they were found in a variety of positions in children’s graves and may not have been carried on the body. The safety-pin brooch (SF 40; Fig. 17) in Grave 9 F2063 lay between the elbows of the two women, where their arms overlapped. Other examples have been found in a variety of positions in 7th century women’s graves, often associated with bags or boxes. The possibility that they were not garment fasteners, but rather kept in reserve as an emergency fastener, in the manner of a modern safety pin, has to be considered (Geake 1997, 54-55).

A linen tabby on the upper chest of the young child in Grave 5 F2055 (Plate 83) might also represent clothing, and a further piece of linen (not necessarily the same) was found on the iron bell resting on the child’s ankle. A fine linen recorded on the knife on the left chest in Grave 2 F2035, the burial of a child 8-10 years old, may also represent the fabric of a garment. ‘Linen’ is used here in its loosest sense of a textile made from flax or hemp: the two are difficult to distinguish in partially mineralised material (Plates 84 & 85). Early Anglo-Saxon children were often buried in linen garments, but by the 7th century tabbyweave linens had also become more common in the burials of adults – a change that can be seen in other European countries and which probably derives from Mediterranean practices (Walton Rogers 2007, 104-107, 217).

It is noteworthy that several of the dress accessories come from the burials of children aged 6 to 10 years old (Grave 2 F2035 (Fig. 9), Grave 6 F2053 (Fig. 13) and Grave 13 F2077 (Fig. 21)) and are positioned in the way that the same accessories would be worn by adult women (Walton Rogers 2007, 187-9). While burials of the 5th and 6th centuries show that certain garments and their fasteners were acquired and set aside at certain ages (Walton Rogers 2007, 179-89; Härke 2003, 126-30), these age distinctions seem to disappear in the 7th century. It can be argued that this reflects changes in a society that had become more conscious of status and less concerned with the significance of the female life-course (Walton Rogers 2014b, 263).

Other remains are more likely to represent wrappers for the objects placed in the grave. These include traces of a firmly woven fine linen tabby on the iron items in the cluster of artefacts in the palm cup (SF 29; Plate 30) from Grave 8 F2061; and threads running across the blades of the shears (SF 21.1), possibly to hold the blades shut, in Grave 6 F2053. Similar threads were recorded on miniature shears in Mucking 2 Cremation 486 (Hirst and Clark 2009, i, 290), while a knife and a sharpening tool were bound together in the same way in grave 8 at Coddenham (Walton Rogers 2011, 83). Like the wrapping of spearheads, these are likely to represent a tidy household practice carried through into the burial ritual.

The preservation of textiles was particularly poor (Plate 83) and they add little to our understanding of the clothing in which the dead were buried. On some objects, such as the iron fitting SF5, by the foot in Grave 1 F2037, the ghost of folds of cloth could be observed in the corrosion products, although no technical details could be recorded. In one adult woman’s burial, Grave 4 F2041 (Fig. 11), traces of a textile that incorporated S-spun yarn on the objects in the crook of her arm might represent the wool outer gown, since the fabrics they are made of typically incorporate S-spun yarn (although the possibility of spinpatterned linen cannot be excluded).

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The Grave Goods

Plate 83. Close-up of linen tabby on iron fire-steel SF 16 from Grave 5 F2055. Magnification not recorded. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

Plate 84

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A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Plate 85. Plates 84 & 85 Photomicrographs of semi-mineralised plant-stem fibres taken from textile on knife SF10 from Grave 2 F2035. Plates 84 and 85 represent two different areas of the mount, with the polariser rotated to different angles. Taken at x200 magnification with eye-piece camera fitted to polarising (transmitted) light microscope. © The Anglo-Saxon Laboratory

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12 Pottery from the graves Peter Thompson The excavation recovered 48 sherds weighing 270g from four graves (Grave 6 F2053, Grave 5 F2055, Grave 7 F2059, and Grave 11 F2073). Forty sherds are heavily abraded early to early middle Saxon fragments, of which all but one derive from a single vessel. The remaining 8 sherds are lightly to moderately abraded and of late AngloSaxon to early Medieval date. They probably intruded into the graves from the subsoil above. The nearest medieval site is in Exning 1km to the east, a moated site named ‘The Island’ (Martin 1975, 31-33). These later sherds are not described further.

recorded from among the grave goods associated with the 137 inhumations. The cemetery was dated to the late 6th and 7th centuries (Cambridgeshire HER 06764) Analysis has been carried out on the pottery from four Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, three from Norfolk (Spong Hill, Morning Thorpe, Bergh Apton) plus Westgarth Gardens, indicating that pots appearing as grave goods with inhumations were mostly plain. It is generally difficult to demonstrate that plain pots relate to chronology as opposed to function, although at Spong Hill small, coarse plain vessels were shown to be common among 6th century inhumations (Penn 2011, 98). The evidence from the Morning Thorpe and Bergh Apton cemeteries indicates that where sex was possible to identify, undecorated pots were mainly placed in female graves (Penn & Brugmann 2007, 40).

The only identifiable form from the assemblage is a small partially re-constructable baggy/globular jar from Grave 5 F2055 (SF 63), with a slightly out-turned rim with a diameter of 10cm (F2055, L2056; Figs. 7 & 12; Plate 16), in a fabric that can be described as a fine sandy matrix with moderate medium sub-rounded to sub-angular quartz and moderate to common burnt organics and which can be dated as c. mid 5th-7th century. It belongs to a fairly ubiquitous group of globular/ovoid/curved early to early middle Anglo-Saxon vessels with upright or slightly outturned rims, whose height and girth can be quite similar, sometimes making it difficult to divide them into ‘closed’ jars or ‘open’ bowls. These vessels are found on both domestic settlement sites and in cemeteries, the latter either as a grave good or a container to hold cremation ashes. Vessels close in form to SF 63 were present, for example, at the large settlement site at Mucking in south Essex including GH67.21, GH81.12, GH108.9, GH125.1 and GH167.6 (Hamerow 1993, 236, 244, 252, 259), and at West Stow, Suffolk, as in SFB 12 and SFB 34 (West 1985, figs. 62, 63 & 122). At Westgarth Gardens, Bury St Edmunds both plain and decorated pots were present in graves, and vessels were associated with male, female, unsexed, and juvenile interments and cremations alike (West 1988, 39). According to the Mucking form typology, the Exning Grave 5 F2055 pot is a globular, curved bowl (Hamerow 1993, 39). Analysis of organic or chaff tempered fabrics from Mucking indicated that it increased in use in southern Essex during the later 6th and 7th centuries (Hamerow 1993, 14 & 31). At the 7th century cemetery at Bloodmoor Hill, Norfolk, stratigraphic and radiocarbon analysis of pottery broadly concurred with the Essex finding (Tipper 2009, 329).

The cemetery at Flixton in the Waveney Valley was in use between the late 5th and mid 7th centuries. The Flixton vessel rims ranged between 50 and 200mm in diameter, but most of the vessels had rim diameters between 120160mm and so Burwell Road’s Grave 5 F2055 bowl with a 100mm rim diameter compares quite favourably with these. The Flixton vessel bodies, irrespective of rim size, were seen as relatively small but of similar size, and so may have been an accompaniment of a ‘personal’ nature, perhaps the food vessel used by the person in life, as some pots contained sooting. However, where the burials with pots could be sexed there was an even division of six each between males and females, plus two juvenile interments (Anderson 2012, 187). At Tranmer House, near Sutton Hoo, pots were associated with cremation burials and inhumation burials. Inhumation 15, an infant or young juvenile, was accompanied by a complete, small plain curved bowl with a rim diameter of 110mm. This type of vessel has been associated with infant/juvenile graves in other East Anglian cemeteries, and as suggested elsewhere may have contained food, (although there was no evidence of food residues from the Tranmer House pots or the Burwell Road pot) (Anderson 2015, 50, 130-2). The fabric and evidence from other cemeteries suggest that the pot is of 6th-7th century date, and probably late 6th-7th century, which would be broadly consistent with the 7th century date indicated by radiocarbon dating and the other grave goods from this site. Such small globular vessels appear to have been of interest in burial rites

The Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Burwell, to the west of the current site, was discovered and investigated in c.1885, and further excavations were carried out in the 1920s (Lethbridge 1926, 1927, 1928). A single plain pot is

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A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk during this time. It is likely that the pot from Grave 5 F2055, and possibly the sherd from Grave 6 F2053 (Fig. 13) symbolically representing a pot, were added as a grave good to the burials specifically because they were children. The Grave 5 F2055 (SF 63) pot may have served as the individual’s personal vessel in life, or may have contained a favoured food for the afterlife, even if the occupants may have been technically Christian by this time.

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13 Faunal Remains from the graves Julia E. M. Cussans Animal bone

animal teeth used as pendants, five of beaver teeth and one horse. Due to their immense strength beaver teeth and those of a few other animals are thought to have been used as amulets to protect the teeth of the owner (ibid.). Geake (ibid.) also notes three incidences of unmodified teeth in the graves she studied which were a horse, a boar and a dog/fox; she notes that although beaver teeth pendants were only found with women and children other teeth are found with both sexes. Meaney (1981) notes several incidences of unmodified horse and cattle teeth in AngloSaxon graves and while she states that it is difficult to tell if these are intentional inclusions or redeposited she does say that some appear to have been placed with care in relation to specific body parts of the interred humans. Meaney (ibid.) also mentions boar tusks and other pig teeth being present in both perforated and unperforated forms; the only reference she makes to sheep teeth, however, is in relation to groups of bones making up food offerings.

Only two animal bone elements were derived from the Anglo-Saxon graves and both were loose teeth. The first from Grave 7 F2059 (SK 7, possible female aged 25-35) was a cattle upper deciduous fourth premolar (dp4), which was relatively well worn (SF 56; Fig. 14; Plate 23). The second came from Grave 15 F2081 (SK 15, male aged c. 25-30) and was a sheep/goat upper first or second molar, with its rear cusp not fully in wear (SF 60; Fig. 23; Plate 56). Both of these teeth were noted by the excavator as being found in the torso area of their respective skeletons. Neither is particularly well preserved, both bearing root etching similar to that seen on the rest of the animal bone assemblage and both suffering from cracking. Animal bone grave good deposits (as opposed to complete animals interred with an individual) have been found in a number of Anglo-Saxon period graves and have various different meanings. Geake (1995) deemed them to fall into two different categories: those placed in the grave as food offerings and tooth amulets. A third possibility is that animal bones may be accidental re-depositions occurring during backfilling of the grave. The possibility that the teeth present here represent food offerings appears slim, as no other animal bones were present as one would expect if joints of meat had been placed in the grave. Additionally, elements of the head of food animals are generally regarded as waste parts due to their low meat to bone ratio and would not make ideal ‘food offerings’. The possibility of the teeth being residual or re-deposited must be considered. Rainsford (pers. comm.) has indicated that loose teeth are fairly often found in Anglo-Saxon graves but that their origin (residual or placed) is difficult to determine. Here the lack of any other animal bone remains and the location of the teeth, in both cases, in the area of the torso would tend to favour the theory of the teeth having been placed in the grave directly on top of the interred body.

The two teeth present here both appeared to have been deliberately placed on the chest or abdomen of the individuals concerned and the cattle tooth (SF 56; Fig. 14; Plate 23) from Grave 7 F2059 fits in with the pattern of tooth deposition described by Meaney (1981). The sheep/ goat tooth from Grave 15 F2081 (SF 60; Fig. 23; Plate 56), however, is a little more unusual as Meaney (ibid.) does not mention any sheep or goat teeth being found in this situation. It is, however, possible that their smaller size compared to horse and cattle teeth and boars tusks is likely to cause some underrepresentation. There is also the possibility that when found any of these loose unmodified teeth (not necessarily incorrectly) are interpreted as residual and therefore not reported on in the same way as perforated examples may be. Shell Remains of a cowrie shell (Cyprea cf. Pantherina; SF36.11 & SF 36.12; Fig. 15; Plate 36) were found in association with palm cup SF 29 (Fig. 15; Plates 28 & 29). Initial assessment of the shell material identified two of the fragments (SF 36.11) as belonging to a single cowrie and the third fragment (SF 36.12) as belonging to a second, unknown, but probably exotic, gastropod species. However, further analysis has indicated that the third fragment was also likely to have derived from a cowrie and that all three fragments were probably part of the same shell. Determination of cowrie species was made through consultation with a selection of reference sources (Verdcourt 1954; Oliver 1989; Metcalfe 2013; Gastropods.com 2015). Based on its size and the form of

Individual animal teeth in Anglo-Saxon period graves fall into two categories; those that have been modified as pendants and those that are unmodified and found in their natural state (Meaney 1981; Geake 1995). Meaney (1981) divines two different meanings from the two groups. The perforated teeth would have been worn during life as amulets for a variety of different purposes and buried with the individual as part of their personal belongings. The unmodified teeth seem likely to have been placed in the grave as part of the burial ritual, although the meaning of this is unclear. Geake (1995) notes six incidences of 131

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk ‘female’ grave goods (Caruth pers. comm.) This makes the Exning cowrie the third from Anglo-Saxon graves in Suffolk, somewhat extending the previous known range for this class of grave good. A panther or tiger cowrie was, however, recovered from an Anglo-Saxon period pit at West Stow (West 1985, 55; Reese 1991). Both the Aldeburgh and Exning grave cowries were found as part of collections associated with a container – a wooden box at Aldeburgh and a glass vessel at Exning – a form of deposition that is common for cowries with them often being found associated with remains of bags or boxes (Meaney 1981, 124f).

the lips, it is thought most likely that this shell is a panther cowrie (Cypraea pantherina), although other large species such as the tiger cowrie (C. tigris) cannot be definitively ruled out. No true cowries are native to the UK. Only two British species are referred to as cowries and these are Trivia monacha (Rowley 2008) and T. arctica (MacDougall 2008) which are two of several species termed ‘false cowries’ (Oliver 1989, 124) and, in terms of size, grow only to a maximum of 15mm in length (ibid.). The nearest source to the British Isles for the panther cowrie is the Red Sea (Reese 1991) which lies over 4000km to the southeast of Britain. Reese (ibid.) suggests that the presence of such exotic shells in Britain and other parts of Northern Europe is likely to be the result of occasional long distance movement of individual people or of individual shells via a number of people. The inclusion of large cowries in graves in Europe appears to have originated in the Roman period, with the earliest example being from 1st century BC Italy (ibid.). However, the majority, coming from across northern Europe, date to the 6th and 7th centuries (ibid.), showing a massive increase in the popularity of this practice at that time. This may indicate that initially the spread of such exotic shells was gradual and incidental but that by the 6th and 7th centuries there was an active demand for the import of cowries into northern Europe, which were may have been desirable high status objects.

Various researchers have postulated as to the meaning of the cowrie shell during the Anglo-Saxon period but most arguments point to an association with female fertility. It appears that in the majority of cases cowries and cowrie beads are buried in association with women of childbearing age or with children (Meaney 1981; Geake 1995). There are, however, two examples where cowries have been found in association with skeletons that have been anatomically sexed as male (Meaney 1981, 124; Geake 1995, 143) but Meaney (ibid.) suggests that, based on the gender-ambiguous grave goods, the anatomical sex assigned to these individuals may have been wrong. The resemblance of the open side of the cowrie to the human vulva also links it with fertility as does its moniker ‘little sow’ given due to the apparent similarity of the shell shape to a recumbent pig (Meaney 1981). Cowries are also said to resemble a half open eye and may have been used as protection against the Evil Eye, which again may relate to ensuring fertility of the bearer (Meaney 1981; Reese 1991). It is interesting that all of the Suffolk examples come from relatively young individuals, two of which are certainly below childbearing age. Cowries placed in the graves of young girls, such as the one described here, are thought to be placed to ensure proper sexual development of the interred or as a symbol of re-birth (Reese 1991).

Finds of cowrie shells in Anglo-Saxon period graves in England are well documented (e.g. Meaney 1981; Hugget 1988; Geake 1995) and their distribution is noted as sparse but widespread (Hugget 1988, 72; Geake 1995, 143). The highest concentrations of cowries are found in Cambridgeshire and Kent, however, they have also been found in graves in East Sussex, Surrey, Somerset, Oxfordshire, Bedfordshire, Rutland and Yorkshire (Reese 1991; Geake 1995). The majority appear to be deposited as whole cowries although cowrie beads are also relatively common. In the majority of cases, only a single grave per excavated cemetery contains a cowrie, although multiple examples are known.

The Exning cowrie (SFs 36.11 & 36.12; Fig. 15; Plate 36) appears to fit well with the general pattern for cowrie deposition in Anglo-Saxon period graves in England, being found in a probably female grave as part of a contained collection of grave goods. The main notable feature of the grave is its location within Suffolk, where until recently cowries had not been recovered from AngloSaxon period grave sites. The location of Exning close to the Cambridgeshire border does, however, bring this find close to one of the main concentrations of cowrie deposition. The distance such shells would have had to have travelled to reach Britain and their overall rarity in comparison with other types of grave good imparts a certain level of status and wealth onto the person interred within the grave.

The majority of identified cowries appear to be C. pantherina; others are usually recorded as large Cypraea or C. pantherina/tigris (Reese 1991). A collection of small cowries found at Cheesecake Hill in Yorkshire have been referred to as Cypraea europa (e.g. Meaney 1981, 123), but this term now appears to be obsolete and it is likely that the shells concerned are either Trivia arctica or Trivia monacha both of which, as mentioned above, can be found in the British Isles. Until recently no cowrie shells had been found in AngloSaxon graves in Suffolk. However, at 2013 excavations at Barber’s Point, Aldeburgh a panther cowrie was found as part of a collection of grave goods associated with the burial of a teenage girl (Riddler 2015). A further cowrie was found in a young child’s grave at Lakenheath (Eriswell), Suffolk, aged at approximately 5 years old and buried with 132

14 Wealth, status and roles in society Alternatively, as intricately worked and gilded items, the presence of these items may simply serve to indicate that these individuals came from families with sufficient wealth and status to own such items of high craftsmanship. The variety of grave goods in Grave 5 F2055 (Fig. 12) suggests a similar picture, portraying a family who had the means to provide their deceased child with a variety of grave goods at a time when the burials of children generally contained fewer grave goods than those of adults due to attitudes about inheritance of family wealth and symbols of societal roles (c.f. Lee 2008). The beaded silver necklace (SF 7; Fig. 9; Plate 3) and copper alloy linked pins (SF 8; Fig. 9; Plate 4) in Grave 2 F2035, the latter of which are unique within this cemetery, are also suggestive of a certain degree of wealth.

Amongst the grave goods recovered from the Exning cemetery are several clear indicators of wealth and status. There are various non-local and/or high status items which suggest that the local Anglo-Saxon community had access to goods from very far afield and the burial assemblages of some individuals represent significant resources. The most richly-furnished burial was Grave 8 F2061 (Figs. 15 & 16), the burial of the 10-12 year old probable female. Amongst the most obviously high status items buried with this individual are the gold bead and pendant which are of a type associated with elite status burials, the piece of blue glass (SF 36.1; Fig. 15; Plate 31) which is similar in colour to vessels recovered from known high status burials at Sutton Hoo Mound 2 (Harden 1956), Broomfield (Evison and Marzinzik 2008) and Prittlewell (Hirst 2004), the glass palm cup which is paralleled in several high status graves, including that at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al 2009), and the Cowrie shell (SF 36.11 & SF 36.12; Fig. 15; Plate 36) which would have travelled a long distance to get to Britain and which would have been a rare item. Parallels between Grave 8 F2061 (Figs. 15 & 16) at Exning and grave 1 at Westfield Farm, Ely, most eloquently expressed by the necklaces and palm cups recovered from these graves, are particularly important as the Westfield Farm burial is described as an elite female (Lucy et al 2009, 135).

Some graves contained assemblages of grave goods which were less indicative of wealth and appeared to comprise mainly utilitarian items. Good examples of this were the adult female burials SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; buried with a double-sided antler comb (SF 11.1; Fig. 11; Plate 8) and a ‘spatulate implement’ (SF 11.2; Fig. 11; Plate 8)) and SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; buried with a knife (SF 37; Fig. 18), chalk spindlewhorl (SF 38; Fig. 18; Plate 44) and an iron key (SF 39; Fig. 18; Plate 42). Child burial SK 12 (Grave 12 F2075) was buried with a similar assemblage, consisting of two spindlewhorls (SFs 44.1 and 44.2; Fig. 20), a knife, and a key (SF 42; Fig. 20; Plate 48) although the presence of a piece of blue glass (SF 44.3; Fig. 20; Plate 49), which potentially had amuletic or apotropaic qualities, would have been of some rarity in the AngloSaxon world, and which has similarities to an item present in the elite Grave 8 F2061, might set this burial apart from SK 4 and SK 10. Broadley (2020) suggests that deep blue glass is associated with secular royal contexts, on the basis of deep blue glass vessels found in the ‘princely’ burials at Sutton Hoo, Prittlewell in Essex, Broomfield in Essex, and Aylesford in Kent. These adult burials at least, might be seen to be of lower social rank or from less wealthy families than the richly furnished graves. It is possible that these people represent lower ranking members of aristocratic households, perhaps high ranking servants or retainers.

The spearhead (SF 49; Fig. 25; Plate 61) and the seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plate 63) recovered from Grave 17 F2085 can be considered to be high status items. In the 5th and 6th centuries, weapon burials did not serve to denote that an individual was a warrior (Härke 2004, 10) but has been suggested as demonstrating the status of a family which was of Germanic descent and whose status was also linked to greater disposable wealth (Härke 1992b, 155). By the 7th century, when SK 17 was buried, weapon burial was arguably even more of an elite rite; ‘poorer’ burials were no longer subject to the weapon burial rite, weapon burials decreased in numbers during this period but maintained their average wealth, while the average wealth of other furnished male burials dropped, and the incidence of unfurnished burials increased (Härke 1992b, 161-162). The implication of the weapons found with SK 17 is, therefore, that this individual came from a wealthy and potentially aristocratic family.

Two burials appear not to have been interred with grave goods of any kind, although it is possible that they were provided with items made of organic material which has not survived in the burial environment. It is too simplistic to simply equate a lack of identifiable grave goods with low status. As Penn (2000, 98) noted with regard to the Harford Farm cemetery in Norfolk, which contained 46 graves and was therefore more than double the size of the Exning cemetery, the importance of kinship and family

Further grave goods that might imply status are the strap end and pendant (SFs 12 (Fig. 13) & 43 (Fig. 21)) from Grave 6 F2053 and Grave 13 F2077. These items, which appear to have been reused from a bridle or other element of horse equipment, may be an extension of the practice of providing horse harness as grave goods as an indicator of equestrian status (Fern 2005, 44; Geake 1997, 101). 133

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk and SK 10 (Grave 10 F2069; Fig. 18) perhaps indicate the roles of these women as being in charge of domestic affairs within the home and keys, present with SK 10, are considered to be symbolic of this status (Owen-Crocker 2004, 66). These are perhaps the only examples of graves goods in this cemetery which indicate the occupation or role that any of these individuals carried out; it has already been established that the weapons in Grave 17 are more an indicator of social rank and ancestry than a role as a warrior (Härke 1992b).

makes some close relationship between each burial in a cemetery of this small size likely. This suggests that all of the burials are likely to have been from a similar stratum of society. It is notable that the most richly furnished or high status burials are those of younger individuals. Geake (2002, 146) has stated that 7th century burial might be characterised by its peculiarities and uncertainties, rather than its own distinctive character. It appears that at this cemetery, some younger members of the community were being buried with assemblages of grave goods demonstrating status and/or wealth (there are exceptions to this; SK 3 (Grave 3 F2039; Fig. 10), aged 3, was buried without grave goods and SK 12 (Grave 12 F2075; Fig. 20), aged 1011, was buried with a more utilitarian set of grave goods) whereas older members of the community were buried with fewer or no grave goods. A similar situation has been observed at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al 2009, 135) and Bloodmoor Hill, Suffolk (Lucy et al. 2013). Both of these cemeteries have been linked to nearby religious communities which are likely to have contained both aristocratic individuals and members of the lower social orders and within which class segregation may have been less starkly defined than in the lay community. Exning, however, is considered to be the possible site of a Royal palace and so the make-up of the cemetery population is potentially different to those of the cemeteries considered to be associated with religious communities, perhaps being more socially homogenous and the individuals more closely related (c.f. Penn 2000, 98).

Other indicators of status, beyond grave goods, appear to be missing from Exning. There is, for example, no indication of complex grave structures such as the chambered burials that have been recorded at Shrubland Hall Quarry, Coddenham (Penn 2011) and Spong Hill, Norfolk (Hills et al 1984, 6), the bed burials like those at Shrubland Hall Quarry (Penn 2011) and Barrington (Malim and Hines 1998), or even burial mounds like those that have been postulated at Burwell (Lethbridge 1927) and the Buttermarket site in Ipswich (Scull 2001, 67). There is not necessarily any significance to this and it may simply reflect fairly localised traditions or practices; however, the identification of chambers or beds might be considered to represent individuals of greater status than those that are represented at Exning. Skeletal evidence shows very little indication of any of the individuals having suffered from major trauma or physical stress although there is evidence for degenerative joint disease. Indeed, the recorded pathologies are typical of a rural Anglo-Saxon population and demonstrate neither particularly high status individuals or particularly low status ones. Contrasting with this slightly are the observations that the men in the group were of above average stature, comparable with what is observed at monastic and high status sites and, as a whole, the skeletal evidence suggests that the population were relatively well nourished. This latter point appears to be itself contradicted by the stable isotope analysis which shows incidences of nutritional stress and/or near-famine conditions in almost all of the assessed individuals.

Härke (2003, 134) notes that several comparisons of relative wealth in male and female graves agree that female graves tend to be richer than male graves. This pattern appears to be continued at Exning where, although the graves are those of children for whom an estimation of sex is not possible, the richest grave goods assemblages appear to be composed of primarily female-associated objects. The variation in the provision of grave goods observed at Exning is a noted aspect of burial in the 7th century; the majority of burials of this date were without grave goods but the few with grave goods might have considerable numbers of valuable items (Crawford 2004, 89). To some extent, it may be associated with the personal wishes of the individuals involved or, as Crawford (2004, 89) suggests, those individuals with numerous grave goods represent a new elite. However, neither of these theories explains why, at this site and at Westfield Farm and Bloodmoor Hill, it appears only to be younger individuals who are afforded rich grave good assemblages.

One grave that does differ significantly from all of the others at Exning is the south/north aligned Grave 11 F2073 (Fig. 19). The majority of the other graves were all broadly orientated west to east, although Grave 3 F2039 (Fig. 10), Grave 5 F2055 (Fig. 12), Grave 16 F2083 (Fig. 24), and Grave 18 F2089 (Fig. 27) were all positioned on distinct south-west to north-east alignments. This sets Grave 11 F2073 apart from these other graves. It is possible that this grave, which contained the remains of a female of 35 to 45 years, was deliberately positioned on this alignment to signify some kind of different social affiliation, background or origins. Geake (2003, 262-264) has speculated that there may have been particular members of society who were responsible for the control of burial within their own communities. Such individuals may have held knowledge regarding where graves were located, the direction in which they were orientated, who was buried in each one, and what grave-goods were included. Geake (2003, 262) suggests that the individuals responsible for

Other than status, there is little to be inferred from the various grave goods assemblages about each individual’s role within society, although of course greater meaning is likely to have been apparent to the society responsible for the burial of each of these individuals. The utilitarian grave goods present with SK 4 (Grave 4 F2041; Fig. 11) 134

Wealth, status and roles in society this may have received a special type of burial on their own death, this being marked through unusual cremation, positioning, orientation, layout, or furnishing and goes onto suggest that the small group of individual graves identified by Meaney (1981, 249-262) as those of ‘cunning women’ (marked by unusual collections of grave-goods) could represent individuals who may have fulfilled such a function. On this basis, it is possible to speculate that the differing orientation of Grave 11 F2073 indicates that it reflects a specific role within the community of the person interred within it. Overall, the evidence indicates a fairly wealthy population with some individuals showing clear evidence for high status but with little evidence for specific roles within society. To some extent this may be because, despite extensive work being done on the subject, the specific meanings of particular grave goods or combinations of grave goods are lost to us.

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15 Religion, beliefs and symbolism Grave-goods and religious symbolism

slightly unusual; some of the grave goods observed in ‘Final Phase’ burials across the country, particularly those accompanying female burials, appear to be explicitly Christian in their symbolism (Crawford 2004, 91). The rich burial, comparable to Exning Grave 8 F2061, at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al 2009) contained a cruciform pendant, although this could perhaps be expected as the Ely cemetery is considered to be associated with the abbey and the individual within the grave likely to have been under holy orders.

Artefactual evidence and radiocarbon dating suggest a date for the burials in the mid to later 7th century, after the mission of St Augustine to Kent in AD597 (Bing 1949), and therefore in the period in which England was undergoing the process of Christianisation and conversion from paganism (Geake 1997, 1). This process occurred mainly through royal patronage. Rædwald (r. c. 593-617) was the first East Anglian king to convert to Christianity (Grant 2004, 82). This might, however, simply have been a political move to ingratiate himself with his overlord Æthelbert of Kent as he later reverted to paganism (Hoggett 2010b, 195). Rædwald was succeeded by his son, Eorpwald (r. c. 617-627), who was encouraged to adopt Christianity for both himself and his kingdom by Edwin of Northumbria, recognised as overlord by all of the other English kingdoms except Kent. This was also a political move but Eorpwald was succeeded by his brother Sigeberht in c. 630, who had converted to Christianity while in exile in Gaul apparently for spiritual rather than political reasons and who was truly devout, establishing an East Anglian diocese (Hoggett 2010b, 196) and eventually abdicating in order to become a monk (Grant 2004, 8283). The great Northumbrian historian and monk, Saint Bede, records that King Anna (r. 640-654) continued the religious developments begun during Sigebehrt’s reign and was responsible for the baptism of King Cenwealh of Wessex, referring to Anna as ‘good man and blessed with a good and saintly family’. In addition to Æthelthryth, Anna had other daughters who held important positions within the church. Seaxburh, who had previously been married to King Eorcenbehrt of Kent, succeeded Æthelthryth as abbess of Ely and Æthelburh became abbess of the Continental monastery of Faremoutiers-en-Brie, as did her step-sister Sæththryth (Hoggett 2010a, 33).

Crawford (2004, table 1) has identified a number of female ‘Final Phase’ burials containing jewellery with Christian motifs, specifically crosses or cruciform pendants, including from two sites in Suffolk; Ixworth (Roach Smith 1863) and Boss Hall, Ipswich (Webster and Backhouse 1991). Such items are usually taken as indicators of the Christianity of the person with whom they were found (Lucy et al 2009). However, as the use of this jewellery may simply have been mimicry or adoption of fashions associated with high status women in the Christian Mediterranean it may be considered to be an indicator of status rather than religious beliefs; the women who were found with this jewellery were not necessarily Christian themselves (Crawford 2004, 94; Geake 1999, 212). It is therefore logical to suggest that the lack of Christian symbols does not necessarily indicate that the individuals in the Exning cemetery were not Christians. It is not possible to identify the personal beliefs of individuals burying or being buried in Conversion period cemeteries on the basis of grave goods or burial position (Geake 1997, 132). Further meaning and symbolism of grave-goods The symbolism of grave goods is widely debated. They may be part of a burial tableau, deliberately intended to display the identity of the deceased in life (Gilchrist 2015, 382), in which case the presence of items of religious affiliation may be dependent on the importance of such considerations to the deceased and/or those burying them. Whether or not they formed part of such a tableau, grave goods may have had a biographical function and in some cases may have been intrinsically linked to the identity of the dead individual and therefore potentially considered to be as inextricably part of them, or part of their mortal remains, as the body. They may have had a function, especially in the graves of children, as mnemonic devices intended to create aspired or prospective memories of the future (Williams 2006, 41). They may have been part of a gift-giving process, intended to seal or reinforce social and political relationships (King 2004). The burial of grave goods with the dead, symbolically sending these

All of this suggests that the individuals represented in the cemetery at Exning would have been at least aware of Christianity, and may well themselves have been Christian, probably from birth in the case of the younger individuals and possibly converts in the cases of the adults. There is, however, very little overt demonstration of Christian links in any aspect of the archaeology, particularly grave goods. Necklaces of the type found in Grave 8 F2061 (SFs 57 & 58; Fig. 16) are representative of new Mediterranean-style fashions associated with the conversion to Christianity. Similarly, keys, present in Grave 10 F2069 (SF 39; Fig. 18; Plate 42) and Grave 12 F2075 (SF 42; Fig. 20; Plate 48), are interpreted in the Netherlands as having Christian associations and may have had similar meaning here. Beyond these items, there is nothing which displays clear links or associations with Christian beliefs. This is perhaps 137

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk items to their ‘death’ and removing them from use by the living, may have had a votive purpose (Crawford 2004). Anthropological study has demonstrated the importance of the disposal of the possessions of the dead, which may be considered to be ‘polluted’ items, in the grave and also that the burial of such items is required due to the desire and the need to forget the dead (Härke 2014). It is no longer accepted that grave goods are a direct indicator of the ethnic origins of the dead and the blurred distribution of Anglo-Saxon artefacts means that it is not possible to view the period as one of highly distinctive ethnic communities (Oosthuizen 2016, 193). Harland (2019, 965) asserts that ethnic identity cannot be identified through purely archaeological means, although objects of Anglian, Saxon, Frankish, Jutish or Kentish styles are considered by some writers to perhaps reflect individual identity or possible amalgams and overlapping ranges of ethnic, social and religious attachments (Crawford 2004; O’Brien 2006). Certain individual items may have had specific meanings or qualities; it is discussed above that playing pieces may be related to eschatological symbolism (Whittaker 2006, 108). Similarly, Williams (2014) notes that there is a commemorative association between pots and cadavers, forged through generations of the dead being interred in cinerary urns, and that the placing of pots in inhumation graves may have had a distinct but related significance. Furthermore, several items recovered from the Exning graves are suggested to have had apotropaic or amuletic qualities. Such beliefs may well have had pagan origins and indicate that superstitious beliefs of this kind continued into the Christian period and were retained as folk practices at all levels of society.

that this is probably evidence for a longer currency of use for the small seax type than previously thought. It is possible, however, that this particular seax (SF 50a) which was already an antique item, was buried with this particular individual because it had a specific importance to him, perhaps as an item inherited from a father or grandfather. Of course the seax continued to be an elite symbol at this time (Härke 2004) and this may be why SK 17 (Grave 17 F2085; Fig. 25) was placed in the grave with such an item but the specific object in question may have had a deeper meaning on a personal level to the deceased and the people conducting his burial. Crawford (2004, 95) concludes that the burial of a woman with a pouch (rather than adorning her clothing and therefore representative of conspicuous consumption of wealth) of pendants with Christian iconography in an earlier, pagan, cemetery at Boss Hall, Ipswich is an act designed to reclaim and rededicate the space, and the ancestors that it contained, to and for the new religion. However, it is equally plausible that this woman, or those responsible for burying her, had some kind of personal motivation for reusing this earlier cemetery and that the Christian symbols contained within the pouch had personal significance to her, either due to her religious convictions or due to some other emotional or personal connection. Many, although not all, of the examples of the deposition of grave goods at this site, and of course at others, may have had their genesis in private or personal motivations (i.e. the wishes of the dead or the intentions of those preparing the burial) but because they occurred within the framework of Anglo-Saxon society, which placed particular emphasis on certain attributes and object types, the range of items that may have been available or suitable for interment as grave goods may have been limited to the extent that it is also possible to read or interpret these acts on a wider societal level.

All such explanations are plausible but take a societallevel view and rarely come close to considering a more human view point and personal or private motivations for the deposition of grave goods. The horse harness/ bridle fittings, items of great craftsmanship and made from expensive materials, found with SK 6 (SF 12; Grave 6 F2053; Fig. 13; Plate 18) and SK 13 (SF 43; Grave 13 F2077; Fig. 21; Plates 51 & 52) are discussed above in relation to the possibility that they are indicators of individuals of equestrian status. However, their presence in these graves could have had more personal motivations than the display of wealth or status. They could have been items treasured by the individuals in these graves; both were young children and, as young children are wont to do, may have had a particular love for animals and horses in particular. Maybe a grieving parent wished to place something associated with their child’s favourite horse in to the grave with them. Such an act is human; it could be seen to be similar to Williams’ (2006) theory regarding the use of mnemonic devices to create an aspired or prospective memory of the future but does not necessarily need to be derived from a conscious or preconceived idea of the use of these items as such devices. Another example is the seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plates 63-65) present in Grave 17 F2085. There is an inconsistency between the date of the seax (SF 50a) and the date of the sheath (SF 50b-f; Figs. 25-26) in which it was contained and it is suggested

Another concept that must be considered in relation to the interpretation of grave goods is that, in light of the large proportion of children within the cemetery population, some of these items may represent toys. Crawford (2009) notes that archaeologists often fail to, or cannot, identify toys but that the importance of such objects in the human life-cycle suggests that such items must be present at archaeological sites. It seems reasonable to suggest that children would have been buried with toys as these would have been items of great personal and social significance to them. Some of the objects within the grave goods assemblages from this site that have been hard to identify, such as the reddish brown flat-topped pyramidal object (SF 36.6; Fig. 15) from Grave 8 F2061, may have been toys. It must also be considered that some of the seemingly ‘adult’ items recovered from the graves of children may have been recycled or re-purposed as toys and that their significance and the perception of them at the time of burial was as toys. As Shanks (1998, 16, 21) notes, objects have life-cycles and are perceived differently by the people that interact with them at the differing points of that life-cycle. This implies that the symbolic significance of the grave 138

Religion, beliefs and symbolism goods recovered from the Exning graves may have been perceived in one way by the deceased person (before their death, of course), in another by the people responsible for placing them in the grave, in another by those viewing the postulated ‘burial tableaux’, and in yet another by the archaeologists responsible for their excavation and analysis. Furthermore, any particular item may be included in the grave for a variety of reasons, most of which are difficult to identify; individual or personal motives are much harder to identify than as broad patterns (Härke 2014, 2014).

promoted by the mission to England of St. Augustine, that made Christian synonymous with Roman to the people of Anglo-Saxon England (Bell 1998). Furthermore, the suggestion that Anglo-Saxon culture may have arrived in East Anglia through gradual settlement by small groups of immigrants and the survival and integration of the Romano-British population (Scull 1992, 12-14: 1993, 70; Walton Rogers 2012b, 111), rather than through processes which would have meant the total displacement of the existing population, suggests that some folk-memory or significance may have remained attached to locations of specific Roman-period activity.

Beliefs, symbolism and the history of the site

At sites such as Tittleshall in Norfolk and Flixton II in Suffolk, the Anglo-Saxon burials were cut into the earlier monument, in these cases Bronze Age barrows, that they re-used (Walton Rogers 2012b, figs 5 & 6). At Gallow’s Hill, Swaffham Prior, Cambridgeshire, the positioning of the burials was clearly conditioned by the orientation of the ditches and structures of the Romano-British temple complex (Casa Hatton 2006, 112). This is not the case at Exning and proximity does not necessarily equate to reuse. However, there does appear to be a clear interest in the Roman past amongst the Anglo-Saxon population of eastern England. Deliberate curation of Roman artefacts has been noted at several sites in the surrounding area, such as Harston Mill, where abundant personalia and other small items such as coins and spoons were found within SFBs, (O’Brien 2016), Dernford Farm, Sawston, where Roman CBM was recovered from the fills of 4 of the 7 SFBs despite an apparent lack of Roman activity after the 1st century AD (Newton 2018), and Hinxton Quarry and Bourn Bridge where pottery appears to have formed the bulk of the curated material (Mortimer and Evans 1996). Slightly further afield, at West Langton in Leicestershire, a 5th to 6th century cemetery was found in close proximity to a Roman villa site (Powell and Schuster 2018, 66-96). Therefore, it may be considered that the proximity of the Roman features, which may still have been visible as landforms during the period in which the cemetery was in use and may, for this reason and due to factors such as folkmemory, have held some kind of significance to the local 7th century population. Without direct evidence for re-use this cannot be proven beyond doubt but it should be noted that there is considered to be significance in the siting of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Low Lane, Ingleby Barwick, North Yorkshire (Grahame 2004; Archaeological Services Durham University 2008) close to an Iron Age settlement and a series of seven early Bronze Age burials, and in the positioning of the 5th to early 7th century cemetery at Scorton, North Yorkshire 50m from an Iron Age enclosure and within 100m of a small henge (Sherlock 2011, 113).

Semple and Williams (2015) note that burial locations are often influenced by the presence of some notable preceding landform of either natural or anthropogenic origin. This could be a spur, a river bend, a house, a boundary, a route, an ancient monument, a church, a chapel or other locus. It appears that the primacy of certain locations may have developed organically through patterns of social interaction shaped by landscape rather than through arbitrary top-down decisions of members of Anglo-Saxon societies elites (Mason and Williamson 2017, 102). The re-use of prehistoric sites, such as barrows and hillforts, and Roman sites including forts, villas, and temples, possibly because they were seen as sacred, supernatural or ancestral places, as the locations of late 5th and 6th century Anglo-Saxon cemeteries is well attested (Bradley 1987; Grinsell 1992; Williams 1997; 1998; 1999); this practice is understood to have continued into the 7th century (van de Noort 1993). Specific examples include a possible Roman cremation at Great Chesterford that may have encouraged use of the surrounding area for the deposition of Anglo-Saxon cremations (Evison 1994b, 30) and the Anglo-Saxon inhumation cemetery at Harford Farm, Caister St Edmund, Norfolk which is positioned within a group of five prehistoric barrows (Penn 2000). The re-use of such sites may have been carried out to help immigrant groups portray themselves as the legitimate heirs of the ancient peoples that originally created these structures (Williams 1998, 104). As Bradley (1993, 116) states, “new developments are more secure when they are invested with the authority of the past”. It has also been suggested that ancient monuments were reused as burial places in the early Anglo-Saxon period as they were seen as places of liminality, inhabited and constructed by supernatural beings and the ancestors (c.f. Williams 1997, 1998; Semple 1998). In light of this, the proximity of the Anglo-Saxon cemetery to the Roman ring-ditch F2033 and other features of this date, has to be considered in terms of the potential for there to have been some kind of deliberate relationship between the two. In contrast to issues relating to the legitimisation of land claims, liminality, and the supernatural, Roman sites may have held different connotations to a community at least familiar with, and quite possibly practicing, Chrisitianity; it has been suggested that there was a vague historical understanding, probably fostered and 139

16 Anglo-Saxon burial evidence in the surrounding area A variety of Anglo-Saxon burial evidence has been recorded in the area surrounding Exning (Fig. 30). Within an approximate 10km radius of the site at Burwell Road this ranges from the large cemetery at nearby Burwell to the west (Cambridgeshire HER 06764; (Lethbridge 1926, 1927, 1928) to single inhumations recorded at Chippenham Park (CHER 09768) and Wicken Fen (CHER 08152), as well as the single burial in a mound recorded at Allington Hill (CHER 06762) and the single cremation urn found at Anglesey Abbey (CHER 06866b).

the excavations that were carried out during the 1920s (Lethbridge 1926, 1927, 1928). The majority of the burials were in shallow graves and there were no traces of coffins. Most of these burials were orientated east to west and artefactual evidence suggests a 7th century date. Indeed, in terms of small finds, there were numerous parallels between this site and the cemetery at Burwell. The seax (SF 50a; Fig. 25; Plates 61-65) recovered from Burwell Road, Exning was similar to an item recovered from grave 47 at Burwell, copper alloy buckles similar to SF 48 (Fig. 24; Plate 58) have been found in graves 2, 14, 72 and 92 at Burwell (Lethbridge 1931), and silver rings similar to SF 7 (Fig. 9; Plate 3) and SF 31 (Fig. 17; Plate 39) were found in Burwell graves 26 and 32. This

The cemetery at Burwell was discovered and initially investigated in c.1885 during the working of the Victoria Lime Pits. At least 127 inhumations from 123 graves have been recorded at Burwell, most of them during

Figure 30. Saxon cemeteries within a 10km radius

141

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk 11054B) have been positively identified as being of Anglo-Saxon date with artefactual evidence suggestive of a 6th century date. In addition, two spearheards were recovered from the ploughsoil above two of the undated burials; the most recent of these spearheads was dated to the late 6th to 7th century (Casa Hatton 2006, 112), possibly suggesting that this cemetery may have still been being used at the same time as that at the current site. Like the Burwell Road site, the Gallows Hill inhumations have a connection with preceding Roman archaeology; however, this takes the form of more overt re-use of the RomanoBritish temple complex rather than the simple proximity to a location of earlier activity that is evident at Burwell Road. Elsewhere in Swaffham Prior, two inhumations, dated to the Anglo-Saxon period on the basis of pottery evidence, and accompanied by coffin nails, have been recorded at Cadenham Road (CHER 06419) and four to six skulls were found during construction of the bypass in the early 1970s (CHER 06427); an Anglo-Saxon date was applied to these but on seemingly little evidence.

is in addition to a number of other similar finds such as a cowrie shell. Another large cemetery was excavated at Streetway Hill in Little Wilbraham in 1851 (CHER 06330). This contained 188 inhumations and 121 cremation burials; the former were mostly laid out in an extended position but the orientation of the graves varied widely. The spatial distribution of the cremations was such that it was considered that the two rites were being carried out concurrently (Fox 1923, 261). Further investigation of this site by Lethbridge and Carter (1928, 95-104) in 1926 noted further inhumations, most of which appeared to be positioned on a south-west to north-east alignment (ibid. fig. 2), and further cremation deposits. Based on artefact typologies, Fox (1923, 262) suggested a 5th to 6th century date for the burials at Streetway Hill while Kennet’s (1971, 22) analysis of the graves containing swords at the same site, despite identifying some parallels with known 7th century cemeteries, suggests a late 6th century date. In either case, this suggests that the Little Wilbraham cemetery was earlier than Burwell Road, Exning.

At Chippenham, to the north-east of Exning, several inhumations have been found although the Cambridge HER entry (07512) for this site suggests that the site has never been formally investigated. O’Brien (1996, 198, table 11) indicates that, as far as is known, the site is an inhumation cemetery with the burials deposited as secondary interments within a prehistoric monument.

A cemetery seemingly similar in size to the current site was recorded at Soham, approximately 8km to the northwest, in the 1930s (CHER 07506; Lethbridge 1933). This contained 23 inhumations but this is where the similarities end. Those grave-goods which Lethbridge (1933) suggests a date for are of 6th century origin, making the cemetery earlier than Burwell Road, Exning, and the burials, many of which appear to have been orientated south-west to north-east, were placed within the bounds of a possible barrow (Lethbridge 1933). Several other possible Anglo-Saxon period cemeteries are recorded in Soham; two of these were investigated in the late 19th or early 20th centuries and details are limited. One is located at the cemetery associated with St Andrew’s Chuch (CHER 07123a). Lethbridge and O’Reilly (1934, 89) indicate that a cruciform brooch, which cannot be earlier in date than the middle of the 6th century, was recovered from this cemetery but offer no information regarding any burials. At the site of the modern cemetery in Soham, to the south-east of the town, is an inhumation cemetery (CHER 07027) which is given a date of AD 410-700 on the relevant HER record. Investigation appears to have occurred in 1856, 1865 and 1867 and fibulae, girdle-hangers, beads, and spearheads from these investigations were given to the British Museum in 1873 but little information regarding the inhumations is available (Fox 1923, 263). Further human bone has been recovered from the rear garden of a house on White Hart in Lane in Soham (CHER 11789). Various fragments of human bone were identified and this did not all derive from one individual; the material was not in situ and may have derived from the same cemetery as that found in association with St Andrew’s graveyard. A 7th to 9th century date is attached to this evidence.

At Windmill Hill, Exning, approximately 1.3km to the east of the current site, two early Anglo-Saxon inhumation burials accompanied by grave goods were found during building works in the 1980s. These have been dated as 5th to mid 7th century (Suffolk HER EXG 028). Artefactual evidence had previously been recovered in this area at the beginning of the 20th century (HER EXG 005). A cemetery of uncertain Roman or Anglo-Saxon date has been recorded at the site of the motte and bailey castle at Freckenham to the north-east (SHER FRK 007). At West Row, Mildenhall, around 10km to the north-east of Exning, metal detecting finds in the vicinity of the well known Roman site there have been interpreted as evidence of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery at this location (SHER MNL 232). Similarly, two brooches found at Freckenham have been interpreted as deriving from an inhumation somewhere in the surrounding area (SHER FRK Misc). Plentiful evidence of Anglo-Saxon period funerary sites has, therefore, been recorded in the vicinity of Exning and it is possible that the potential for further such evidence to be identified exists. Of the known sites, one of the closest, that at Burwell, appears to be the most similar to the Burwell Road site, in terms of date and the artefactual evidence that has been identified. In terms of size, that at Soham, Cambridgeshire is the most similar, but it should be noted that this cemetery was earlier than the current site and the Burwell Road cemetery was, potentially, larger, possibly extending to the north into areas that have previously been developed.

Three of eight burials excavated at Gallows Hill, Swaffham Prior, to the south-west of Exning, (CHER 142

Anglo-Saxon burial evidence in the surrounding area with weapons and jewellery, with distinct similarities at these two sites may be considered to be a reflection of high status individuals present within each cemetery.

Slightly further afield, elsewhere in the East Anglian region, are a variety of other sites to which the Burwell Road cemetery is comparable. At the King’s Garden Hostel site on the Cambridge backs, a cemetery of 7th century date and consisting of 20 graves containing 21 inhumations, making it identical in these regards to the Burwell Road site, was recorded in 2000. Like the current site, it is possible that the cemetery at the King’s Garden Hostel site extended beyond the limits of the excavated area with, in both cases, perhaps only the southern portion of the cemeteries having been identified. Further similarities between the two sites are, however, limited with the King’s Garden Hostel displaying much greater variation in the orientation of the graves and markedly fewer (only 5, compared to 18 at Burwell Road, Exning) burials containing identifiable grave goods (Dodwell et al 2004, 97-107). It is possible that this is a reflection of a higher status or wealthier community at Exning, however, other differences which are less likely to be associated with levels of wealth or position within society are evident between the two sites, such as the apparent association of prone or flexed/crouched burial with nonadults at the King’s Garden Hostel site; something which is less apparent at the current site. Crouched burial is a widespread, if exceptional, rite in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries (Reynolds 2009, 62-63) and the differences in its use between Exning and the King’s Garden Hostel site may simply reflect local convention or preferences than reflect any more meaningful societal trends, differences, or stratification.

Of the other 7th century cemeteries known in the EastAnglian region, amongst the most significant in comparison to Burwell Road, Exning is that recorded at Westfield Farm, Ely, Cambridgeshire (Lucy et al 2009). This is in part due to the connection that exists between Exning and Ely as the places of birth and death of St Æthelthryth (according the the Liber Eliensis), a significant historical character of the 7th century and who founded the Abbey of Ely at the approximate time that these cemeteries were in use. Of more significance, however, are the similarities between Grave 8 F2061 (Figs. 15-16) at Exning and Grave 1 at Westfield Farm (Lucy et al 2009, 88-91). These two graves contained girls of a similar age who were buried with similar grave goods. On the basis of these assemblages of grave goods they are both considered to be individuals of high status. Other similarities between these two sites include a limited range of grave orientation (in comparison to sites such as the Great Chesterford AngloSaxon cemetery (Evison 1994b, fig 8.), the King’s Garden Hostel site in Cambridge (Dodwell et al 2004), or Edix Hill, Cambs (Malim and Hines 1998, fig. 3.3)), a trend in the age of the cemetery population towards the younger age ranges (average age at death at Exning was 15.1 to 16.8 years for males and 17.5-21.6 for females), and a small number of richly furnished graves and smaller grave goods assemblages found within the other graves.

The cemetery at Shrubland Quarry, Coddenham, Suffolk, which lies to the north of Ipswich c. 50km to the east of Exning, was broadly contemporary with the cemetery at Burwell Road having been dated to the 7th to early 8th centuries (Penn 2011, 3). Several elements of the grave goods assemblages at these two sites were directly comparable. Metal beads, made of copper alloy, but of a similar type to that recovered from Grave 8 F2061 (SF 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25) were found at Coddenham, a safety pin brooch comparable to Exning SF 40 (Fig. 17; Grave 9 F2063) was recovered from grave 11 at Coddenham (Penn 2011, 73) and a silver ring comparable to SF 31 (Fig. 17; Plates 39 & 40) which also came from Grave 9 F2063 was recovered from Coddenham grave 30 (Penn 2011, fig. 96). Coddenham graves 1, 8, 19, 26, 40 and 45 contained buckles similar to the copper alloy buckle recovered from Grave 16 F2083 (SF 48; Fig. 24; Plate 58). However, perhaps most notable are similarities between some of the sheath fittings from Grave 17 F2085 (SFs 50b, d-f; Figs. 25-26; Plate 65), for which there are very few UK parallels, and those from Coddenham grave 1 (Penn 2011, figs 8789). Coddenham was shown to be substantially larger than the known extent of the Exning cemetery, containing 50 inhumations. Penn (2011, 98), based on the provision of grave goods in the different graves, has suggested that the cemetery contained individuals of differing rank, with those buried with the richest assemblages and within the suggested barrows being of higher status. The identification of grave goods, including items associated

Lucy et al (2009, 129) state the burials at Westfield Farm, Ely fall into the pattern of 7th century cemeteries identified by Leeds (1936) as ‘final phase’ in relation to the end of Anglo-Saxon furnished burial. Burwell Road, Exning can also be considered to belong to this pattern; this is supported by radiocarbon dating and the identification of a large proportion of the finds assemblage to the later phases of Hines and Bayliss’ (2013, 231–492) revised chronology for the end of furnished burial. The withdrawal of gravegoods throughout much of England in the later seventh century was a widespread cultural phenomenon, one of the contributing factors to which may have been the introduction of Christianity and the influence of Irish missionaries (O’Brien 1996, 355). However, it is clear that the introduction of Christianity did not at once signal the end of furnished burial and it is similarly clear that the relationship between burial rite and religion was complex in this period (Lucy et al 2009, 131). The early 7th century princely burial at Prittlewell in Essex appears to have been that of an early convert to Christianity and was richly furnished (although perhaps not as richly furnished as the comparable burials at Sutton Hoo mound 1 and Taplow, Buckinghamshire) but with items, such as gold crosses, that were explicitly Christian in nature (Webster 2011, 269). In East Anglia at least, however, from the 630s, when the see was established at Dommoc, the location of which has been widely debated (Haslam 1992, 41), it is likely that royal burial gradually shifted to churches, some perhaps built as royal mausolea and in part due to members of the 143

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk out in unenclosed cemeteries located beyond settlement and usually situated in a locally prominent place, often overlooking a river or stream (Penn and Brugmann 2007, 5–6), or they were buried in pre-existing cemeteries of much earlier date (Penn 2011, 102). However, perhaps contrasting with some of these observations, Hamerow (2010a, 71, 73) suggests that from the mid 7th century onwards cemetery space and settlement space became more integrated.

elite founding their own monasteries, as was the case with Æthelthryth and, for example, Botolph at Iken in AD 654 (Penn 2011, 101-102). This suggests that there may be a reduced likelihood that the cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning was associated with members of the East Anglia royal house as it appears not to be associated with a church; St Martins (SHER EXG031), the parish church of Exning, is located c. 800m to the east-south-east. This would appear to be supported by the fact that the seat of royal power in East Anglia is more likely to have been located at Rendlesham, in eastern Suffolk, rather than at Exning (May 1986, 28). However, it cannot be conclusively ruled out that an earlier church could have existed elsewhere in Exning, perhaps in much closer proximity to the Burwell Road site. From the mid 7th century onwards cemetery space and settlement space became more integrated and even began to merge, suggesting that further, non-burial, evidence of Anglo-Saxon activity may be present in the vicinity of the cemetery site (Hamerow 2010a, 71, 73). Church burial appears not to have become the norm for the majority of the population until the late Anglo-Saxon period (Birbeck et al 2015, 11-13). Lucy et al (2009, 131) note that the spectacular male burials of the early 7th century, such as Sutton Hoo mound 1 and Prittlewell mostly give way to rich female burials by the mid 7th century. Both Grave 8 F2061 (Figs. 15 & 16) at the current site and grave 1 at Westfield Farm may be considered to be representative of such a pattern. There are, however, exceptions to this with rich male graves, such as grave 1306 at the Buttermarket, Ipswich, still evident in this period (Scull and Bayliss 1999, 82). The 7th century Buttermarket cemetery displays marked degrees of social differentiation, expressed in the provision of grave goods, and in the provision of structures, mounds and burial containers.The higher status female graves recorded here are not considered to be of aristocratic status and it is suggested that the richer burials here are of those from families of local, but not wider, importance. Grave 1306 does stand out, however, and is understood to be of continental origin but would not be considered to be a particularly rich burial on the continent (Scull 2013, 221). The differences between Ipswich and other sites discussed here is likely to be due to its status as an emporium with the associated direct links to continental Europe and the differences in lifestyle, access to goods, and levels of material wealth that living in a proto-urban settlement, such as this, as opposed to a rural agricultural settlement, a monastic site, or even a royal household, is likely to have made. A variety of 7th century burial evidence has been recorded in East Anglia. A range of different burial practices are represented (Lucy et al 2009, 131) and this may be considered to be consistent with Geake’s (2002, 146) observation that burial in the 7th century can be characterised by its peculiarities and uncertainties, rather than its own distinctive character. While church burial was becoming more common for certain members of society in the late 7th century, for other individuals burial was carried 144

17 Exning, Ely, and Æthelthryth The identification of a high status Anglo-Saxon period cemetery in Exning provides support for the postulated royal residence here although it cannot be stated to prove its presence here. Lucy et al (2009) identify the girl buried in grave 1 at Westfield Farm, Ely as an elite female or ‘the type of woman who joined nunneries founded by royalty’ (ibid. 134). The similarities between this burial and the girl buried in Grave 8 F2061 (Figs. 15 & 16) suggest that the Exning female was of equally high status. May (1986, 28) states that the presence of a royal seat at Exning is unlikely as King Anna’s centre of power was in eastern Suffolk and that the importance of the settlement has been over-stated due to continual elaboration of the story. This may be true but the evidence recorded during excavation at Burwell Road indicates that there were high ranking individuals present at Exning in the 7th century, suggesting that there may well have been an elite or aristocratic household in the vicinity.

Anglo-Saxon populations and that there is a diverse range of childhood origins for the population represented there (although there is some possibility that the results may be flawed) (Lucy et al 2009, 135). This is in notable contrast to Exning where there is limited evidence for exploitation of aquatic resources and little to indicate anything other than fairly local origins. To some extent, all of these differences may be explained by the observation that the Ely cemetery contains people associated with the religious community there in the 7th century (Lucy et al 2009, 135) whereas the Exning cemetery may be more likely to be associated with the comparatively secular postulated royal seat. This may be considered to account for the lack of infants and young children at Westfield Farm, the higher than average fish consumption (although Ely’s geographical position on a fen island may also have contributed to this) due to church edicts regarding the consumption of meat, and the diversity of childhood origins may be due to the farreaching contacts of the church.

Exning and Ely are linked, in historical terms, by the birth, life and death of St Æthelthryth. Similarities between Grave 8 F2061 (Figs. 15-16) at Exning and Grave 1 at Westfield Farm, Ely (Lucy et al 2009) may also be considered to link the two places. These graves contained the burials of girls of similar age, who were buried with comparable assemblages of grave goods. The significance of this may, however, be nothing more than that both locations were important places in the 7th century and had high status or aristocratic populations, although it is likely that there was some kind of familial link between these aristocratic populations. Lucy et al (2009, 134) note that the gold and garnet inlaid necklace worn by the individual in grave 1 at Westfield Farm, Ely was similar to that which Æthelthryth blamed for the tumour on her neck which led to her death. The presence of the partial remains of a similar necklace in Grave 8 F2061 at Exning (SF 57 & 58; Fig. 16; Plate 25) provide another link between the two locations but in reality this is just another expression of the high status of the two individuals. Beyond these similarities, there are some notable differences between the two cemeteries. Contrasting with the Exning cemetery, there are no young children, such as the c. 2 year old SK 5 (Grave 5 F2055; Fig. 12), represented at Westfield Farm (Lucy et al 2009, 135). While the male graves at Exning display limited wealth, in keeping with Härke’s (2003, 134) observation that female graves tend to be richer than male graves, SK 17 was buried with weapons (SF 49 & SF 50a-f; Figs. 25-26; Plates 61-65) suggestive of high status; at Ely there was a notable lack of high status male graves (Lucy et al 2009, 135). Perhaps most interesting, however, are the differences in the results of the stable isotope analyses. At Ely, this has shown that evidence for fish consumption is much higher than is normal for early

Æthelthryth was born around AD 630, was married twice, and subsequently became a nun at Coldingham under her aunt, Ebbe (AD672). In 673, she became Abbess of Ely (Farmer 2003, 138). She died at Ely in AD 679 (Attwater 1980, 119). It is therefore possible that several, if not all, of the individuals represented in the Exning cemetery were contemporaries of these two well-known historical characters. If this is the case, it is impossible to prove any direct links between them; we cannot state for certain if the individuals in the cemetery would have personally interacted with Anna or Æthelthryth although the apparent high status of these individuals may be considered to make this a possibility, should their lives have overlapped.

145

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158

Appendix 1 Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Sue Anderson Notes Methods of age and sex determination are generalised to give an idea of the bones used. Sexing based on the pelvis and skull is based on discriminant function analysis (WEA 1980), where a DF of -2.0 is very feminine and a DF of +2.0 is very masculine. Teeth are recorded in the form illustrated below: Maxilla

R. 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1 2 3 4 5 X 7 U L.

Mandible

O 7 6 5 4 - - - / / 3 4 5 6 7 C A

C

Code

Meaning

1 2 3 etc.

Tooth present in jaw.

X

Tooth lost ante-mortem.

/

Tooth lost post-mortem.

U, u

Tooth unerupted.

O, o

Tooth in process of erupting.

C

Tooth congenitally absent.

---

Jaw missing.

A

Abscess present (above/below tooth number).

C

Caries present (above/below tooth number).

Lower case letters a-e and u/o are used for deciduous teeth. Attrition patterns are coded according to the scores suggested by Bouts and Pot (1989, modified version of Brothwell’s original tooth wear chart). A few abbreviations have been used in the catalogue for commonly occurring pathological conditions and anatomical regions. These are as follows: OA osteoarthritis

MT

metatarsal

OP osteophytosis, osteophytes MC metacarpal C

cervical

)

T

thoracic

) vertebrae

L

lumbar

)

L.

left

R.

right

DJD degenerative joint disease

Any other abbreviations should be self-explanatory, since they are simply shortened forms of bone names or anatomical areas (prox = proximal, lat = lateral etc.). Tables of measurements for the skull and major long bones are included after the catalogue of disarticulated remains. Tables of non-metric trait scores are also provided.

159

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Articulated skeletons Sk. 1: Male, c.25–30 years Condition:

Fair, very fragmented (especially skull, which has missing areas), surface erosion throughout, torso poor.

Description:

Fairly complete.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF +1.9; Pelvis DF +1.6; long bones large and robust.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle unfused; pubis Todd 4, Suchey-Brooks 2; tooth wear slight; cranial sutures open.

Stature:

1.832m from Fem+Tib

Teeth:

Attrition:

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

8

7

6

5

4

3

/

1

/

2

/

4

5

6

7

8

2-

2-

2+

2-

2-

2-

2+

2+

2

2-

2+

1

1

3-

2-

1

1

2-

3

1

2-

1

-

2+

-

2

-

1

1

3

2-

1

Calculus:

none surviving

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar resorption: slight Non-metrics:

V large extra cusp on upper R lateral incisor. Slight crowding of R maxillary teeth with canine pushed anteriorly.

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

porotic R & L

Schmorl’s nodes:

T6-10, T12-L5

Miscellaneous:

Large attachment for costo-clavicular ligament on both clavicles.

Notes:

Lower R 2nd premolar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 2: Child, c.8–10 years Condition:

Fair, but very eroded surfaces.

Description:

Most of skeleton present, hands missing.

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Long bone lengths (c.10); tooth eruption/calcification (c.8)

Teeth:

-

U

6

e

d

-

-

/

/

-

/

d

e

6

U

-

U

U

6

e

d

c

2

1

1

2

-

d

e

6

U

U

Attrition:

-

-

2

2

2+

-

-

-

-

-

-

2+

2

2

-

-

-

-

2

3

3

3-

-

-

-

-

-

2+

2+

2

-

-

Calculus:

none

Hypoplasia:

none

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

trabecular R & L with some new bone formation L Unerupted upper L 2nd molar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 3: Child, c.6–7 years Condition:

Poor–fair, lots of surface erosion, ends of long bones lost.

Description:

Frags of skull, shoulders, humeri, ribs, verts, pelvis, femora and tibiae.

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Long bone lengths (c.6-7); tooth eruption/calcification (c.7)

Teeth:

Attrition:

-

-

6

e

d

-

-

-

O

-

-

d

e

6

U

-

-

U

6

e

/

-

O

O

O

O

c

d

e

6

U

-

-

-

1

2-

3-

-

-

-

1

-

-

2+

1

1

-

-

-

-

1

3-

-

-

1

1

1

1

3-

2

2+

1

-

-

Calculus:

none surviving

Hypoplasia:

none

160

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Non-metrics:

upper L mesial incisor shovelled; large accessory cusp on unerupted upper R canine

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

Cribriotic L (R not assessable) Upper L 2nd molar (unerupted) and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 4: Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35) Condition:

Fair–good, bones generally complete but surface erosion throughout, feet poor.

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF -1.8; Pelvis DF -1.9; long bones slender and gracile.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle fused, cranial sutures closed but patent, tooth wear slight–moderate, very slight degenerative changes.

Stature:

1.553m from Fem+Tib

Cranial Index:

74.4 (dolichocranial)

Teeth:

Attrition:

8

7

6

5

4

3

/

/

/

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

A

A

2+

2

3-

2

2

3-

-

-

-

3-

3

2-

2-

3-

2

2-

2+

2

3

2

2

3+

2+

3-

3-

3-

3-

2-

2-

3

2+

2

Dental pathology:

large abscess across both inferior R incisors, alveolus lost

Calculus:

moderate–considerable, especially lingual side of lower molars

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar resorption: moderate Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

None

Spina bifida occ:

S1-2 and S4-5 arches open, not S3.

Schmorl’s nodes:

T6–10

DJD:

Small OPs anterior bodies T6–11, facets for rib heads T11–12

Trauma:

Distal end R prox pollicial phal slightly deformed with new bone growth over joint surface, but partially eroded post-mortem. Cause uncertain but trauma more likely than OA. Exostosis superior R tarsal navicular at sup edge of joint for intermediate cuneiform. Anterior epiphyseal dysplasia anterior bodies T9–11 superior edges.

Miscellaneous:

Lateral bowing superior third both tibiae (R > L).

Notes:

Upper L 2nd premolar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 5: Child, c.2 years Condition:

Poor

Description:

Cranial vault, 5 teeth, frags of R humerus, femora and tibiae only

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Estimates of long bone lengths (c.2), tooth eruption/calcification (c.2)

Teeth:

-

-

-

-

d

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

e

U

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

d

-

-

-

-

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

may be present, but surface too eroded to be certain Not sampled for isotope analysis.

Sk. 6: Child, c.6–7 years Condition:

Poor

Description:

Frags of skull, humeri, femora, tibiae and two metatarsals

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Estimates of long bone lengths (>4), tooth eruption/calcification (c.6–7)

161

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Teeth:

Attrition:

-

U

O

e

d

/

/

O

O

/

/

d

e

O

U

-

-

U

6

e

d

/

O

O

O

O

-

d

e

6

U

-

-

-

1

2

3

-

-

-

-

-

-

3-

2

1

-

-

-

-

1

2

2+

-

-

-

-

-

-

3-

3-

1

-

-

Calculus:

none surviving

Hypoplasia:

none

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

Cribriotic both sides Not sampled for isotope analysis.

Sk. 7: ?Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35) Condition:

Fair–good but surface erosion throughout. Skull almost complete but broken and slightly deformed. R side generally better preserved than L, and upper half better than lower.

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF -0.1; Pelvis DF -0.8; skull quite masculine but rest of body is gracile with typical female measurements of femoral head etc.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle fused, tooth wear slight–moderate, cranial sutures almost completely obliterated, some DJD.

Extra bone:

One small distal finger phal possibly sub-adult?

Stature:

1.630m from Fem

Cranial Index:

77.5 (mesocranial)

Teeth:

8

7

6

5

/

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Attrition:

2+

3-

4+

3

-

3-

2

3+

3+

2+

3+

2+

3-

4+

3-

2

3-

4

4

2+

2+

2+

3-

4+

4+

3

3+

2+

2+

4+

4

2

Calculus:

slight

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar resorption: none Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

None

Spina Bifida:

S1 open only

DJD:

OP lower rib facets, small OPs bodies C5–6, T7–11, L4–S1, larger on L5. OA II of T4–5 R zygapophyseal facets and T11 facets for rib heads.

Schmorl’s nodes:

T7–8, T11–L1

Trauma:

slight wedging of T12 body to anterior

Miscellaneous:

Slightly prognathic (with edge-to-edge bite), narrow palate.

Notes:

Lower R 2nd molar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 8: Child, c.10–12 years Condition:

V poor

Description:

A few frags of skull, lower legs and feet only.

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Long bone lengths (>10?); epiphseal fusion (>5–7, 35 years) Condition:

Fair–poor. Skull fairly intact (face detached), torso eroded, surface erosion throughout.

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF -0.1; Pelvis DF -2.0; skull quite masculine but rest of body is gracile with typical female measurements of femoral head etc.

Age determination:

Tooth wear/loss, some DJD, frag of pubis has flat face, but cranial sutures all open or patent.

162

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Extra Bone:

Disarticulated from grave 9 (2064): proximal L tibia and distal frag femur shaft, large = Sk. 20. Extra teeth, lower L lateral incisor and canine.

Stature:

1.621m from Fem

Cranial Index:

73.8 (dolichocranial)

Teeth:

Attrition:

A

A

A

A

A

A

CA

8

/

6

5

4

3

2

X

1

/

3

4

5

6

7

8

/

X

X

X

-

-

2

1

1

2

3

X

X

X

X

X

?

-

4

2+

2+

5+

7

-

7

-

5

2

2+

5

?

2

-

-

-

-

-

-

5

5

5

5

5+

-

-

-

-

-

Dental pathology:

destruction of much of alveolus of maxilla (some poss post-mortem), pitting and fibre bone over anterior part of maxilla.

Calculus:

slight–moderate, especially L maxilla occlusal

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar Res:

considerable, especially L maxilla

Non-metrics:

Both upper PM1s double rooted. Uneven wear across front teeth.

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

None

Sinusitis:

R maxillary sinus had spiky new bone growth on floor of antrum; L not assessable

DJD:

OP R scapula glenoid, ant/inf edge (L damaged). Small patch OAII sup edges both acetabulums with OP of L rim. OP facets lower ribs. Enthesophytes of L ischium. OP of all assessable vertebral bodies (C1-3, T4-5, T9-11, L5), OAII upper C5 body.

Schmorl’s nodes:

T10–12

Miscellaneous:

R ulna unusually curved towards lateral in distal third.

Notes:

Upper L 2nd premolar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 9B: Female, young–middle-aged (c.25–35) Condition:

Fair, lots of surface erosion, skull broken but partially reconstructed for measurement (slightly deformed p-m).

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF -0.3; Pelvis DF -1.5; skull quite masculine but rest of body is gracile with typical female measurements of femoral head etc.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle fused, tooth wear slight, cranial sutures open, no degeneration.

Stature:

1.630m from Tib

Cranial Index:

68.3 (dolichocranial)

Teeth:

Attrition:

8

7

6

5

/

3

2

/

/

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

8

7

6

5

4

3

/

/

1

2

3

4

/

6

7

/

1

2

3-

2+

-

2+

2+

-

-

2+

3-

2

2

3-

2

1

1

2

3

2

2

2+

-

-

3

3-

3-

2

-

3-

2

-

Calculus:

moderate

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar Res:

slight

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

None

Spina bifida occ:

S4–5 only

Schmorl’s nodes:

T7–12, all small except T11.

Maxillary Sinusitis: None Notes:

Lower R 2nd premolar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 10: Female, middle-aged (c.35–45) Condition:

Good but lots of surface erosion, extremities poor

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

163

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Sex determination:

Cranium DF -1.3; Pelvis DF -2.0; skull has some masculine traits and bones are medium, but pelvis is hyperfeminine.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle fused, tooth wear moderate, cranial sutures partially obliterated, some DJD.

Stature:

1.621m from Fem+Tib

Cranial Index:

75.8 (mesocranial)

Extra bone:

2 finger phals and prox fibula from another skeleton – does this belong to a different grave?

Teeth:

Attrition:

A /

7

6

5

4

3

/

/

/

/

3

4

5

6

/

/

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

-

3-

4+

3+

2+

4

-

-

-

-

3

2+

3

4+

-

-

2+

3

4

2

2+

4

4

5

4+

4

4

2+

2

4

3

2

Dental pathology:

Abscess on upper L M2 is through to sinus

Calculus:

slight on lingual inferior incisors

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar Res:

slight

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

None

Spina bifida occ:

S5 only. Detached neural arch of L5.

DJD:

Patch OAII sup edge R acetabulum, similar on L but eroded p-m. OPs (generally small) of C1, T4–8, T10–11, L2–S1 bodies. OAII C5-6 bodies, T9 L lateral rib facet.

Maxillary Sinusitis: L has layers of fibrous new bone growth – due to abscess breakthrough Schmorl’s Nodes:

T7, 8, 10, 12, L1

Trauma:

Exostosis on head R 11th rib.

Miscellaneous:

R femur - anterior torsion of femoral neck (increased femoral anteversion) at c.40° instead of the more usual 12–15°. Both tibiae slightly bowed to lateral at prox ends.

Notes:

Upper R 2nd molar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 11: Female, middle-aged (c.35–45) Condition:

Fair but lots eroded and lost. Skull largely intact but cracked and slightly deformed. Torso and extremities poor.

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF -1.2; Pelvis DF -2.0; bones medium and fairly robust but pelvis very feminine.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle fused, tooth wear slight–moderate, cranial sutures obliterated except lambdoid (open), some DJD.

Stature:

1.634m from Fem+Tib

Cranial Index:

74.3 (dolichocranial)

Teeth:

Attrition:

8

7

6

5

4

3

/

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

2+

4

4+

3

2+

3

-

3

2+

2+

3-

3-

3

4

4

2

3-

3+

4

3

3-

3

2+

3

4

3

3

2+

2+

4+

4

3-

Dental Path:

Loss of alveolus buccal side of upper R PM2-M1, periodontal disease or gingivitis

Calculus:

none surviving

Hypoplasia:

c.3–4 years on canines and PM1s

Alveolar Res:

slight (mand), moderate (max)

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

None

Spina Bifida:

not S1

DJD:

Slight enthesophyte formation rear L calcaneum (R not assessable). OP dorsal border L pubis (R not present). OP bodies T3–10.

164

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Trauma:

Complete ankylosis L SIJ (damaged p-m), cause uncertain but no evidence of OA or inflammation so trauma seems most likely. There is a fracture line through the R sacrum zygapophyseal facet lower edge with new bone formation behind the joint. L5 not affected. Slight wedging of T6–7 bodies to R.

Schmorl’s Nodes:

T5–10

Neoplasm:

Rounded lump of extra bone at inf post edge R mastoid process, probably small osteoma.

Miscellaneous:

Slight anterior torsion R femoral neck c.30°.

Notes:

Upper R 2nd premolar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 12: Child, c.10–11 years Condition:

Fair, but lots of surface erosion, ends of most long bones lost.

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Long bone lengths (c.15); tooth eruption/calcification (c.10-11)

Teeth:

U

O

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

/

4

5

6

O

U

U

O

6

e

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

e

6

O

U

Attrition:

-

-

2-

2-

2-

2

2

2+

2+

2

-

2-

2-

2-

-

-

-

-

2-

-

2-

2-

2-

2-

2

2-

2-

2-

-

2-

1

-

Calculus:

none

Hypoplasia:

none

Non-metrics:

Shovel-shaped upper incisors

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

R porotic, L not assessable Upper L 2nd molar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 13: Child, c.7 years Condition:

Poor–fair, skull prob complete but v fragmentsed, surface erosion throughout.

Description:

Most of skeleton represented, but no L hand or feet.

Sex determination:

-

Age determination:

Long bone lengths (c.7); tooth eruption/calcification (c.7)

Teeth:

Attrition:

-

U

6

e

d

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

e

6

-

-

-

U

6

e

d

c

O

O

O

O

c

d

e

6

-

-

-

-

1

3

4

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

3

1

-

-

-

-

1

3

4

3

1

1

1

1

2+

3+

3

2-

-

-

Calculus:

none

Hypoplasia:

none

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

None on R, L not assessable Upper R 2nd molar (unerupted) and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 14: Male, middle-aged or older (>35 years) Condition:

Good, but all surfaces eroded, skull partly reconstructed.

Description:

Near-complete, lacking only a few bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF +1.7; Pelvis DF +1.5; bones large and robust. V large inion.

Age determination:

Medial clavicle fused, tooth wear moderate to heavy, cranial sutures open, some DJD, pubis Todd 7 and Suchey-Brooks 4.

Stature:

1.743m from Fem+Tib

Cranial Index:

71.8 (dolichocranial)

Teeth:

C 8

7

C X

5

4

3

2

165

1

1

2

3

A

A

4

5

X

7

8

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Attrition:

8

/

A

A

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

X

X

2-

3-

-

4+

4+

5+

5+

5+

5+

5+

5

7

7

-

2+

1

6

-

4

4+

3+

5

5

5

5

4+

4+

2+

2+

3+

-

-

Dental Path:

Periodontal disease upper R M1, upper L PM1-M1, lower R M2-M3, lower L M2-M3 with resorption.

Calculus:

Heavy on upper M3s, otherwise slight

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar Res:

Considerable on maxilla, around molars

Caries:

Interstitial cervical

Pathology Cribra orbitalia:

None

Spina bifida:

not S1-5

DJD:

OPs distal palmar L MC1. OP C5–6, T5–S1 bodies. OAII R side only inf body C5. OAII all rib head facets T11–12. DISH of L2–S1 bodies with large wax-like OPs on both sides of all vertebral bodies in this sequence and frilly OPs around ant edges (where these survive). Not clear if ankylosed in life, possibly not. Smaller OPs on bodies of lower T verts. Very large OPs and small areas of eburnation on both femoral heads. New bone around both acetabulums and some eburnation sup-lat.

Aseptic necrosis:

Flattening of heads of the femora, L > R, with shallow acetabulum, possibly caused by Perthe’s Disease? No definite mushroom deformity.

Maxillary sinusitis:

Fibrebone both sides

Schmorl’s nodes:

T6–L1. T7–9 smallish but v deep.

Notes:

Upper L 2nd molar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 15: Male, c.25–30 years Condition:

Fair but torso almost entirely lost, and v eroded surfaces.

Description:

Skull, very small frag of mandible, arms, hands, lower vertebrae, pelvis, legs, feet.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF +1.6; Pelvis DF +1.3; bones large and fairly robust.

Age determination:

S1-2 bodies not completely fused, cranial sutures open, tooth wear slight, no degeneration.

Stature:

1.789m from Fem+Tib

Teeth:

8

7

6

/

4

/

/

/

/

/

/

/

5

6

7

8

8

7

6

5

4

3

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

6

7

8

Attrition:

2

2+

3+

-

2+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

2+

3

2+

2

2

3

3+

2

2+

2+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

3+

3-

2

Calculus:

none

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar Res:

not assessable due to p-m erosion

Non-metrics:

Bifid roots upper PM1s

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

Porotic both sides

Maxillary Sinusitis: None Miscellaneous: Notes:

R ulna appears bowed to medial, but incomplete. Lower R 2nd premolar and 3 rib frags in poor condition removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 16: Male, young–middle-aged (c.25–35) Condition:

Fair but lots of surface erosion, skull partly reconstructed – top part broken and some missing. Torso v poor, hands poor.

Description:

Near-complete, apart from ribs/verts and some bones of the extremities.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF +1.4; pubic angle narrow; bones large and fairly robust.

Age determination:

Tooth wear slight-moderate, cranial sutues partly obliterated, pubis abraded but probably Todd 3ish, some degeneration.

166

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Stature:

1.740m from Fem+Tib

Cranial Index:

67.3 (dolichocranial)

Teeth:

Attrition:

C

CA

8

7

6

5

4

/

/

/

/

/

3

4

C

6

7

8

C

7

6

C

4

3

2

/

1

2

3

4

C

6

7

C

2-

1

4

2

2

-

-

-

-

-

2+

2

-

4

2

1

-

2

3+

-

2

2

2+

-

2+

2+

2

2

-

4

2+

-

Calculus:

none surviving

Hypoplasia:

none

Alveolar Res:

moderate

Caries:

buccal cervical

Non-metrics:

upper R M2 pushed to buccal side by M1 & M3 – crowding, probably caused the caries in this tooth. prob congenital absence of 3 PM2s.

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia:

Porotic both sides

Maxillary Sinusitis: None DJD:

OP C3, 5, 6 bodies inf. Enthesophytes rear L calcaneum (R not assess)

Infection:

Poss pitting and some fine new bone formation on inf surface of palate?

Schmorl’s nodes:

L3–4 (no other verts assessable)

Notes:

Upper R 2nd premolar and rib frag in poor condition removed for isotope analysis.

Sk. 17: Male c.16–17 years Condition:

Fair, surfaces eroded, torso poor.

Description:

Most of skeleton represented, apart from torso.

Sex determination:

Cranium DF +1.2; pubic angle narrow; bones large and robust.

Age determination:

Epiphyseal fusion, pubis suggests young, tooth eruption 14), epiphyseal fusion (18), cranial sutures open (basi-occipital fused), no degeneration.

Stature:

1.759m from Fem

Teeth:

Attrition:

-

7

6

5

4

/

/

/

/

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

/

/

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

4

4

5

6

7

/

-

2+

3-

2

2+

-

-

-

-

2+

2+

2

2-

3

2

1

-

-

3

2-

2

2+

2

2+

2+

2+

2+

2

2

3

2

-

Calculus:

none surviving

Alveolar Res:

none

Hypoplasia:

PM2 c.6 years

Pathology Cribra Orbitalia: Notes:

Porotic both sides Lower L 2nd premolar and rib frag removed for isotope analysis.

168

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Skeleton Diagrams

Sk 1

Sk 2

Sk 3

Sk 4

Sk 5

Sk 6

169

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Sk 7

Sk 8

Sk 9A

Sk 9B

Sk 10

Sk 11

170

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains

Sk 12

Sk 13

Sk 14

Sk 15

Sk 16

Sk 17

171

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Sk 18

Sk 19

172

Sk 20

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Measurements (all measurements in mm) Male cranial

Sk.

1

14

15

16

17

18

97

93

20

Cranium Max Length

L

188

196

Max Breadth

B

135

132

Max Height

H’

139

Basi-nasal Length

LB

107

Basi-alveolar Length

GL

Upper facial Height

G’H

65

Bimaxillary Breadth

GB

92

Bizygomatic Breadth

J

Nasal Height

NH’

52

Nasal Breadth

NB

25

Simotic Chord

SC

9

Bi-dacryonic Chord

DC

25

Orbital Breadth R.

O’1

35

38

Orbital Breadth L.

O’1

36

37

Orbital Height R.

O2

33

Orbital Height L.

O2

33

Palatal Length

G’1

Palatal Breadth

G2

Min Frontal Breadth

B’

Biasterionic Breadth

BiastB

Foramen Magnum Length

FL

33

40

Foramen Magnum Breadth

FB

30

29

90

11

35 103

97

102

109

104 118

Frontal Arc

S1

126

Parietal Arc

S2

138

126

131

Occipital Arc

S3

111

Frontal Chord

S’1

112

108

Parietal Chord

S’2

121

126

116

Occipital Chord

S’3

94

103

100

Trans-Biporial Arc

B’Q 33

29

130

Mastoid Process Height R.

MPH

34

Mastoid Process Height L.

MPH

32

Cranial Index

100(B/L)

Height/Length Index

100(H’/L)

70.9

Height/Breadth Index

100(H’/B)

105.3

Upper Facial Index

100(G’H/J)

Orbital Index R.

100(O2/O’1)

94.3

Orbital Index L.

100(O2/O’1)

91.7

Palatal Index

100(G2/G’1)

Foramen Magnum Index

100(FB/FL)

Gnathic Index

100(LB/GL)

113

36

71.8

38 36

67.3

90.9

72.5

Mandible Bicondylar Width

116

Bigonial Breadth

99

Foramen mentale Breadth

49

44

43

46

51

Symphyseal Height

35

33

30

33

32

173

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk Mandibular Length

105

Bicoronoid Breadth

105

Minimum Ramus Breadth R

96 34

Minimum Ramus Breadth L

34

35

Coronoid Height R

77

74

Coronoid Height L

80

73

Condylar Length R

30 34

32 34

65 65

22

Condylar Length L

20

Gnathion-Gonion Length R

21

21

84

Gnathion-Gonion Length L

89

Female cranial

Sk

82

85

84

4

7

9A

9B

10

11

Cranium Max Length

L

172

187

187

186

182

183

Max Breadth

B

128

145

138

127

138

136

Max Height

H’

125

131

138

132

133

Basi-nasal Length

LB

97

102

104

98

102

Basi-alveolar Length

GL

95

101

96

99

Upper facial Height

G’H

61

63

66

74

Bimaxillary Breadth

GB

90

101

90

86

Bizygomatic Breadth

J

122

135

131

Nasal Height

NH’

47

49

50

Nasal Breadth

NB

22

24

25

Simotic Chord

SC

8

8

10

Bi-dacryonic Chord

DC

23

26

Orbital Breadth R.

O’1

36

39

Orbital Breadth L.

O’1

34

38

Orbital Height R.

O2

30

36

32

35

Orbital Height L.

O2

32

35

32

34

Palatal Length

G’1

41

Palatal Breadth

G2

35

39

Min Frontal Breadth

B’

94

100

97

95

Biasterionic Breadth

BiastB

107

115

103

105

110

Foramen Magnum Length

FL

31

33

37

39

Foramen Magnum Breadth

FB

27

27

26

32

Frontal Arc

S1

121

133

132

125

120

Parietal Arc

S2

120

123

131

127

127

Occipital Arc

S3

110

117

121

Frontal Chord

S’1

103

115

112

110

107

Parietal Chord

S’2

106

115

116

115

110

Occipital Chord

S’3

88

95

96

Trans-Biporial Arc

B’Q

292

310

Mastoid Process Height R.

MPH

22

30

28

26

26

30

Mastoid Process Height L.

MPH

22

27

27

26

29

29

Cranial Index

100(B/L)

74.4

77.5

73.8

68.3

75.8

74.3

Height/Length Index

100(H’/L)

72.7

70.1

73.8

71.0

72.7

Height/Breadth Index

100(H’/B)

97.7

90.3

100.0

103.9

97.8

Upper Facial Index

100(G’H/J)

50.0

46.7

50.4

Orbital Index R.

100(O2/O’1)

83.3

92.3

88.9

174

36

124 51 21 10

11

26

26

37

37

34

38

43

45

35

33 90

35 96

107

90 296

94.6

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Orbital Index L.

100(O2/O’1)

94.1

Palatal Index

100(G2/G’1)

85.4

92.1 81.4

89.5

Foramen Magnum Index

100(FB/FL)

87.1

81.8

Gnathic Index

100(LB/GL)

102.1

101.0

Bicondylar Width

107

127

Bigonial Breadth

86

93

107

Foramen mentale Breadth

42

43

46

Symphyseal Height

24

29

28

Mandibular Length

95

98

107

Bicoronoid Breadth

94

97

96

97

Minimum Ramus Breadth R

29

35

35

Minimum Ramus Breadth L

32

36

33

30

34

Coronoid Height R

58

57

57

77.8 70.3

82.1

108.3

103.0

Mandible

Coronoid Height L

119

59

58

Condylar Length R

20

21

20

Condylar Length L

17

21

21

Gnathion-Gonion Length R

81

83

Gnathion-Gonion Length L

79

83

Male post-cranial

Sk

1

85

99

44

44

44

27

29

34

31

59 56

59

57

22 21

19 83

84

14

15

84

84

16

17 478

18

20

461

481

Femur Maximum length Oblique length

FeL1 FeL2

R

507

473

483

471

L

505

477

479

476 467

R

503

469

475

L

502

473

474

51

52

48

467 474

459 464

Head diameter

FeHead

R

Bicondylar breadth

FeE1

R

Min subtrochanteric A-P diameter

FeD1

R

33

29

L

31

30

Max subtrochanteric M-L diameter

FeD2

R

37

37

L

38

37

Minimum shaft diameter (A-P)

FeD3

R

34

30

32

29

89.2

78.4

L

48

>48 47

48

50

48

49

L

L Maximum shaft diameter (M-L)

FeD4

R L

Meric Index 100(FeD1/FeD2)

R L

Robusticity Index 100((FeD3+FeD4)/FeD2)

81.1

R L

Tibia Maximum Length

TiL1

R L

Bicondylar Breadth

TiE1

417

R L

A-P diameter at nutrient foramen

TiD1

R

42

L

39

175

373

409

376

385

408

380

383 382

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk M-L diameter at nutrient foramen

TiD2

Cnemic Index 100(TiD2/TiD1)

R

28

L

28

R

66.7

L

71.8

Fibula Maximum Length

FiL1

R L

Humerus Maximum Length

HuL1

R

Head diameter

HuHead

R

367

355

335

348

L 52

L Epicondylar Breadth

HuE1

R

64

62

L

61

67 67

Radius Maximum Length

RaL1

R

264

L

265

251

Ulna Maximum Length

UlL1

R L

285

R

89

Calcaneus Maximum Length

CaL1

86

L Clavicle Maximum Length

ClL1

R

146

L

147

Sacrum Maximum Length Maximum Breadth

128

S1 Width

119

127

57

62

47.9

48.8

Breadth/Length Index S1 Width/Max Breadth Index Stature

1832

Female post-cranial

1743

1789

1740

Sk.

4

7

9A

1752

9B

1737

1759

10

11

Femur Maximum length

FeL1

R

411

427

423

437

441

L

410

428

418

441

441

Oblique length

FeL2

R

407

425

435

438

L

409

422

438

438

Head diameter

FeHead

R

37

38

40

L

39

40

41

R

67

Bicondylar breadth

FeE1

45 40

45

L Min subtrochanteric A-P diameter Max subtrochanteric M-L diameter

FeD1 FeD2

R

23

22

L

23

23

R

26

32

L

26

32

176

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains Minimum shaft diameter (A-P) Maximum shaft diameter (M-L)

FeD3 FeD4

R

25

26

L

24

25

R

23

27

L

23

29

Meric Index 100(FeD1/FeD2)

R

88.5

68.8

L

88.5

71.9

Robusticity Index 100((FeD3+FeD4)/FeD2)

R

11.8

12.2

L

11.5

12.3

R

324

350

345

353

L

324

351

344

350

Tibia Maximum Length

TiL1

Bicondylar Breadth

TiE1

R

A-P diameter at nutrient foramen

TiD1

R

25

29

29

L

25

31

29

M-L diameter at nutrient foramen

TiD2

R

21

21

20

L

Cnemic Index 100(TiD2/TiD1)

L

22

21

20

R

73.5

72.4

69.0

L

70.6

67.7

69.0

Fibula Maximum Length

FiL1

R L

Humerus Maximum Length Head diameter Epicondylar Breadth

HuL1 HuHead HuE1

R

291

L

283

323

R

40

L

39

40

R

53

53

L

52

55

R

221

236

L

217

R

247

L

242

299

52

321

329

62 61

Radius Maximum Length

RaL1

230

236 233

Ulna Maximum Length

UlL1

248

252 253

Calcaneus Maximum Length

CaL1

R

73

L

70

R

126

79

73

75

Clavicle Maximum Length

ClL1

L

144

147

Sacrum Maximum Length

106

92

Maximum Breadth

119

120

125

S1 Width

49

51

48

Breadth/Length Index

112.3

S1 Width/Max Breadth Index

41.2

42.5

Stature

1553

1630

177

49

135.9 38.4 1621

1630

1621

1634

CRANIAL Highest nuchal line

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9A

9B

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

M

C

C

F

C

C

F?

C

F

F

F

F?

C

C

M

M

M

M

M

C

M

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

-

-

+

0

0

-

0

-

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

-

-

+

0

0

-

0

-

0

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

+

0

+

0

-

0

-

-

-

0

R

-

0

-

0

-

-

0

-

+

+

0

0

0

-

0

-

+

-

L

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

+

+

0

0

-

-

0

+

-

R

-

0

0

+

-

-

+

-

+

+

0

+

+

-

0

-

L

-

0

0

+

-

-

+

-

+

0

0

+

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

0

-

0

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

Ossicle at lambda/Inca Lambdoid wormian bones Parietal foramen Bregmatic bone Metopism

0

+

N

%

0

10

1

11

9.1

-

0

10

1

11

9.1

-

0

10

2

12 16.7

0

-

0

9

3

12 25.0

0

0

-

0

9

3

12 25.0

0

+

0

0

+

7

8

15 53.3

0

+

0

-

-

7

5

12 41.7

-

-

0

0

0

0

15

0

15

0.0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

-

+

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

19

1

20

5.0

R

-

0

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

-

0

-

0

-

-

0

0

-

-

10

0

10

0.0

L

-

0

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

-

0

-

0

-

-

-

0

-

0

11

0

11

0.0

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

3

1

4

25.0

L

-

-

-

+

-

-

0

-

+

-

0

0

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

4

2

6

33.3

Fronto-temporal articulation

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

0

0

-

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

-

4

0

4

0.0

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

5

0

5

0.0

Parietal notch bone

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

+

-

0

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

5

1

6

16.7

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

+

0

0

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

6

1

7

14.3

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

-

0

-

-

-

0

0

-

-

-

-

7

0

7

0.0

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

7

0

7

0.0

Auditory torus

R

0

-

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

16

0

16

0.0

L

-

-

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

15

0

15

0.0

Huschke’s foramen

R

0

-

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

-

+

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

14

1

15

6.7

L

-

-

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

+

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

14

1

15

6.7

Post-condylar canal

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

+

0

+

0

-

-

+

-

+

0

-

0

0

-

+

6

5

11

45.5

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

0

+

0

0

0

+

-

+

0

+

0

-

-

+

7

5

12 41.7

Double condylar facet

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

-

0

10

0

10

0.0

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

0

0

0

0

-

-

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

11

0

11

0.0

R

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

16

0

16

0.0

L

+

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

+

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

14

2

16 12.5

Coronal wormian bones Epipteric bone

178

Asterionic ossicle

Precondylar tubercle

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

Non-metric traits

CRANIAL

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9A

9B

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

M

C

C

F

C

C

F?

C

F

F

F

F?

C

C

M

M

M

M

M

C

M

R

+

-

-

0

-

-

+

+

+

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

+

0

0

-

0

10

5

15 33.3

L

+

-

-

0

-

-

0

+

+

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

14

3

17 17.6

Foramen ovale incomplete

R

0

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

0

0

-

0

-

-

-

0

0

0

0

-

0

10

0

10

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

-

-

-

0

0

0

-

0

11

0

11

0.0

Extra palatine foramen

R

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

+

0

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

4

5

80.0

L

+

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

0

0

+

+

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

-

-

2

6

8

75.0

R

0

-

-

0

-

-

+

-

+

0

0

0

0

-

0

0

0

+

0

-

0

11

3

14 21.4

L

0

-

-

0

-

-

+

-

+

0

0

0

0

-

0

0

0

+

0

0

0

12

3

15 20.0

R

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

0

-

-

+

-

+

-

-

-

-

6

2

8

25.0

L

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

0

-

-

+

0

0

0

-

0

0

11

1

12

8.3

R

-

1

-

0

-

-

1

-

2

2

1

1

0

-

0

1

2

-

0

0

-

5

3

8

37.5

L

1

-

1

0

-

-

0

-

2

1

1

1

0

-

1

1

1

0

0

-

0

6

1

7

14.3

Supra-orbital foramen

R

0

0

-

+

-

-

0

-

+

+

+

0

0

-

0

0

+

0

0

0

-

10

5

15 33.3

L

0

0

-

+

-

-

0

-

+

0

+

0

0

-

0

+

+

0

0

0

-

10

5

15 33.3

Extra infra-orbital foramen

R

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

-

-

0

-

-

-

0

0

-

-

-

-

6

0

6

0.0

L

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

-

-

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

-

-

-

4

0

4

0.0

Double hypoglossal canal

Palatine torus Maxillary torus Zygoma-facial foramen

179

Sagittal wormian Squame parietal ossicle Multiple mental foramen

+

N

%

0.0

-

-

-

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

-

0

-

0

-

-

0

0

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0

11

0

11

0.0

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-

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0

-

-

0

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0

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-

0

-

-

-

-

-

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4

0

4

0.0

L

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-

0

-

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0

-

0

-

0

0

-

-

-

-

0

-

-

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6

0

6

0.0

R

0

0

0

0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

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0

0

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0

0

0

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17

0

17

0.0

L

+

0

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0

-

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

-

0

-

0

-

0

0

0

14

1

15

6.7

R

0

0

0

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

0

0

-

0

-

0

-

0

0

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14

0

14

0.0

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0

0

0

0

-

-

0

-

-

0

0

0

0

-

0

-

0

0

0

0

0

15

0

15

0.0

Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains

Mandibular torus

0

Atlas bridge lateral

1

2

3

4

7

9A

9B

10

11

12

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

M

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0

0

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0

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0.0

L

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0

0

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0

-

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0

10

0

10

0.0

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R

-

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-

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

-

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-

0

-

0

11

0

11

0.0

L

0

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+

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0

12

1

13

7.7

Atlas double facet

R

-

0

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+

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0

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0.0

Suprascapular foramen Detached acromial epiphysis Sterno-manubrial fusion

180

R

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-

-

0

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5

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5

0.0

Septal aperture of humerus

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7

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Epicondylar process of humerus

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0.0

Sacralisation of L5 Four sacral segments Six sacral segments Acetabular crease Allen’s fossa of femur Poirier’s facet of femur Plaque formation of femur Third femoral trochanter

-

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3

9

33.3

A 7th Century Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Burwell Road, Exning, Suffolk

POST-CRANIAL

POST-CRANIAL

1

2

3

4

7

9A

9B

10

11

12

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

0

+

N

%

0

-

-

0

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10.0

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R L

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12.5

Calcaneus double facet

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53.8

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58.3

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3

1

4

25.0

Cuboid-navicular articulation

181 Catalogue of Human Skeletal Remains

BAR BRIT ISH SERIE S 655 ‘The evidence presented in this book is new and of great value to early medieval scholars, burial archaeologists, and those working at the intersection of early medieval history and archaeology. It makes a substantial contribution to our knowledge of burial practices in this period and in this area of England.’ Dr Ruth Nugent, University of Liverpool

The village of Exning in the most westerly part of Suffolk is a small settlement appended to the north-west of the larger town of Newmarket. Despite its modern inferiority to Newmarket, it is understood to have been an important location in the Anglo-Saxon period. Statements in the Liber Eliensis or ‘Book of Ely’ suggest that St Æthelthryth, or Etheldreda, the daughter of King Anna of East Anglia, who would become Abbess of Ely, was born here. This volume describes the archaeological excavation of the site and the 7th century Anglo-Saxon cemetery that was recorded here. Grave goods present with several of the burials in the cemetery were indicative of high status. Of further note is the similarity of the richest grave at this site with a grave recorded at a cemetery on the Isle of Ely which is considered to have had links with the religious community there. Andrew A. S. Newton studied archaeology at the University of Bradford, carrying out an MPhil on the relationship between politics and archaeology at the same institution. He has worked for Archaeological Solutions since 2005, contributing to numerous post-excavation projects in East Anglia and the south-east of England. Contributors: Steve Allen, Sue Anderson, J. Beaumont, Nicholas J. Cooper, Julia E. M. Cussans, Margrethe Felter, Kathren Henry, Catherine Hills, Sam Lucy, Andrew Peachey, Ian Riddler, Peter Thompson, John Summers, Penelope Walton Rogers.

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